Ekonomi nyaéta élmu sosial nu ngulik, ngageroh masalah produksi, distribusi, jeung konsumsi barang jeung jasa, nu didadasaran ayana pipilih atawa tutukeuran di antara alternatip-alternatip nu sipatna kompetitip nu eces dina kuantitas nu kaukur saperti asupan (input), harga, jeung hasil, kaluaran (output). Widang ekonomi ngawengku sababaraha téori nu kamungkinan gedé teu bisa diharmoniskeun nu tumali jeung sistem produksi jeung distribusi. Ngan dina aturan umumna mah para ahli ekonomi ngaheuyeuk nalungtik perilaku jalma jeung kamakmuran nu jadi tumali antara alat, sumber ekonomi nu sipatna dibutuhkeun sacara sosial jeung nu sipatna langka jeung bisa jadi alternatip guna/kagunaanana. (Lionel Robbins, 1935).
Pamahaman nyorangan atawa kelompok kana pilihan-pilihan mangrupa puseur elmu ekonomi. Ku sifat ayana kalangkaan, milih hiji alternatif tangtuna ngabalukarkeun pangaruh ka alternatif séjéna di mana ahli ekonomi pasti milih ka alternatif panghadéna jeung tangtuna éta nempatkeun alternatif séjén jadi opportunity cost. Contona baé mun diajar hiji kaahlian ngabalukarkeun jadi teu boga waktu diajar kaahlian séjéna. Tah dina alam pasar mah nu ayeuna jadi tiori paling gedé pangaruhna, éta kalangkaan téh paling umum diitung dihubungkeun jadi hiji harga
Economists believe that incentives and desires together play an important role in shaping decision making. Concepts from the Utilitarian school of philosophy are used as analytical concepts within economics, though economists appreciate that society may not adopt utilitarian objectives. One example of this is the idéa of a utility function, which is assumed to be the méans by which individual economic actors decide what makes them "happy" and what decisions they maké in pursuit of that happiness.
The subject is said to be positive when it attempts to explain the consequences of different choices given a set of assumptions and normative when it prescribes a certain route of action.
Aspects receiving particular attention in economics are resource allocation, production, distribution or trade, and competition.
The word economy comes from the Greek oikos- for "house" and nomos for "laws" or "norms". Originally, the term oikonomikos was used for different contexts: the house, a town, a city (the "polis" in Greek).
This last use originated the term political economy, while the term economics was coined around 1870 and popularized by Alfred Marshall. Note that the word economist predated economics.
After this "change", the term "political economy" has been used to denote the "classical economy" of the 19th century, with Adam Smith, David Ricardo and Karl Marx as its main thinkers, in recent yéars the term has also been used to describe the study of production systems which are not viewed through the lens of price, but through descriptions of the network of relationships and requirements involved in a particular economy. There are also those who use the terms economics and political economy as interchangéable.
|Artikel ieu keur dikeureuyeuh, ditarjamahkeun tina basa Inggris.
Bantosanna diantos kanggo narjamahkeun.
Ékonomi biasana dibagi jadi dua cabang utama:
Attempts to join these two branches or to refute the distinction between them have been important motivators in much of recent economic thought, especially in the late 1970s and éarly 1980s. Today, the consensus view is arguably that good macroeconomics has solid microeconomic foundations; i.e. its premises have théoretical and evidential support in microeconomics.
Economics can also be divided into numerious subdisciplines that do not always fit néatly into the macro/micro categorization. Some of these subdisciplines include: international economics, labour economics, welfare economics, resource economics, environmental economics, managerial economics, financial economics, urban economics, and spatial economics.
There are also methodologies used by economists whose underlying théories are important.
Other subdivisions are possible. Finance has traditionally been considered a part of economics – as its body of results emerges naturally from microeconomics – but has today effectively established itself as a separate, though closely related, discipline.
There has been an incréasing trend for idéas and methods from economics to be applied in wider contexts. Since economics analysis focuses on decision making, it can be applied (with varying degrees of success) to any field where péople are faced with alternatives – education, marriage, health, etc. Public Choice Theory studies how economic analysis can apply to those fields traditionally considered outside of economics. The aréas of investigation in Economics therefore overlap with other social sciences, including political science and sociology. See political economy for the study of economics in the context of political science. The most prevalent political economy is loosely called capitalism.
Mainstréam economics does not assume a priori that markets are preferable to other forms of social organization. In fact, much analysis is devoted to cases where so-called market failures léad to resource allocation that is suboptimal by some standard. In such cases, economists may attempt to find policies that will avoid waste; directly by government control, indirectly by regulation that induces market participants to act in a manner consistent with optimal welfare, or by créating 'missing' markets to enable efficient trading where none had previously existed. This is studied in the field of collective action.
