Turkish Straits crisis

The Turkish Straits crisis was a Cold War-era territorial conflict between the Soviet Union and Turkey. Turkey, which had remained officially neutral throughout most of the freshly concluded Second World War, was pressured by the Soviet government to allow Soviet shipping to flow freely through the Turkish Straits, which connected the Black Sea to the Mediterranean. As the Turkish government would not submit to the Soviet Union's requests, tensions arose in the region, leading to a show of naval force on the side of the Soviets. The incident would later serve as a deciding factor in the issuing of the Truman Doctrine.[2] At its climax, the tensions would cause Turkey to turn to the United States and NATO, for protection and membership, respectively. The result of this action contributed to the European post-cold war status quo that remains to this day.

Turkish Straits crisis
Part of the Cold War and the
Straits Question
Turkish Strait disambig

The location of the Bosphorus and Dardanelles straits.
DateLow level:
20 July 1936 – 6 August 1946
(10 years, 2 weeks and 3 days)
High level:
7 August 1946 – 30 May 1953
(6 years, 9 months, 3 weeks and 2 days)[1]
Result Status quo ante bellum
The Soviet Union withdraws demands for a regime change on the Turkish straits
Turkey joins NATO
Turkey Turkey
United States United States
Soviet Union Soviet Union
Commanders and leaders
Turkey İsmet İnönü
United States Harry S. Truman
Soviet Union Joseph Stalin
Soviet Union Vyacheslav Molotov
Turkey Unknown number of Turkish Navy ships
United States Unknown number of US Naval advisors
Soviet Union Several warships
Unknown number of ground forces


Importance of the straits

The two gateways between the Black Sea and Mediterranean, the Dardanelles and Bosphorus, were very important as a trade route from the Black Sea into ports all over the world for Turkey and its other Black Sea neighbors: the USSR, Romania and Bulgaria, all three of which were militarily aligned.[3] The straits also served as an important component of military strategy; whoever wielded control of traffic through the straits could use them as an exit or entry point for naval forces to traverse to and from the Black Sea.

Political background

The conflict has its roots in Soviet-Turkish relations, both just prior to and during the Second World War. Until the last half of the 1930s, Russian-Turkish relations were warm and somewhat fraternal. The previous incarnations of the two nations, the Turkish Government of the Grand National Assembly and Bolshevist Russia, had promised to cooperate with each other in the Treaty of Moscow.[4]

The Montreux Convention Regarding the Regime of the Straits was convened in 1936, with the nations of Australia, Bulgaria, France, Germany, Greece, Japan, the Soviet Union, Turkey, the United Kingdom and Yugoslavia attending, to determine the handling of the Turkish straits both in military and regulatory ways.[5] It was the latest of several negotiations regarding the two waterways. Previous treaties and conferences had materialized over the spans of the 19th and 20th centuries. The issue had been revived again with the rise of Fascist Italy and its expansionist policies as well as a fear that Bulgaria would take it upon itself to rearm the straits.[6] Upon the treaty's signing, on July 20, 1936, Turkey was permitted to rearm and regulate the straits. The treaty also explicitly forbade the traversing of the straits by ships not belonging to any of the Black Sea states.[7] Throughout the late 1930s and into the 1940s, Stalin repeatedly challenged the agreements reached by the 1936 convention, asking as early as 1939 for an alternative answer. He proposed joint Turkish and Soviet control of the straits.[8] Upon the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Nazi Germany, Soviet Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov informed his German colleagues of his country's desire to forcefully take control of the straits and establish a military base in their proximity.[9]

Border disputes with Turkey

Territorial claims of the Georgian SSR against Turkey, 1946
Map showing Turkish territory claimed by the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1946.[10]

The Soviet Union wished for the Turkish-USSR border within the Eastern Anatolia Region to be normalized in a way beneficial to themselves and the Armenian and Georgian SSRs. Deputy premier Lavrentiy Beria got in Stalin's ear, claiming that Turkish territory to the southwest of Georgia was stolen from the Georgians by the Turks during the Ottoman period. If Beria's purported theory were to be agreed upon by the Turkish, Soviet influence over the Black Sea and Middle East would increase and, in the process, decrease such influence of the British Empire in the latter region.[11] The argument was retracted along with Soviet reservations over the regime of the straits in May 1953.[12]

