Vuk Drašković

Vuk Drašković (Serbian Cyrillic: Вук Драшковић, pronounced [v̞ûːk drâʃkɔvit͡ɕ]; born 29 November 1946) is Serbian writer and politician. He is the leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, and served as the Deputy Prime Minister of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Minister of Foreign Affairs of both Serbia and Montenegro and Serbia.

He graduated from the University of Belgrade Faculty of Law in 1968. From 1969-80 he worked as a journalist in the Yugoslav news agency Tanjug.

He was a member of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia and worked as the chief of staff of the Yugoslav President Mika Špiljak. He has written several novels.

Vuk Drašković
VukDraskovic-mc
Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia and Montenegro
In office
3 March 2004 – 15 May 2007
PresidentSvetozar Marović
Prime MinisterVojislav Koštunica
Preceded byGoran Svilanović
Succeeded byVuk Jeremić
(Minister of Foreign Affairs of Serbia)
Deputy Prime Minister of Yugoslavia
In office
18 January 1999 – 28 April 1999
Prime MinisterMomir Bulatović
Personal details
Born29 November 1946 (age 72)
Međa, PR Serbia, FPR Yugoslavia
NationalitySerbian
Political partySerbian Renewal Movement
Spouse(s)Danica Drašković
Alma materLLB of Univ. of Belgrade Fac. of Law
OccupationPolitician
ProfessionWriter

Early life and career

Born in a small Banat region village to a family of settlers from Herzegovina, Vuk was six months old when his mother, Stoja Nikitović, died.

His father, Vidak, remarried and had two more sons - Rodoljub and Dragan; and three daughters - Radmila, Tanja and Ljiljana with Dara Drašković, meaning that young Vuk grew up with five half-siblings.

Shortly after Vuk's birth, the entire family went back to Herzegovina where he finished primary school in the village of Slivlje, before secondary school studies in Gacko.

At his father's insistence, Drašković considered studying medicine in Sarajevo; however, the city was too "uptight and cramped" for his liking, so he went to study law in Belgrade instead.

Корчној и Вук
Drašković with his wife, Danica, and Soviet-turned-Swiss chess grandmaster Viktor Korchnoi during an Orthodox Christmas eve party in January 1984 at Villa Dragoslava, a villa in the Belgrade neighbourhood of Banovo Brdo that often served as meeting point for individuals critical of SFR Yugoslavia's system of governance as well as communism and socialism in general.

Between 1969-78, he was involved with journalism. He first worked for the state news agency Tanjug as its African correspondent stationed in Nairobi, Kenya, before taking a job as press adviser in the Yugoslav Workers Union Council (SSRNJ).

During his time at SSRNJ, Drašković spent some time as the personal secretary to the organisation's president Mika Špiljak. During the same period his novels The Judge and Knife were published, raising quite a controversy among Yugoslav ruling communist elites. Soon afterwards, due to popular demand, Prayer and Russian Consul were published as well.

Due to his controversial literary engagement, Drašković was considered somewhat of a dissident even though he had been a member of the Yugoslav Communist League (SKJ) since his 4th year of university studies.

Political career

SKIDANJE TITA
Drašković with Šešelj, in 1990, removing picture of Josip Broz Tito from Belgrade Center of engineers and electricians.

With Mirko Jović and Vojislav Šešelj, Drašković founded the Serbian National Renewal party (SNO) in 1989. However, the trio soon found themselves at political crossroads and their party disintegrated in three pieces.

In 1990, Drašković founded the Serbian Renewal Movement (Srpski Pokret Obnove, SPO), a democratic nationalist party. They participated in the first post-communist democratic elections, held on 9 December 1990, but finished a distant second amidst the total blackout from the pro-Milošević state media. Following that failure Drašković kept the pressure on Serbian President Slobodan Milošević via street protests, organizing mass demonstrations in Belgrade on 9 March 1991.

The police intervened, and clashed with demonstrators with some damage to public buildings resulting in the Yugoslav People's Army having to be brought in.

Following the Karadjordjevo meeting with Slobodan Milošević held on 30 March 1991, Croatian President Franjo Tuđman stated in a televised press-conference that during the March 9th events, Drašković's associates had phoned his government in order to "seek help in toppling the current Serbian regime".