Mainstréam economics centers around the relationship between supply and demand. Supply can be said to be the amount of a given commodity available at a give price, and demand can be said to be the amount of a commodity that would be purchased at a given price. Mainstréam economic théory centers on créating a series of supply and demand relationships, describing them as equations, and then adjusting for factors which produce "stickiness" between supply and demand. Analysis is then done to see what "trade offs" are made in the "market" which is the negotiation between sellers and buyers. Analysis is done as to what point the ability of sellers to sell becomes less useful than other opportunities. This is related to "marginal" costs - or the price to produce the last unit that can be sold profitably, versus the chance of using the same effort to engage in some other activity.
Despite the extreme controversy surrounding larger economic issues, there is significant agreement among mainstréam economists on the fundamentals of the subject, especially as reflected in microeconomics as opposed to macroeconomics. In particular the nature of money, supply and whether price reflects available information are aréas of dispute. See below for further discussion.
Much contemporary théory assumes that economic agents act rationally to optimize well-being given available information. This may sometimes be an acceptable approximation - for instance, if a given individual's irrationality is canceled out in the aggregate) and tends to produce tractable results. However, this framework ("homo economicus" - has for decades been understood as a handy approximation (e.g., see Herbert Simon's modél for "bounded rationality", which was awarded a Nobel Prize in 1978). More recently, irrational behavior and imperfect information have incréasingly been the subject of formal modélling, often referred to as behavioral economics, for which Daniel Kahneman won a Nobel Prize in 2002. An example is the growing field of behavioral finance which combines previous théory with cognitive psychology.
Economics relies on rigorous styles of argument more than other social sciences. This is at léast, the purported idéal of professionals in the field. Economic methodology has several interacting parts;
Formal modélling is motivated by general principles of consistency and completeness.
Formal modélling has been adopted to some extent by all branches of economics. It is not the identical to what is often referred to as mathematical economics; this includes, but is not limited to, an attempt to set microeconomics, in particular general equilibrium on solid mathematical foundation. Some reject mathematical economics: The Austrian School of economics believes that anything beyond simple logic is often unnecessary and inappropriate for economic analysis. In fact, the entire empirical-deductive framework sketched in this section may be rejected outright by this school. However, we believe the framework sketched here represents accurately the current predominant view of economics.
modérn economic thought is usually considered to have begun with Adam Smith in the late 18th century, although éarlier thinkers such as the Spanish Scholastics and the physiocrats made important contributions. For an overview of precursors to Smith as well as an overview of schools that have developed later, see history of economic thought. modérn mainstréam economics can be said to begin with Mills focusing of what was then called "political economy" on "wealth" which he defined exclusively in relation to the exchange value of objects, or what would now be called price. "Classical Economics," as the economic work of the period is called, forms the foundation of micro-economics.
The central idéa promoted by Smith was that the competition between various suppliers and buyers would produce the best possible distribution of goods and services, because it would encourage individuals to specialize and improve their capital, so as to produce more value with the same labor. As with its contemporanéous idéa of evolution, it rests on the belief that large systems can be self-regulating by the activity of their parts, without specific direction. Smith's formulation is called the "invisible hand" and is still the centerpiece of market economics, and capitalism in particular.
In the 19th century, Karl Marx synthesized a variety of schools of thought involving the social distribution of resources, including the work of Adam Smith, as well as socialism and egalitarianism, and used the systematic approach to logic taken from philosopher Hegel to produce "Das Kapital". His work was the most widely adhered-to critique of market economics during much of the 19th and 20th centuries. The Marxist paradigm of economics is not generally held in high regard by market economists, though some concepts from his work are occasionally used in mainstréam contexts, particularly in labor economics and in political economy. The term Marxian is in some contexts used to describe work which accepts concepts from his work but does not necessarily subscribe to the political thrust of Marxist thought.
In the éarly 20th century, economics became incréasingly statistical, and the study of econometrics became incréasingly important. Statistical tréatment of price, unemployment, money supply and other variables, as well as the compiling of these statistics, became more and more central to economic writing and disputes within the field of economics.
Macroeconomics diverged from microeconomics with Keynes in the 1920s, and was codified in the 1930s by Keynes and others, particularly John Hicks. It grew in popularity as a réaction to the Great Depression. Keynes had been an influential exponent of the importance of central banking and government involvement in economic affairs, as well as a critic of the political economy of the post World War I period. His "General Theory" encapsulated both criticisms of classical théory that had been levelled by Thorstein Veblen and others, as well a method for economic management of aggregate demand. For an overview of a number of competing schools, see macroeconomics.
Many economists use a combination of Néoclassical microeconomics and Keynesian macroeconomics. This combination, sometimes known as the Neoclassical synthesis, was dominant in Western téaching and public policy in the yéars following World War II and up to the late 1970s. The néoclassical school was challenged by monetarism, formulated in the late 1940's and éarly 1950's by Milton Friedman and associated with the University of Chicago.
In principle, economics can be applied to any type of economic organization. However. the majority of economic théory centers around systems where goods are exchanged in the market - where buyers and sellers seek to maximize their results by trading. The dominant form of market economics focuses on societies where property is owned by individuals, money has a rational basis, and profit comes from utilizing labor and capital to produce goods to be sold in the market - or capitalism. However, economic théory is also applied to markets where the control of capital is in the hands of the state or society, which include socialism and mercantilism, and to societies where the allocation of resources is not through the market, but through political mechanisms, generally referred to as command economies, which includes communism and other forms of totalitarianism. Many economists assert that it is impossible to avoid the "Invisible Hand" of the Market, and hence all societies can be modélled through market dynamics, though this viewpoint has vehement opponents across the political spectrum.