The crisis


Tensions between the USSR and Turkey grew over Turkey's allowing of non-Black Sea naval vessels, including those of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, with civilian crews to cross the straits during WWII. After the Allied defeat of Nazi Germany, the Soviets returned to the issue in 1945 and 1946. Throughout 1946, American and Turkish diplomats frequently conversed on the issue. The April 6, 1946 visit of the American battleship USS Missouri further angered the Soviets. The ship had come to the region under the explanation that it was delivering the mortuary urn of the late Turkish Ambassador home, a claim which was dismissed by the Soviets as coincidental.[13]

Soviet opinion made clear

On August 7, 1946, the Soviets presented a note to the Turkish Foreign Ministry which expressed that the way Turkey was handling the straits no longer represented the security interests of its fellow Black Sea nations. This drew attention to the occasions in which Italian and German warships had passed through the straits without conflict (the German ships were only arrested by Turkish forces once the country declared war on Germany on February 23, 1945). The note concluded that the regime of the straits was no longer reliable and demanded that the Montreux Treaty be re-examined and rewritten in a new international conference.[14]

American stance

When the issue was brought up at the Potsdam Conference, the President of the United States, Harry S. Truman, said the question of the straits was a domestic political issue pertaining to Turkey and the USSR, and should be solved by the two involved parties.[15] As the argument heated up in the days proceeding Potsdam, the United States decided it firmly did not want the straits to fall into Soviet hands, as it would give them a major strategic gateway between the Black Sea and Mediterranean and possibly lead to a Communist Turkey. In a secret telegram sent by US Under Secretary of State Dean Acheson to diplomats in Paris, he explained the American position on the matter.[16]

In our opinion the primary objective of the Soviet Union is to obtain control over Turkey. We believe that if the Soviet Union succeeds in introducing into Turkey armed forces with the ostensible purpose of enforcing the joint control of the Straits, the Soviet Union will use these forces in order to obtain control over Turkey…. In our opinion, therefore, the time has come when we must decide that we shall resist with all means at our disposal any Soviet aggression and in particular, because the case of Turkey would be so clear, any Soviet aggression against Turkey. In carrying this policy our words and acts will only carry conviction to the Soviet Union if they are formulated against the background of an inner conviction and determination on our part that we cannot permit Turkey to become the object of Soviet aggression.

— Dean Acheson, Telegram to the Secretary of State at Paris – August 8, 1946

On August 20, 1946, Undersecretary Acheson met with fifteen journalists to explain the urgency of the situation and make the opinions of the United States Government known.[17]

NATO support and deescalation

In the period of months from summer to autumn of 1946, the Soviet Union increased its naval presence in the Black Sea, having Soviet vessels perform maneuvers near Turkish shores. A substantial number of ground troops were dispatched to the Balkans. Buckling under the mounting pressure from the Soviets, in a matter of days Turkey appealed to the United States for aid. After consulting his administration, President Truman sent a naval task force to Turkey.[18] On October 9, 1946, the respective governments of the United States and United Kingdom reaffirmed their support for Turkey.[19] On October 26, the Soviet Union withdrew its specific request for a new summit on the control of the Turkish Straits (but not its opinions) and sometime shortly thereafter pulled out most of the intimidatory military forces from the region. Turkey abandoned its policy of neutrality and accepted USD $100 million in economic and defense aid from the US in 1947 under the Truman Doctrine's plan of ceasing the spread of Soviet influence into Turkey and Greece. The two aforementioned nations joined NATO in 1952.[20]

Continued debate (1947–1953)

The Turkish government appointed a new ambassador to Moscow, Faik Akdur, in November 1946. Turkish President İnönü instructed Akdur to focus solely on further development of relations with the Soviet Union. Akdur was also specifically forbidden to engage in talks regarding the straits if they did occur.[21]

The United States proposed that an international conference be held to decide the fate of the Dardanelles and Bosphorus once and for all. This warranted a response from then-Soviet Ambassador to Turkey, S. Vinogradov, in the form of a memorandum sent to the Soviet capital on December 10, 1946, claiming that a conference held in such a climate as described by the United States was unacceptable in that the Soviet Union, in Vinogradov's opinion, was certain to be outvoted, he predicted that instead of a regime change, which was the steadfast and undying goal of the Soviet Foreign Ministry, the current infrastructure with which the straits were regulated would survive, albeit with some changes.[22]

The Soviet ambassador to Turkey during the first year-and-a-half of the crisis, Sergei Vinogradov, was replaced by the Soviet Politburo in 1948. With his successor, Aleksandr Lavrishev, came a set of instructions from the Soviet Foreign Ministry which would prove to be the last momentous Soviet document on the straits.