While Draskovic's party vehemently denied any such contact was made with Croatian authorities, many in Serbia feared subtle but growing symbiosis between two leaders in both Serbia and Croatia.

Drašković focused his moderate right-wing program and rhetoric on Serbian pro-Western shift, anti-communism and romanticized Serbian identity-renewal. His plan was to rapidly transform the biggest and most populous part of Yugoslavia (Serbia) according to Western standards so that the eventual international involvement in solving Yugoslav crisis would turn in Serbian favour and produce a peaceful solution. His ideological opponents often cite his strong nationalist feelings (attempting rehabilitation of Serb-nationalist Chetniks) as contrarian to his insistence on peaceful solution to the Yugoslav crisis.

His political opponents have claimed Drašković's political engagement at this early stage of his political career is full of inconsistencies and seemingly diametrically opposing views and actions. However, according to Draskovic, his (and that of his party) pro-Western peaceful stance, has never wavered since the start of the political crisis in Yugoslavia. He insisted that Serbian government should promote radical democratic shift, renew traditional alliances with Western nations (including entry into NATO) as a way to preserve some form of Yugoslav confederation rather than pursue direct confrontation with the Croats.

His party SPO organized a paramilitary unit called the Serbian Guard led by former criminals such as Đorđe "Giška" Božović and Branislav "Beli" Matić, with Božović dying in Croatia in October 1991. Matić was killed by the Milošević secret police in April 1991. And although Drašković initially claimed this militia was an incitement to Serbian authorities to form a non-ideological and a national armed force outside of Yugoslav People's Army (see last quote), he eventually distanced himself from the paramilitary formation altogether.

According to historian Dubravka Stojanović, while Drašković's anti-war views were sincere, he also supported a nationalist program little different in its goals to that of Milošević, and he and his party was never able to reconcile these opposing currents.[1]

His anti-war views came to the fore in mid to late 1991, particularly in November of that year when he wrote a passionate condemnation of the bloody siege of Vukovar in a Serbian daily Borba.

In early 1992, he called on all citizens of Bosnia to reject nationalism. In 1993, he and his wife Danica were arrested, beaten and sent to a high-security prison. Only his hunger strike, and international outrage pressured the Yugoslav government to release the couple.

In 1996, SPO formed the opposition alliance Zajedno ("Together") with the Democratic Party of Zoran Đinđić and the Civic Alliance of Serbia under Vesna Pešić, which achieved major successes in the local elections in November that same year. After hints of holding secret talks with Milosevic, Đinđić and Vesna Pešić dissolved the coalition when they reneged on the signed coalition document to support Drašković as a joint candidate in the subsequent Presidential elections in the fall of 1997.

Drašković's SPO participated on its own at the September 1997 election, boycotted by his former partners despite an array of local electronic media outlets being in opposition hands.

In January 1999, SPO, a parliamentary party, was asked to join a coalition with Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia as tension with US and NATO increased in order to use his influence with Western politicians. In early 1999, Drašković became the deputy prime minister of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. He did so in response to Milošević's appeal for national unity in the face of Albanian uprising in Kosovo and a looming confrontation with NATO.[2] He was sacked by the Prime Minister Momir Bulatović on 28 April 1999.[3]

A failed attempt at assassinating Drašković took place on 3 October 1999 on the Ibar highway when four of his close associates were murdered, and on 15 June 2000 in Budva.

As of 2006, Milorad Ulemek is on trial for this murder and those of Đinđić and Ivan Stambolić; Milošević was also being prosecuted for the attempt until his death in the Hague.

Post-Milošević

In what he himself later termed "a bad political move", Drašković kept his SPO out of the wide anti-Milošević Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) coalition that formed in 2000, meaning that his candidate in the 24 September 2000 federal presidential elections, Vojislav Mihailović, achieved little success and that SPO also was not successful in the subsequent parliamentary election where the DOS won overwhelmingly. Because of this, Drašković and his party were marginalized over the next three years.