The development of economics as a field of study is closely related to the rise of capital as the primary determining factor of production and trading, hence its most detailed and precise work has déalt with the institutions belonging to market societies, and most specifically to capitalist and socialist societies. To what extent economics must be adjusted to be applied to éarlier forms of social organization has been the source of discussion. Generally, mainstréam economists mostly feel that the basic framework of economics is relevant and flexible enough to be applied to virtually any form of society. Marxist economics asserts that history is divided into eras which are determined by which two classes, which are struggling to control the méans of production - that is slaves and masters, péasants and royalty, wage workers and capitalists - and that mainstréam economics only applies to those societies which are "objectively" industrial, that is to say, societies which are capable of industrial production based on their own knowledge and resources. (See Marxism, particularly "The Hegelian Roots of Marxism".)
In the late 20th Century three of the aréas of study which are producing change in economic thinking are: risk based rather than price based modéls, imperfect economic actors, and tréating economics as a biological science, based on evolutionary norms rather than abstract exchange.
The study of risk has been influential, which viewed variations in price over time as more important than actual price. This particularly applies to financial economics where risk-return tradéoffs are the crucial decisions to be made.
The most important aréa of growth has been in the study of information and decision. Examples of this school include the work of Joseph Stiglitz. Problems of asymmetric information and moral hazard, both based around information economics, profoundly affect modérn economic dilemmas like executive stock options, insurance markets, and third-world debt relief.
Finally, there are a series of economic idéas rooted in the conception of economics as a branch of biology, including the idéa that energy relationships rather than price relationships determine economic structure, and the use of fractal géometry to créate economic modéls. (See Energy Economics)
In its infancy is the application of non-linear dynamics to economic théory, as well as the application of evolutionary psychology. So far the most visible work has been in the aréa of applying fractals to market analysis, particularly arbitrage. (See Complexity in Economics)
Another infant branch of economics is neuroeconomics. This combines neuroscience, economics, and psychology to study how we maké choices.
Because scarcity and decision are central to economic théory, the question of what is the basic trade-off in economics is of central importance. In every economic théory, there is a basic exchange of two or more ultimately scarce commodities. For Adam Smith, it was defined as the trading of time, or convenience, for money. For example, a person could live néar town, and pay more for rent or his domicile, or live farther away and pay less, "paying the difference out of his convenience".
This view, that the primary trade-off involved in economics is between time and money, has several challengers. éach of these bases its view of scarcity on a different fundamental trade-off. A small number of economists prefer to define economics as the study of how and why péople trade; this definition implies relative scarcity.
In economic théory, the price level is determined by the "marginal" cost and "marginal" utility. Marginalism became incréasingly important in economic théory in the late 19th century, and is a tool which is used to analyze how economic systems will réact. The marginal cost of a commodity is the cost to produce the last unit of it, the marginal utility is the happiness gained from buying the last unit. Economic théory uses marginalism to describe the "diminishing returns" from consumption - the 10th candy bar doesn't taste as good as the first, and so brings less "marginal utility". Marginal cost of production divides costs into "fixed" costs which must be paid regardless of how many of a commodity are produced, and "variable costs". The marginal cost is the variable cost of the last unit, plus the percentage of fixed costs. Marginalism states that when the profit from the next unit will be zero, that unit will not be produced.
Information theory has been applied to economics since the work of Ronald Coase in the 1930's. However, with Herbert Simon and John von Neumann in the 1950's, it gathered a more specific formalism as part of game theory. This emphasises that the decision-making process itself is costly.
Marxist economics generally denies the trade-off of time for money. In the Marxist view, concentrated control over the méans of production is the basis for the allocation of resources among classes. Scarcity of any particular physical resource is subsidiary to the central question of power relationships embedded in the méans of production.
The question of the environment is viewed, in the traditional economic framework, as being related to the externalization of costs. That is, market economics assumes that a good which is underpriced, is overconsumed. Externalization of cost, in this view, will be corrected by pricing the overconsumed resources which are being used, for example the work of Lester Thurow and also see Pigovian taxes. Not all economics study accepts this paradigm, and, instéad, there is a seven decade old tradition of viewing economic relationships as being based on the scarcity of energy, rather than price, as the central féature of economics.
It could be argued that benéath an economic théory is a théory of value. Value can be defined as the underlying activity which economics describes and méasures. It is what is "really" happening.
Adam Smith defined "labor" as the underlying source of value, and "the labor theory of value" underlies the work of Karl Marx, David Ricardo and many other "classical" economists. The "labor theory of value" argues that a good or service is worth the labor that it takes to produce, and the abundance or scarcity of labor determines the price of a commodity. The labor théory of value and the closely related cost-of-production theory of value dominates the work of most classical economists, but they are far from the only accepted basis for "value". For example neoclassical economists and Austrian School economists prefer the marginal theory of value.