If the Turks want to know our stand on the straits, an answer would be as follows: the Soviet position has been thoroughly stated in the notes dated August 7 and September 24, 1946.

— Soviet Foreign Ministry, Point #4 of the "Instructions for the Ambassador to Turkey" – March 29, 1948[23]

After the death of Joseph Stalin, motivation behind a regime change declined within the Soviet government, and on May 30, 1953, Soviet Foreign Minister Molotov disowned the Russian claims over the Bosphorus and Dardanelles, as well as the other territorial disputes along the Turkish-Armenia-Georgian border.[24]


Upon realizing the international climate would make diplomatic control over the straits as well as Turkey in general difficult, the Soviet Union made moves towards thawing relations with the country in a last-ditch effort to have a piece of the Middle East under its wing. When Turkey joined Western aligned NATO in 1952, these hopes were dashed.[25] The Montreux Treaty of 1936, with revisions, is still in place in the present day between the successor states of the USSR and Turkey.[26]

See also


  1. ^ Rozakes, Chrestos (1987). Turkish Straits. Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. p. 43.
  2. ^ "Turkish Straits Crisis". Teaching American History. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  3. ^ Rozakes, Chrestos (1987). Turkish Straits. Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff. p. 7.
  4. ^ Hasanli, Jamil (2011). Stalin and the Turkish Crisis of the Cold War, 1945–1953. Lexington Books. p. 1.
  5. ^ Christos L. Rozakis, Petros N. Stagos, The Turkish Straits, p. 123. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987. ISBN 90-247-3464-9
  6. ^ Christos L. Rozakis, Petros N. Stagos, The Turkish Straits, p. 101. Martinus Nijhoff, 1987. ISBN 90-247-3464-9
  7. ^ "Montreaux_ENG" (PDF). BAŞKENT-SAM. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  8. ^ Deborah Welch Larson, Origins of Containment: A Psychological Explanation, p. 203. Princeton University Press, 1989. ISBN 0-691-02303-4
  9. ^ Christos L. Rozakis, Petros N. Stagos, The Turkish Straits, p. 44. Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1987. ISBN 90-247-3464-9
  10. ^ Jamil Hasanli, "Stalin and the Turkish Crisis of the Cold War, 1945–1953" // The Harvard Cold War Studies Book Series, Lexington Books, 2011, p. 188.
  11. ^ (in Russian) Рецензия на сборник «Армения и советско-турецкие отношения» Archived 2014-03-18 at the Wayback Machine
  12. ^ Ro'i, Yaacov (1974). From Encroachment to Involvement: A Documentary Study of Soviet Policy in the Middle East, 1945–1973. Transaction Publisher. pp. 106–107.
  13. ^ "Mezhdunarodnaia zhizn". CA&CC Press AB. Retrieved May 29, 2013.
  14. ^ "Soviet Plans Related to the Straits and their Failure". CA&CC Press AB. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  15. ^ Hasanli, Jamil (2011). Stalin and the Turkish Straits Crisis, 1945–1953. Lexington Books. p. 123.
  16. ^ "The Acting Secretary of State to the Secretary of State at Paris". CA&CC Press AB. August 8, 1946. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  17. ^ Hasanli, Jamil (2011). Stalin and the Turkish Crisis of the Cold War, 1945–1953. Lexington Books. p. 233.
  18. ^ "Russian Pressure: Basis for US Aid in Turkey". acusd.edu. Archived from the original on 23 June 2006. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  19. ^ "Nota Velikobritanii—MID SSSR". CA&CC Press AB. Retrieved 26 May 2013.
  20. ^ "Turkey 1." The Columbia Encyclopedia, 2004.
  21. ^ Hasanli, Jamil (2011). Stalin and the Turkish Straits Crisis, 1945–1953. Lexington Books. p. 248.
  22. ^ Hasan, Jamil (2011). Stalin and the Turkish Straits crisis, 1945–1953. Lexington Books. pp. 248–249.
  23. ^ Hasanli, Jamil (2011). Stalin and Turkish Crisis of the Cold War, 1945–1953. Lexington Books. pp. 249–250.
  24. ^ Hasanli, Jamil (2011). Stalin and the Turkish Crisis of the Cold War. Lexington Books. p. 250.
  25. ^ "Turkey's Relations with NATO". Republic of Turkey Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved 23 August 2013.
  26. ^ "TURKEY." The Encyclopedia of World History. 2001.
16th Congress of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks)