In the fall of 2002, he attempted a comeback as one of the eleven candidates in the Serbian presidential elections, which were subsequently unsuccessful due to low turnout. Despite a polished marketing campaign that saw Drašković change his personal appearance and tone down his fiery rhetoric, he ended up with only 4.5% of the total vote, well behind Vojislav Koštunica (31.2%) and Miroljub Labus (27.7%), both of whom moved on to the second-round runoff.

His next chance for political redemption came in late 2003. Fully aware of SPO's, as well as his own, weak political standing after more than 3 years in political oblivion, Drašković entered his party into a pre-election coalition with New Serbia (NS), thus reuniting with old party colleague Velimir Ilić. Joining forces for the 2003 parliamentary election, they achieved limited success, but more importantly managed to get into the coalition that formed the minority government (along with DSS, G17 Plus), providing it with critical parliamentary seats to keep the far-right radicals (SRS) at bay.

In the subsequent division of power, Drašković received the high-ranking position of Serbia and Montenegro's foreign minister.

In response to Montenegro's vote for independence, Drašković called for a restoration of Serbia's monarchy: "This is an historic moment for Serbia itself, a beginning which would be based on the historically-proven and victorious pillars of the Serbian state and I am talking about the pillars of a kingdom." After the breakup with Montenegro in June 2006, Drašković served (until May 2007) as the foreign minister of the Republic of Serbia, a successor to the state union of Serbia-Montenegro.

In August 2010, Drašković argued in favour of changing the Serbian Constitution of 2006 to remove references to Kosovo as a part of Serbia because according to him "Serbia has no national sovereignty over Kosovo whatsoever. All of Serbia knows that Kosovo is not really a province within Serbia, that it is completely beyond the control of the government and the state of Serbia".[4]

Literary works

  • Me, provincial (1981)
  • Judge (1981)
  • Knife (1982)
  • Prayer (1985)
  • Prayer 2 (1986)
  • Answers (1986)
  • Russian Consul (1988)
  • Everywhere Serbia (1989)
  • Night of general (1994)
  • Reminders (2001)
  • Target (2007)
  • Dr Aron (2009)
  • Via Romana (2012)
  • Far away (2013)
  • The memoirs of Jesus (2015)
  • Stories about Kosovo (2016)
  • Slice of time (2016)
  • Who killed Katarina? (2017)
  • Aleksandar of Yugoslavia (2018)

See also

References

  1. ^ Stojanović, Dubravka (2000). "The Traumatic Circle of the Serbian Opposition". In Popov, Nebojša (ed.). The Road to War in Serbia. Budapest: Central European University Press. pp. 473–77. ISBN 963-9116-56-4.
  2. ^ Rekonstrukcija savezne vlade, vreme.com; accessed 26 May 2018.
  3. ^ http://arhiva.glas-javnosti.rs/arhiva/2000/11/05/srpski/P00110411.shtm
  4. ^ Serbian Ex-Foreign Minister Calls For Expunging Kosovo From Constitution, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 7 August 2010.

External links

Government offices
Preceded by
Goran Svilanović
Minister of Foreign Affairs
2004 – 2007
Succeeded by
Vuk Jeremić
1990 Serbian general election

General elections were held in the Republic of Serbia, a constituent federal unit of SFR Yugoslavia, in December 1990. The presidential elections and the first round of the parliamentary elections were held on 9 December, whilst a second round of the parliamentary elections was held on 23 December.

Slobodan Milošević of the Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) won the presidential elections, whilst the SPS won 194 of the 250 seats in the National Assembly. Opposition parties accused the SPS of voting irregularities.The elections were boycotted by political parties of ethnic Kosovo Albanians, who made up around 17% of the population.

1993 Serbian parliamentary election

Parliamentary elections were held in the Republic of Serbia on 19 December 1993. The Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) emerged as the largest party in the National Assembly, winning 123 of the 250 seats. The SPS formed a government with New Democracy, which had run as part of the Democratic Movement of Serbia coalition.

The elections were boycotted by political parties of ethnic Kosovo Albanians, who made up about 17% of the population.