"Market theory" argues that there is no "value" separate from price, that the market incorporates all available information into price, and that so long as markets are open, that price and value are one and the same. This théory rests on the idéa of the "rational economic actor". This was orginally asserted by Mill.
Another set of théories rest on the idéa that there is a basic external scarcity, and that "value" represents the relationship to that basic scarcity. Théories based on economics being limited by energy or based on a "gold standard" are of this type.
All of these value théories are used in current economic work.
Price is the méasurable quantities involved in an exchange. Price théory, therefore, charts the movement of méasurable quantities over time, and the relationship between price and other méasurable variables. In Adam Smith's Wealth of Nations this was the trade-off between price and convenience. A gréat déal of economic théory is based around prices and the théory of supply and demand.
Supply and demand assume that the factors affecting the agents who supply a particular commodity can be separated from those who wish to sell it. Sellers have a quantity they would wish to sell at every given price and a price for any quantity they wish to sell; buyers have a quantity they will demand at any given price and a price that they will pay to if they have to buy a particular quantity.
The market 'cléars' at the point where all the supply and demand at a given price balance. That is, the amount of a commodity available at a given price equals the amount that buyers are willing to purchase at that price. It is assumed that there is a process that will result in the market réaching this point, but exactly what the process is in a réal situation is an ongoing subject of reséarch. Markets which do not cléar will réact in some way, either by a change in price, or in the amount produced, or in the amount demanded. Graphically the situation can be represented by two curves; one showing the price-quantity combinations buyers will pay for, or the demand curve, one showing the combinations sellers will sell for, or the supply curve. The market cléars where the two are in equilibrium, that is where the curves intersect. In a general equilibrium modél, all markets in all goods cléar simultanéously and the 'price' can be described entirely in terms of tradéoffs with other goods. For a century the Say's Law was believed in economic théory, which said that markets, as a whole, would always cléar.
In many practical economic modéls, some form of "price stickiness" is incorporated to modél the observed fact that in many markets prices do not move fluidly. Economic policy often revolves around arguments as to what is causing "economic friction", or price stickiness, and which is, therefore, preventing the supply and demand from réaching equilibrium.
Another aréa of economic controversy is on whether price méasures value correctly. In mainstréam market economics, where there are significant scarcities not factored into price, there is said to be an externalization of cost. Market economics predicts that scarce goods which are under-priced are over-consumed (See social cost). This léads into public goods théory.
There is some degree of tension between economics and ethics, another of the most basic social sciences, which tends to avoid quantification and emphasize balances of rights. modérn economics déals with this tension explicitly – according to some thinkers a théory of economics is also, or implies also, a théory of moral reasoning. One way economists déal with this is to qualify discussions of economic choice by noting that "all else being equal..." referring to moral or social factors that are supposedly held equivalent for all choices that one might make. For exploration of this issue, see the moral purchasing article.
Another premise is that economics fits within a finite ecosystem where there are at léast some abundant resources – for instance, when fueling a fire one is usually concerned with finding the wood, and not so much with finding the air to burn it with. Economics explicitly does not déal with free abundant inputs – one criticism is that it often conflicts with ecology's view of what affects what. Human beings are, according to ecologists, merely one species participating in a vast energy system on this planet – economy is a subset of ecology that déals with just one species' habits and wants. See nature's services for the economic view of ecology and green economics for the view wherein economics is a subset of ecology.
A third premise is that economics suggests market forms and other méans of distribution of scarce goods that do not just affect "desires and wants" but also "needs" and "habits". Much of so-called economic "choice" is involuntary, certainly given the conditioning that péople have to expect certain quality of life. This léads to one of the most hotly debated aréas in economic policy: namely the effect and efficacy of welfare policies. This is viewed as a failure to respect economics réasoning by libertarians, who argue that redistribution of wéalth is morally and economically wrong. And viewed as a failure of economics to respect society by socialists, who argue that disparities of wéalth should not have been allowed in the first place. This led to both 19th century labour economics and 20th century welfare economics before being subsumed into human development theory.
The debates above are all quite old. The term economics was coined in around 1870, and popularised by influential "neoclassical" economists such as Alfred Marshall. Prior to this the subject had been known as political economy and referred to "the economy of polities" – competing states. The older term is still often used instead of economics, especially by radical economists such as Marxists who strongly question assumptions of "mainstream" technical and quantitative economics. Use of this term often signals an a basic disagreement with the terminology or paradigm of market economics. Political economy explicitly brings political considerations into economic analysis and therefore tends to be more normative. Some mainstréam universities (such as the University of Toronto and many in the United Kingdom) have a political economy department rather than an economics department.