The 16th Congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was held during 26 June - 13 July 1930 in Moscow. The congress of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) was attended by 1,268 voting delegates and 891 delegates with observer status. It elected the 16th Central Committee.

An exercise of devotion to Joseph Stalin, this is the last congress to be dominated by the original leadership of the Soviet Union.

19th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union

The Nineteenth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was held from 5 to 14 October 1952. It was the first party congress after World War II and the last under Joseph Stalin's leadership. It was attended by many dignitaries from foreign Communist parties, including Liu Shaoqi from China. At this Congress, Stalin gave the last public speech of his life. The 19th Central Committee was elected at the congress.

ASEAN Declaration

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In his writings and speeches, Nehru had laid great emphasis on the manner in which post-colonial India would rebuild its Asia connections. At this conference Nehru declared: "... Asia is again finding herself ... one of the notable consequences of the European domination of Asia has been the isolation of the countries of Asia from one another. ... Today this isolation is breaking down because of many reasons, political and otherwise ... This Conference is significant as an expression of that deeper urge of the mind and spirit of Asia which has persisted ... In this Conference and in this work there are no leaders and no followers. All countries of Asia have to meet together in a common task ..."

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Guerrilla war in the Baltic states

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Potsdam Conference

The Potsdam Conference (German: Potsdamer Konferenz) was held at Cecilienhof, the home of Crown Prince Wilhelm in Potsdam, occupied Germany, from 17 July to 2 August 1945. (In some older documents, it is also referred to as the Berlin Conference of the Three Heads of Government of the USSR, USA, and UK.) The participants were the Soviet Union, the United Kingdom, and the United States, represented respectively by Communist Party General Secretary Joseph Stalin, Prime Ministers Winston Churchill and Clement Attlee, and President Harry S. Truman.

Stalin, Churchill, and Truman gathered to decide how to administer Germany, which had agreed to unconditional surrender nine weeks earlier on 8 May (Victory in Europe Day). The goals of the conference also included the establishment of postwar order, peace treaty issues, and countering the effects of the war.

Stalin's poetry

Before he became a Bolshevik revolutionary and the leader of the Soviet Union, Joseph Stalin was a promising poet.

Stalin's residences

Over time Joseph Stalin resided in various places.

Stalin's house, Gori, birthplace

Tiflis Spiritual Seminary

Kureika house,Siberia, where Stalin spent his final exile in 1914-1916.

Stalin's apartment in Moscow Kremlin

Truman Doctrine

The Truman Doctrine was an American foreign policy whose stated purpose was to counter Soviet geopolitical expansion during the Cold War. It was announced to Congress by President Harry S. Truman on March 12, 1947, and further developed on July 12, 1948, when he pledged to contain threats in Greece and Turkey. Direct American military force was usually not involved, but Congress appropriated financial aid to support the economies and militaries of Greece and Turkey. More generally, the Truman Doctrine implied American support for other nations allegedly threatened by Soviet communism. The Truman Doctrine became the foundation of American foreign policy, and led, in 1949, to the formation of NATO, a military alliance that is still in effect. Historians often use Truman's speech to date the start of the Cold War.

Truman told Congress that "it must be the policy of the United States to support free people who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures." Truman contended that because totalitarian regimes coerced free peoples, they automatically represented a threat to international peace and the national security of the United States. Truman made the plea in the midst of the Greek Civil War (1946–49). He argued that if Greece and Turkey did not receive the aid, they would inevitably fall to communism with grave consequences throughout the region. Because Turkey and Greece were historic rivals, it was considered necessary to help both equally even though the crisis in Greece was far more intense.