1997 Serbian general election

General elections were held in the Republic of Serbia on 21 September 1997 to elect the President and National Assembly. With no presidential candidate receiving over 50% of the vote in the first round, a second round was held on 5 October. Running on a platform of Serbian nationalism and

neoliberal economic reforms, Vojislav Šešelj of the Serbian Radical Party received the most votes. However voter turnout was only 48%, below the required 50%. As a result, the elections were annulled, and fresh elections were scheduled for December.In the National Assembly elections, the Socialist Party of Serbia–Yugoslav Left–New Democracy coalition emerged as the largest in the Assembly, winning 110 of the 250 seats.The elections were boycotted by several parties, including the Democratic Party, the Democratic Party of Serbia and the Civic Alliance, which claimed that the elections would not be held under fair conditions.

2003 Serbian parliamentary election

Parliamentary elections were held in Serbia on 28 December 2003 to elect members of the National Assembly. Serbia was one of the two federal units of Serbia and Montenegro, formerly known as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Serbia had been in a state of political crisis since the overthrow of the post-communist ruler, Slobodan Milošević, in 2001. The reformers, led by former Yugoslav President Vojislav Koštunica, have been unable to gain control of the Serbian presidency because three successive presidential elections have failed to produce the required 50% turnout. The assassination in March 2003 of reformist Prime Minister, Zoran Đinđić was a major setback.

At these elections the former reformist alliance, the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS), had broken up into three parts: Koštunica's Democratic Party of Serbia, late Prime Minister Đinđić's Democratic Party and the G17 Plus group of liberal economists led by Miroljub Labus.

Opposing them were the nationalist Serbian Radical Party of Vojislav Šešelj and Milošević's Socialist Party of Serbia (descended from the former Communist Party). At the time of the election, both Šešelj and Milošević were in detention at ICTY, Milošević accused of committing war crimes, Šešelj of inspiring them.

The remaining candidate was the monarchist Serbian Renewal Movement–New Serbia (SPO–NS) coalition, led by Vuk Drašković.

Following the election the three former DOS parties (DSS, DS and G17+) fell two seats short of a parliamentary majority, holding 124 seats between them. After months of coalition talks Koštunica, Labus and Drašković's parties reach an agreement with the outside support of the Socialist Party in March 2004 which enabled Koštunica of the DSS to become prime minister.

Drašković

Drašković (meaning "son of Draško") is a surname used in Croatia, Montenegro and Serbia, and may refer to:

House of Drašković, Croatian noble family

Juraj Drašković (1525–1587), Croatian cardinal and ban (viceroy)

Ivan II Drašković (1550–1613), Croatian ban

Ivan III Drašković (1603–1648), Croatian ban

Janko Drašković (1770–1856), Croatian national reformer, politician and poet

Milorad Drašković (1873–1921), Serbian politician

Dušan Drašković (born 1939), Montenegrin-Ecuadorian football coach

Vuk Drašković (born 1946), Serbian writer and politician

Tibor Draskovics (born 1955), Hungarian politician

Žarko Drašković (born 1965), Montenegrin football player

Ibar Highway assassination attempt

The Ibar highway assassination attempt refers to the events that occurred on the Ibar Highway in Serbia, a federal unit of FR Yugoslavia on 3 October 1999, when active members of the Yugoslav state security's Special Operations Unit (JSO) attempted to murder politician Vuk Drašković on the Ibar Highway by slamming a truck full of sand into his two-car motorcade. Their intention was to make it appear as though it were a traffic accident.

Instead of killing Drašković, who managed to survive the crash, they ended up killing four of his associates: high-ranking Serbian Renewal Movement member Veselin Bošković (who was also Drašković's brother-in-law), along with three bodyguards (Zvonko Osmajlić, Vučko Rakočević, and Dragan Vušurović).

Milorad Ulemek

Milorad "Legija" Ulemek (Serbian: Милорад "Легија" Улемек; born 15 March 1968), also known as Milorad Luković (Милорад Луковић) is a former commander of the Serbian secret police special unit, the Special Operations Unit (JSO) and a former paramilitary commander, who was convicted of the assassinations of Serbian Prime Minister Zoran Đinđić and former Serbian President Ivan Stambolić. He was also convicted of conspiracy in the attempted murder of Serbian opposition leader Vuk Drašković.

Mirko Jović

Mirko Jović (Serbian Cyrillic: Мирко Јовић; born 13 August 1959 in Zemun) is a Serbian politician who stood for president of Serbia in the Serbian presidential election, 2004 for the Radical Party of People, Serbia, Diaspora and European Bloc. He lives in Nova Pazova.