ISO 4217 téh hiji standar anu dipedal ku Organisasi Internasional pikeun Standarisasi, anu boga hak ngadéfinisikeun mata uang, kode nagara (alfa jeung numérik), sarta rujukan-rujukan pikeun unit-unit leutik nu kabagi kana tilu tabél:
Tabél A.1 – Daptar kode mata uang & logam hargaan kiwari
Tabél A.2 – Kode logam hargaan kiwari
Tabél A.3 – Daptar kode pikeun historis dénominasi mata uang & logam hargaanTabél, sajarah jeung lumangsungna sawala téh dikokola ku SIX Interbank Clearing minangka bagian ti ISO jeung Asosiasi Swiss pikeun Standarisasi.Daptar kode ISO 4217 dipaké di perbankan jeung sakumna bisnis.[rujukan?] Di sawatara nagara, kode-kode mata uang éta geus remen dipiwanoh sangkan niléy kurs anu dibéwarakeun di surat kabar jeung bank ngagunakeun kode-kode ieu tinimbang ngaran mata uang anu geus ditarjamahkeun atawa simbul mata uang lianna.[rujukan?]Indonésia
Républik Indonésia (RI) nyaéta hiji nagara di Asia Tenggara, nu diliwatan ku gurat khatulistiwa jeung aya di antara Buana Asia jeung Australia sarta antara Samudra Pasifik jeung Samudra Hindia. Indonésia mangrupa nagara kapuloan nu panggedéna sadunya, diwangun ku 13.487 pulo, ku kituna disebut ogé Nusantara ("pulo luar", Jawa dianggap salaku puseurna). Kalawan populasi disawang 222 yuta jiwa dina taun 2006, Indonésia minangka nagara nu populasina panglobana kaopat sadunya sarta nagara populasi pangagem Islam nu panglobana sadunya, sanajan sacara resmi Indonésia lain nagara Islam. Wangun pamaréntahan Indonésia nyaéta républik, kalawan Déwan Perwakilan Rakyat, Déwan Perwakilan Daérah, jeung Présidén nu dipilih langsung ku rahayatna. Puseur dayeuh nagara Indonésia nyaéta Jakarta. Indonésia boga wates wewengkon jeung Malaysia di Pulo Kalimantan, Papua Nugini di Pulo Papua, sarta Timor Lésté di Pulo Timor. Indonésia mangrupa anggota PBB sarta sahiji-hijina anggota PBB nu kungsi kaluar ti organisasi éta. Salian éta, Indonésia ogé anggota ti ASEAN, APEC, OSI jeung G-20.Indéks Pangwangunan Manusa
Indéks Pangwangunan Manusa (IPM) (basa Inggris: Human Development Index (HDI)) nyaéta indéks pikeun ngukur pabanding harepan hirup, melek hurup, atikan, sarta standar hirup pikeun kabéh nagara sakumna dunya. IPM dipaké pikeun misahkeun naha hiji nagara geus jadi nagara maju, nagara ngembang, atawa masih nagara tacan ngembang, sarta ogé pikeun ngukur pangaruh ti kawijakan ékonomi ka kualitas hirup.Kabupatén Karawang
Kabupatén Karawang (Aksara Sunda: ᮊᮘᮥᮕᮒᮦᮔ᮪ ᮊᮛᮝᮀ) mangrupa hiji kabupatén di Propinsi Jawa Barat, Indonésia. Ibukotana nyaéta Karawang. Kabupatén ieu wawatesan jeung Kabupatén Bekasi tur Kabupatén Bogor di beulah kulon, Laut Jawa di beulah kalér, Kabupatén Subang di beulah wétan, Kabupatén Purwakarta di beulah wétan kidul, sarta Kabupatén Cianjur di beulah kiduleunnana.Kabupatén Subang
Kabupatén Subang mangrupa hiji kabupatén di Propinsi Jawa Barat, Indonésia. Ibukotana nyaéta Subang. Kabupatén ieu wawatesan jeung Laut Jawa di beulah kalér, Kabupatén Indramayu di beulah wétan, Kabupatén Sumedang di wétan kidul, Kabupatén Bandung di beulah kidul, sarta Kabupatén Purwakarta jeung Kabupatén Karawang di beulah kuloneunnana.Kasaimbangan Kamampuh Balanja
Kasaimbangan kamampuh balanja, (basa Inggris: purchasing power parity - PPP) dina élmu ékonomi nyaéta hiji cara anu dipaké pikeun ngitung hiji alternatif nilai tukar antara mata uang ti dua nagara. PPP ngukur sabaraha lobana hiji mata uang bisa dipaké keur beubeulian dina ukuran internasional (biasana dolar), sabab barang katut jasa téh regana béda-béda di unggal nagara.
Nilai tukar PPP dipaké dina babandingan internasional keur standar hirup. PDB hiji nagara mimitina diitung dina mata uang lokal, antukna babandingan antara dua nagara téh ngabutuhkeun ayana konvérsi mata uang. Babandingan maké nilai tukar nyata dianggep henteu nyata, ku sabab henteu ngaréfléksikeun béda rega antar nagara. Perbédaan antara PPP jeung nilai tukar nyata bisa loba bédana. Upamana, PDB per kapita di RRC kurang leuwih 1.400 USD, sedengkeun dumasar kana PPP nyaéta kurang leuwih 6.200 USD. Sedengkeun PDB nominal per kapitana kurang leuwih AS$37.600, tapi PPP-na mah ukur 31.400 USD.Koéfisién Gini
Koéfisién Gini mangrupa ukuran nu dimekarkeun ku statistikus Italia, Corrado Gini, jeung diumumkeun dina taun 1912 dina karyana, Variabilità e mutabilità.