Critics of the policy have observed that the governments of Greece and Turkey were themselves far from democratic at this time, and neither were facing Soviet subversion in the spring of 1949. Historian Eric Foner writes that the Doctrine "set a precedent for American assistance to anticommunist regimes throughout the world, no matter how undemocratic, and for the creation of a set of global military alliances directed against the Soviet Union."For years, the United Kingdom had supported Greece, but was now near bankruptcy and was forced to radically reduce its involvement. In February 1947, Britain formally requested for the United States to take over its role in supporting the royalist Greek government. The policy won the support of Republicans who controlled Congress and involved sending $400 million in American money but no military forces to the region. The effect was to end the Greek revolt, and in 1952, both Greece and Turkey joined NATO, a military alliance, to guarantee their stability.

The Truman Doctrine was informally extended to become the basis of American Cold War policy throughout Europe and around the world. It shifted American foreign policy toward the Soviet Union from anti-fascism ally to a policy of containment of Soviet expansion as advocated by diplomat George Kennan. It was distinguished from rollback by implicitly tolerating the previous Soviet takeovers in Eastern Europe.

Ulbricht Doctrine

The Ulbricht Doctrine, named after East German leader Walter Ulbricht, was the assertion that normal diplomatic relations between East Germany and West Germany could occur only if both states fully recognised each other's sovereignty. That contrasted with the Hallstein Doctrine, a West German policy which insisted that West Germany was the only legitimate German state.

East Germany gained acceptance of its view from fellow Communist states, such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria, which all agreed not to normalise relations with West Germany until it recognised East German sovereignty.

West Germany eventually abandoned its Hallstein Doctrine, instead adopting the policies of Ostpolitik. In December 1972, a Basic Treaty between East and West Germany was signed that reaffirmed two German states as separate entities. The treaty also allowed the exchange of diplomatic missions and the entry of both German states to the United Nations as full members.

United States Twelfth Fleet

The Twelfth Fleet was a numbered fleet of the United States Navy and was operational from 1 October 1943. The fleet began demobilization in late 1945 and was disestablished in 1946.

Twelfth Fleet was established from the U.S. naval forces under Commander Naval Forces Europe, Admiral Harold Stark when, on 9 September 1943 Admiral Ernest King ordered the consolidation of all U.S. naval forces in Europe under a new Twelfth Fleet. The fleet was actually organized earlier under Rear Admiral Alan G. Kirk before all naval forces in Europe were combined. As a command under the United States Naval Forces Europe, the commanders were based from London, England.

Kirk was replaced by Admiral H. Kent Hewitt in August 1945. The fleet had the following commands:

Task Force 122 under command of Rear Adm. Alan G. Kirk to control operations and training for the cross-Channel assault. Forces from TF 122 made up much of D-Day's Western Naval Task Force.

Eleventh Amphibious Force

Landing Craft and Bases, Europe, to receive and control the buildup of landing craft for the invasion.Task Force 129 was the bombarding force during the Bombardment of Cherbourg.

On 15 April, United States Eighth Fleet was disestablished. All U.S. ships and shore bases in the Mediterranean became part of Task Force 125 of the Twelfth Fleet. NAVNAW however was also retained.With the escalating Turkish Straits crisis as well as the Greek Civil War, Task Group 125.4 led by the carrier Franklin D. Roosevelt departed Norfolk Naval Base, Virginia, for the eastern Mediterranean on 8 August 1946 under the command of Rear Admiral John H. Cassady. The key event of this deployment was a highly publicized port visit to Piraeus, Greece, on 5 September 1946. According to the late American historian James Chace, this deployment by Task Group 125.4 "symbolized" the true beginning of the Cold War by demonstrating U.S. support of the pro-Western governments of Greece and Turkey in the face of external Soviet pressure and internal Communist insurrections.On 1 November 1946, Mediterranean responsibilities were transferred to United States Naval Forces Mediterranean. On 12 February 1950, Naval Forces Mediterranean became the United States Sixth Fleet.

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Though the American white collar workers received special treatment there, the blue collar laborers often had to suffer the same deplorable conditions as Soviet workers. As one testified: "Men froze, hungered and suffered, but the construction work went on with a disregard for individuals and a mass heroism seldom paralleled in history."

The program examines both how the Soviets spun the facts and how American industry concealed the help it provided to the Soviet Union.

Frozen conflicts
Foreign policy
See also
Countries bordering the Black Sea

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