Opposition (Serbia)

In Serbia, the Opposition (Serbian: Oпoзициja / Opozicija) is all of the political parties represented in the National Assembly that are not a part of the Government supported by the parliamentary majority.

The Leader of the Opposition (Serbian: Лидер опозиције / Lider opozicije) is the unofficial title held by the leader of the largest party of the opposition.

Pogledi

Pogledi (Serbian Cyrillic: Погледи) was a Serbia-based magazine devoted to politics and history, published biweekly. Pogledi was the first opposition magazine in communist Yugoslavia.In English, Pogledi translates to Viewpoints. In total, 268 issues were published.

Radomir Marković

Radomir "Rade" Marković (Serbian Cyrillic: Радомир Марковић; born 11 August 1946) is a Serbian former intelligence officer who served as the head of the state security agency SDB within the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Serbia from 1998 to 2001. In 2008, the Supreme Court of Serbia sentenced Marković to 40 years' imprisonment for orchestrating a 1999 attack on Serbian opposition politician Vuk Drašković. During his career which lasted from 1970 until 2001, he served several head positions of the Serbian Police during the 1990s and as the assistant Minister of Internal Affairs (August 1993–1994).

Serbian Democratic Renewal Movement

The Serbian Democratic Renewal Movement (Serbian: Српски Демократски Покрет Обнове, СДПО / Srpski Demokratski Pokret Obnove, SDPO) was a monarchist political party in Serbia.

The SDPO was formed in 2005, after a split in the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO). The split was the result of major disagreements with the leadership of Vuk Drašković and his influential wife Danica Drašković.The SDPO last participated in the 2007 Serbian parliamentary election in coalition with the Democratic Party of Serbia and New Serbia. The SDPO ceased to exist in 2010, on the national level, after the new law on political parties was taken by the parliament demanding all parties to register again under new conditions.

Serbian Guard

The Serbian Guard (Serbian: Српска гарда / Srpska garda) was a Serbian paramilitary active in the Croatian War with close ties to the Serbian Renewal Movement (SPO). Eighty percent of the guard's members were members of the SPO. The paramilitary was formed by SPO official Vuk Drašković and his wife Danica Drašković, along with Đorđe Božović "Giška" and Branislav Matić "Beli".The paramilitary unit's training camp was located near Bor Lake in SR Serbia, SFR Yugoslavia. It participated in clashes on the territory of SR Croatia near the town of Gospić. Elements of the unit also participated in the War in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Đorđe Božović was the unit's first commander, but was killed in action near Gospić. Some people have alleged that Božović's death was an act of "friendly fire" orchestrated by the Republic of Serbian Krajina's government. The unit's chief financier Branislav Matić was gunned down in August 1991 in Belgrade. After the death of Božović, the unit was taken over by Branislav Lainović "Dugi" (The "Long").

Serbian general Nebojša Pavković has called for Drašković to be tried for his role in the guard's formation. Having a pro-opposition political stance, the guard was never favoured by the government and Yugoslav security services.

Serbian National Renewal

The Serbian National Renewal (Serbian: Српска народна обнова, СНО / Srpska narodna obnova, SNO) was the first political party founded in Serbia after the collapse of communism. It was established on January 6, 1990 by Mirko Jović and Vuk Drašković. Drašković left the party soon after and formed the Serbian Renewal Movement. Vojislav Šešelj went on to form the Serbian Radical Party. The SNO faded into obscurity not long after.

The party has been linked to the Dušan Silni paramilitary group and some of its members have been found guilty of war crimes related to the Lovas massacre.

Serbian Renewal Movement

The Serbian Renewal Movement (Serbian: Српски покрет обнове/Srpski pokret obnove, SPO) is a national liberal and monarchist political party in Serbia.

Vojislav Šešelj

Vojislav Šešelj (Serbian Cyrillic: Војислав Шешељ, pronounced [ʋǒjislaʋ ʃěʃeʎ]; born 11 October 1954) is Serbian politician. He is the founder and president of the nationalist Serbian Radical Party (SRS). From 1998 to 2000, he was Deputy Prime Minister of Serbia.