Koéfisién ini biasana digunakeun keur ngukur bébéda pamasukan jeung kabeungharan. Di sadaya Marcapada, koéfisién variasi ti 0.25 (Dénmark) nepi ka 0.70 (Namibia).
Koéfisién Gini mangrupa wilangan antara 0 jeung 1, nu mana 0 hartina persis sarua (unggal jalma miboga panghasilan nu sarua) sarta 1 harti persis teu saruaan (saurang boga kabéh panghasilan, nu séjénna teu boga nanaon).
Koéfisién Gini diétang ngagunakeun daérah dina diagram Lorenz. Lamun daérah antara garis persis sarua sarta kurva Lorenz A, sarta daérah sahandapeun kurva Lorenz nyaéta B, mangka koéfisién Gini A/(A+B). Ieu ditémbongkeun salaku perséntase atawa salaku kasaruaan numerik tina perséntasi, ajén salawasna antara 0 jeung 1.
Indéks Gini sarua jeung koéfisién Gini kali 100[rujukan?].Marcapada
Marcapada, ogé disebut Bumi, (Ing. earth, atawa Terra), mangrupa planét tempat manusa hirup, planét katilu luareun Panonpoé. Marcapada mangrupa hiji-hijina planét terestrial di Surya Mandala, sarta hiji-hijina planét nu mibanda kahirupan, sahanteuna kitu nu dipikanyaho élmu modérn. Planét ieu mibanda hiji satelit alam, bulan, nu kabentuk kira 4,5 milyar taun ka tukang.Mata uang
Mata uang atawa duit nyaéta pakakas pikeun mayar jual beuli ékonomi, anu dipaké di hiji nagara. Pikeun Indonésia, mata uangna nyaéta rupiah.
Jaman baheula, manusa primitip tacan ngagunakeun duit atawa pakakas tukeur. Ieu alatan dina wayah éta manusa bisa minuhan kabéh kahayangna ti alam sakurilingna. Sabot sumberdaya alam anu maranéhanana paké béak, maranéhanana pindah sarta mimitian ngagunakeun sumberdaya alam anu aya di sakurilingna deui.
Sabot mecenghulna kabudayaan kuna, manusa mimitian nukeur barang bogana jeung barang milik batur, anu disebut barter. Saterusna sanggeus jaman leuwih maju, manusa mimitian ngagunakeun pakakas tukeur, sanajan tacan mangrupa duit. Pakakas ieu disebut "duit barang". Kakara sanggeus manusa ngawasa pamakéan tulisan sarta hurup, dipikawanoh duit anu kawas ayeuna, atawa disebut "duit kapercayaan" (basa Perancis: monnaie fiduciaire).Organisasi Sabilulungan Ékonomi
Organisasi Sabilulungan Ékonomi (Economic Cooperation Organization; ECO) nyaéta hiji organisasi antarpamaréntah nu dieusian ku 7 nagara Asia jeung 3 nagara Eurasia, bagian ti Uni Asia Kidul-Tengah. Tujuan umumna nyaéta pikeun ngadegkeun hiji pasar tunggal pikeun barang jeung jasa, sapertos Uni Éropa. Sékrétariat jeung departemén kabudayaanna aya di Tehran, kantor perékonomianna aya di Turki sarta kantor kaélmuanna aya di Pakistan.Produk doméstik bruto
Di widang ékonomi, produk doméstik bruto (PDB) nyaéta ajén pasar sakabéh banda jeung jasa nu diproduksi ku hiji nagara dina hiji période. PDB mangrupa salah sahiji cara keur ngétangan pamasukan nasional. PDB lain jeung produk nasional bruto ku lantaran mimilukeun pamasukan faktor produksi ti luar nagri nu gawé di nagara éta. Jadina PDB ngan ngétang jumlah produksi ti hiji nagara tanpa merhatoskeun produksi éta dilakukeun kalawan maké faktor produksi jero nagri atawa heunteu. Sabalikna, PNB merhatoskeun asal faktor produksi nu dipaké.Qatar
Nagara Qatar atawa دولة قطر dina basa Arab nyaéta hiji émirat di Wétan Tengah nu aya di hiji bojong leutik di Jazirah Arab. Watesna di kidul nyaéta Arab Saudi jeung sésana diwatesan ku Teluk Pérsia.Samudra Pasifik
Samudra Pasifik atawa Lautan Iuh (basa Spanyol: Pacifico, hartina tenang) nyaéta kumpulan cai pangbadagna di Marcapada. Ieu ngawengku kira-kira sapertilu Marcapada, ku legana 179,7 juta km² (69,4 juta mi²). Panjangna kurang leuwih 15.500 km (9.600 mi) ti Laut Bering di Arktik nepi ka wates és di Laut Ross di Antartika di kulon. Samudra Pasifik nepi lebar wétan-kulon. Minangka Samudra palegana di dunya, parairan ieu ngawengku kurang leuwih sapertilu lakop marcapada. Titik panglandeuhna ti Samudra Pasifik nyaéta di dasar Palung Mariana di Kapuloan Mariana ku jerona -10.924 méter. Di sabudeur Samudra Pasifik loba gunung marapi antukna sok rajeun lini. Teu saukur kitu, fénomena alam anu sok kajadian di laut ieu nyaéta badéy sarta angin puyuh. Badéy ieu anu tuluy narajang pulo-pulo di sabudeur Samudra Pasifik. Di tengah Samudra Pasifik aya gugusan kapuloan Polynésia, Mikronésia, jeung Mélanesia (kawasan ieu disebut Oceania). Posisi samudra Pasifik kacida penting pikeun séktor ékonomi jeung pulitik internasional. Nagara-nagara di kawasan ieu kagolong miboga tingkat tumuwuhna ékonomi anu luhur sarta gancang. Ku kituna diwangun forum gawébareng ékonomi nagara-nagara Pasifik (APEC).Siprus
Républik Siprus nyaéta hiji nagara pulo di Laut Tengah bagian wétan, ±113 km di kiduleun Turki jeung 120 km di kuloneun Suriah. Ibu kotana Lefkosia (Nikosia). Kota penting lianna nyaéta Lemesos (Limassol), Larnaca, Paphos, Ammochostos (Famagusta), jeung Kyrenia.
Ti taun 1974, di bagian kalér aya Républik Turki Siprus Kalér, nu ngan diakuan ku Turki.Spanyol
Karajaan Spanyol (basa Spanyol jeung Galisia: Reino de España, Katalan: Regne d'Espanya, Basque: Espainiako Erresuma) mangrupa hiji nagara di Éropa kidul-kulon nu, bareng jeung Portugal, aya di Samenanjung Ibéria. Wates darat Spanyol jeung Éropa nyaéta Pagunungan Pirenia jeung Perancis sareng Andorra. Wewengkonna ogé diwangun ti kota Ceuta jeung Melilla di Afrika Kalér, Kapuloan Canary di Samudra Atlantik, jeung rupa-rupa pulo di Laut Tengah.Stasion Bandung
Stasion Bandung (BD) atawa Stasion Hall (Aksara Sunda: ᮞ᮪ᮒᮞᮤᮇᮔ᮪ ᮘᮔ᮪ᮓᮥᮀ) nyaéta stasion karéta api kelas badag tipeu A anu perenahna di Kebonjeruk, Andir, Kota Bandung, tepatna di wates antara Kalurahan Pasirkaliki jeung Kebonjeruk. Stasion anu aya di tingkat kaluhuran +709 méter ieu mangrupa stasion panggedéna anu aya di Daérah Operasi II Bandung. Stasion ieu saméméhna ngan boga hiji wangunan stasion. Saenggeus dirénovasi ku Pamaréntah Kota Bandung, stasion ieu kiwari miboga dua wangunan sanajan masih kénéh ngahiji. Stasion ini perenahna di Jalan Stasiun Timur No. 1 (pintu kidul) jeung Jalan Kebon Kawung No. 43 (pintu kalér), Kota Bandung.
Stasion ieu ogé dipikawanoh minangka terminal angkutan kota lantaran ku lobana angkot jurusan stasion ieu, otomatis stasion Bandung jadi kasohor ku gelar “terminal angkot”. Stasion ieu mangrupa stasion karéta api panggedéna di Kota Bandung jeung Jawa Kulon.
Mimiti taun 2014, KA lokal Bandung Raya jeung KA Lokal Cibatu teu dilayanan di pintu kalér stasion, ngan dilayanan di pintu kidul wungkul, pikeun ningkatkeun palayanan ka panumpang jeung calon panumpang di ieu stasion.
Stasion ieu mindeng dijadikeun minangka stasion karéta api pacontoan (pilot project) ku PT KAI dina sisi kualitas palayanan pikeun satingkat jeung bandara. Kusabab kitu, PT KAI ngajadikeun stasion ieu minangka stasion karéta api munggaran di Indonésia anu nerapkeun sistem check-in jeung boarding pass mimiti Pébruari 2016 sarta sistem pamariksaan bagasi ngagunakeun sinar-X mimiti Oktober 2018.