He voluntarily surrendered to the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) in February 2003 but his trial did not begin until November 2007. Šešelj's trial was marred with controversy: he went on hunger strike for nearly a month until finally being allowed to represent himself, regularly insulted the judges and court prosecutors once proceedings commenced, disclosed the identities of protected witnesses and was penalized on three occasions for disrespecting the court. He did not call any witnesses in his defense.

After spending 11 years in detention in the United Nations Detention Unit of Scheveningen during his trial, Šešelj was permitted to temporarily return to Serbia in November 2014 to undergo cancer treatment. He led the SRS in the 2016 elections, and his party won 23 seats in the parliament.

On 31 March 2016, he was acquitted in a first-instance verdict on all counts by the ICTY. The acquittal was appealed by prosecutors from the MICT, a United Nations Security Council agency which functions as oversight program of, and successor entity to, the ICTY. On 11 April 2018, the Appeals Chamber partially reversed the first-instance verdict, finding Šešelj guilty of crimes against humanity for his role in instigating the deportation of Croats from Hrtkovci. He was found not guilty on the remaining counts of his indictment, including all the war crimes and crimes against humanity that he was alleged to have committed in Croatia and Bosnia. Šešelj was sentenced to 10 years in prison, but because of time already spent in ICTY custody, he was not obligated to return to prison.

Yugoslavia and the European Economic Community

From the establishment of the European Economic Community (later expanded into the European Union) in 1957 until the breakup of Yugoslavia in the early 1990’s, thus during the Cold War period, the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was the only socialist state in Europe which developed close relations with the organisation. Notwithstanding occasional and informal proposals coming from both sides, Yugoslavia never became a full member state of the EEC.

Mutual interactions between the two sides have intensified in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s but all agreements were cut off at 25 November 1991 due to the War in Slovenia and Croatia. Prior to the cut off, Yugoslavia was the EEC's second largest trade partner in the Mediterranean area, just after Algeria, with 90% of industrial imports from Yugoslavia to the EEC not subject to any duty.The former Yugoslav constituent republics of Slovenia (2004) and Croatia (2013) have joined the European Union as independent states, Serbia and Montenegro are negotiating their accession since 2012 and 2010 respectively, North Macedonia is a candidate country since 2005, Bosnia and Herzegovina applied in 2016, and partially recognised Kosovo is recognised as a potential candidate for membership within the Western Balkans enlargement agenda of the EU. Numerous politicians, academics, and public persons commented on the alleged missed opportunity of Yugoslav EEC membership, including Stjepan Mesić, Kiro Gligorov, Milorad Dodik, Tvrtko Jakovina, Claudio Gerardini, Vuk Drašković, Vladislav Jovanović, and Cornelius Adebahr.

Đorđe Božović

Đorđe "Giška" Božović (Serbian: Ђорђе Гишка Божовић; 16 September 1955 – 15 September 1991) was a Serbian criminal and paramilitary commander during the Yugoslav Wars.

Živa istina

Živa istina (eng. translat. Whole truth) the most influential political talk show in Montenegro. Occasionally, guests are scientists, artists, sportsmen, as well. The editor and host is Darko Šuković.

From March 2002 to April 2012, Živa istina has been broadcasting on TV IN. Next seasons were simultaneously shown on TV Atlas and TV Prva, and from September 2017 it is broadcast only on TV Prva (Montenegro).

From the very beginning, Živa istina is produced by Antena M, which broadcasts the talk show through its radio program. The new air term of Živa istina is Sunday from 14 P.M.

There is almost no significant politician from the former SFRY who was not a guest in the Živa istina (Milan Kučan, Stjepan Mesić, Raif Dizdarević, Haris Silajdžić, Ejup Ganić, Milorad Dodik, Zoran Đinđić, Vojislav Šešelj, Vuk Drašković, Boris Tadić, Aleksandar Vučić, Ramush Haradinaj...)

Some of the guests in the show were: Robert Gelbard, Miroslav Lajčak, Horhe Kapetanić and each of Montenegrin political leaders.

As a matter of fact, Živa istina is the only political talk show who hosted all leading politicians of its time.

Prime Minister
Deputy Prime Ministers
Cabinet members

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