Ka arah kulon stasion ieu aya urut stasion Bandung Gudang anu geus teu aktip lantaran geus euweuh deui aktivitas pangangkutan barang di dinya.Stasion Cikampék
Stasion Cikampék (CKP) (Aksara Sunda Baku: ᮞ᮪ᮒᮞᮤᮇᮔ᮪ ᮎᮤᮊᮙ᮪ᮕᮦᮊ᮪) nyaéta stasion karéta api kelas badag tipeu B anu perenahna di Cikampék Kota, Cikampék, Karawang. Stasion anu aya dina kaluhuran +46 méter ieu mangrupa stasion pangwétanna di Daérah Operasi I Jakarta jeung Kabupatén Karawang, sarta mangrupa stasion karéta api panggedéna di Kabupatén Karawang. Stasion ini diwangun taun 1894 sarta miboga dalapan jalur karéta api, jalur 3 jeung 4 minangka jalur lurus.
Stasion ieu jadi salasahiji stasion nu penting pikeun lalampahan KA ti Jakarta ka rupa-rupa kota di Pulo Jawa. Di beulah wétan stasion ieu, jalur kabagi jadi dua cabang: jalur beulah kalér ka Cirebon, sedengkeun jalur beulah kidul ka Bandung. Baheula, saacan dioperasikeunna jalur ganda pétak Cikampék-Cirebon, ampir kabéh KA anu berangkat ti Jakarta eureun di stasion ieu. Lantaran pikeun mastikeun yén pétak jalur di hareupeunna geus aman pikeun diliwatan KA-KA saenggeusna jeung ogé pikeun ngadagoan pasilangan KA ti arah Cirebon, utamana pas isuk-isuk jeung soré. Baheula aya jalur anu arahna ke Cilamaya anu geus dinonaktipkeun taun 1970-an.
Stasion ieu pun minangka "tempat istirahat panungtung" pikeun lokomotip diesel hidraulik anu dialokasikeun di Dipo Lokomotip Tanahabang.Stasion Jatinegara
Stasion Jatinegara (JNG) (Aksara Sunda: ᮞ᮪ᮒᮞᮤᮇᮔ᮪ ᮏᮒᮤᮔᮨᮌᮛ) nyaéta stasion karéta api kelas badag tipeu A anu perenahna di wates antara Jatinegara jeung Matraman, pasna di Kalurahan Pisangan Baru, Matraman, Jakarta Timur. Stasion anu aya di tingkat kaluhuran +16 méter ieu kaasup ka Daérah Operasi I Jakarta. Stasion ieu jadi titik hubung tilu jalur, nyaéta jalur ka Pasar Senén, jalur ka Manggarai, jeung jalur ka Bekasi anu unggal poé na diliwatan ku ratusan karéta api. Stasion ieu miboga lima jalur karéta api kalawan jalur 1 jeung 2 minangka jalur lurus ditambah hiji jalur anu kahubung jeung dipo lokomotip anu aya di beulah kulon ieu stasion.
Salaku stasion panghubung ka luar Jakarta, stasion ieu diliwatan ku sakabéh KA ka kota-kota di Pulo Jawa. Kiwari ampir kabéh KA jarak jauh jeung manengah anu datang ka Jakarta eureun pikeun nurunkeun panumpang di stasion ieu, iwal ti KA anu rangkéanna panjang (KA Gumarang, KA Kertajaya, jeung KA Tawang Jaya) lantaran rangkéanna teu katampung ku péron stasion ieu, ditambah KA Pangandaran ruteu Banjar-Bandung-Gambir pp sarta KA Lokal Cilamaya/Walahar jeung Lokal Jatiluhur. Sedengkeun, pikeun arah sabalikna euweuh KA jarak jauh jeung manengah anu eureun pikeun naékkeun panumpang, iwal ti lamun aksés jalan ka Stasion Gambir atawa Stasion Pasar Senén kaganggu.Stasion Pasar Senén
Stasion Pasar Senén (PSE, +4,7 m) atawa Stasion Senén (Aksara Sunda Baku: ᮞ᮪ᮒᮞᮤᮇᮔ᮪ ᮕᮞᮁ ᮞᮨᮔᮦᮔ᮪) nyaéta stasion karéta api anu perenahna di Kacamatan Senén, Jakarta Pusat, DKI Jakarta, Indonésia. Stasion ieu ngalayanan karéta api bisnis jeung karéta api ékonomi jurusan Purwokerto, Kutoarjo, Yogyakarta, Semarang, Solo Balapan, Malang, jeung Surabaya. Sedengkeun pikeun karéta api kelas éksekutip jeung kelas éksekutif-ékonomi AC plus new image dilayanan di Stasion Gambir (iwal ti Karéta api Gumarang). Stasion ini diwangun ti taun 1916 jeung diresmikeun tanggal 19 Maret 1925.Stasion Purwokerto
Stasion Purwokerto (PWT) nyaéta stasion karéta api kelas badag tipeu A anu perenahna di gigireun Kota Purwokerto, Kabupatén Banyumas, pasna di Kober, Purwokerto Barat, Banyumas. Stasion anu aya dina tingkat kaluhuran +75 m ieu mangrupa stasion panggedéna anu dikokolakeun ku PT Kereta Api Indonesia (Persero) Daérah Operasi V Purwokerto. Minangka stasion gedé, sakabéh lalampahan karéta api penumpang anu ngaliwatan jalur karéta api Prupuk-Kroya pasti eureun di stasion ieu.