Tlatelolco massacre

Following a summer of increasingly large demonstrations in Mexico City protesting the 1968 Mexico City Olympics, armed forces of Mexico opened fire October 2, 1968 on unarmed civilians, killing an undetermined number, likely in the hundreds. It occurred in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in the Tlatelolco section of Mexico City. The events are considered part of the Mexican Dirty War, when the government used its forces to suppress political opposition. The massacre occurred 10 days before the opening of the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City.

The head of the Federal Directorate of Security reported that 1,345 people were arrested.[1] At the time, the government and the media in Mexico claimed that government forces had been provoked by protesters shooting at them,[2] but government documents made public since 2000 suggest that snipers had been employed by the government. According to US national security archives, Kate Doyle, a Senior Analyst of US policy in Latin America, documented the deaths of 44 people;[3] however, estimates of the actual death toll range from 300 to 400, with eyewitnesses reporting hundreds dead.[4][5][6][7][8][9]

Tlatelolco massacre
Part of Mexico 68 and the Dirty War
15-07-20-Plaza-de-las-tres-Culturas-RalfR-N3S 9336
Memorial stele dedicated to the massacre victims at Tlatelolco.
LocationPlaza de las Tres Culturas, Mexico City
Coordinates19°27′4″N 99°08′14″W / 19.45111°N 99.13722°W
DateOctober 2, 1968
c. 6:15 p.m. (UTC−6)
Attack type
Massacre
Deaths300-400
Suspected perpetrators
Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
(assumed responsibility)
Luis Echeverría

Background

The Mexican government invested a massive $150 million in preparation for the 1968 Olympics to be hosted in Mexico City. That amount was equal to roughly $1 billion by today's terms.[11] Mexican President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz struggled to maintain public order during a time of rising social tensions but suppressed movements by labor unions and farmers fighting to improve their lot. His administration suppressed independent labor unions, farmers, and was heavy-handed in trying to direct the economy. In 1958 under the previous administration of Adolfo López Mateos, when Díaz Ordaz was Minister of the Interior, labor leader Demetrio Vallejo was arrested and peasant activist Rubén Jaramillo was murdered. [12]

Arising from reaction to the government's violent repression of a July 1968 fight between rival porros (gangs), the student movement in Mexico City quickly grew to include large segments of the university students who were dissatisfied with the regime of the PRI, most especially at the Autonomous National University of Mexico (UNAM), and the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) as well as other universities. After a fight by rival student groups in central Mexico City was broken up violently by a large contingent of police, university students formed a National Strike Council to organize protests and present demands to the government. Large-scale protests on grew in size over the summer as the opening of the Olympic Games in mid October grew nearer. Minister of the Interior Luis Echeverría needed to keep public order. On October 2, 1968, a large peaceful march arrived at the Plaza of the Three Cultures for the usual speeches. However, the Díaz Ordaz government had had enough, and troops marched into the plaza and gunmen in surrounding buildings opened fire on the unarmed civilians in what is now known as the Tlatelolco massacre.

Massacre

Estudiantes sobre cammión quemado (A68)
Students in a burned bus.

On October 2, 1968, around 10,000 university and high school students gathered in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas to protest the government's actions and listen peacefully to speeches.[13] Many men and women not associated with the CNH gathered in the plaza to watch and listen; they included neighbors from the Residential complex, bystanders and children. The students had congregated outside the Chihuahua Building, a three-moduled thirteen-story apartment complex in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. Among their chants were ¡No queremos olimpiadas, queremos revolución! ("We don't want Olympics, we want revolution!"). Rally organizers did not try to call off the protest when they noticed an increased military presence in the area.

Two helicopters, one from the police, and another one from the army, flew over the plaza. Around 5:55 P.M. red flares were shot from the nearby S.R.E. (Mexican Ministry of Foreign Relations) tower. Around 6:15 P.M. another two flares were shot, this time from a helicopter (one was green and another one was red) as 5,000 soldiers, 200 tankettes[14] and trucks surrounded the plaza.[13] Much of what proceeded after the first shots were fired in the plaza remained ill-defined for decades after 1968. Records and information released by American and Mexican government sources since 2000 have enabled researchers to study the events and draw new conclusions.

The question of who fired first remained unresolved years after the massacre. The Mexican government said gunfire from the surrounding apartments prompted the army's attack. But the students said that the helicopters appeared to signal the army to fire into the crowd. Journalist Elena Poniatowska culled interviews from those present and described events in her book Massacre in Mexico: "Flares suddenly appeared in the sky overhead and everyone automatically looked up. The first shots were heard then. The crowd panicked…[and] started running in all directions."[12] Despite CNH efforts to restore order, the crowd on the plaza quickly fell into chaos.

Shortly thereafter, the Olympia Battalion, a secret government branch made for the security of the Olympic Games composed of soldiers, police officers, and federal security agents,[14] were ordered to arrest the leaders of the CNH and advanced into the plaza. The Olympia Battalion members wore white gloves or white handkerchiefs tied to their left hands to distinguish themselves from the civilians and prevent the soldiers from shooting them.[12] Captain Ernesto Morales Soto stated that "immediately upon sighting a flare in the sky, the prearranged signal, we were to seal off the aforementioned two entrances and prevent anyone from entering or leaving."[12]

The ensuing assault into the plaza left dozens dead and many more wounded in its aftermath. The soldiers responded by firing into the nearby buildings and into the crowd, hitting not only the protesters, but also watchers and bystanders. Demonstrators and passersby alike, including students, journalists (one of which was Italian reporter Oriana Fallaci), and children, were hit by bullets, and mounds of bodies soon lay on the ground. Meanwhile, on the Chihuahua building, where the speakers stood, Olympia Battalion members pushed people and ordered them to lie on the ground near the elevator walls. People claim these men were the people who shot first at the soldiers and the crowd.[14]

Video evidence also points out that at least two companies of the Olympia Battalion hid themselves in the nearby apartment buildings and set up a machine gun in an apartment on the Molino del Rey Building, where a sister-in-law of then-Secretary of State Luis Echeverría lived; the church of Santiago de Tlatelolco, where snipers were positioned into the roof; the nearby convent and the Foreign Relations Tower, where there were many people involved including the ones who fired the first two flares; a machine gun on the 19th floor; and a video camera on the 17th floor. Video evidence shows 10 white-gloved men leaving the church and bumping into soldiers, who point their weapons at them. One of the men shows what appears to be an ID, and they are let go.[14]

The killing continued throughout the night, with soldiers and policemen operating on a house-to-house basis in the apartment buildings adjacent to the square. The Chihuahua Building as well as the rest of the neighborhood had its electricity and phones cut off. Witnesses to the event claim that the bodies were first removed in ambulances and later military officials came and piled up bodies, not knowing if they were dead or alive, into the military trucks, while some say that the bodies were piled up on garbage trucks and sent to unknown destinations. The soldiers rounded up the students onto the Chihuahua Building's elevator walls, stripped them, and beat them.

3,000 attendees were taken to the convent next to the church and were left there until early in the morning, most of these being people that had little to nothing in common with the students and were only neighbors, bystanders, passersby and others who were on the plaza just to listen to the speech. Other witnesses claim that in the later days, Olympia Battalion members would disguise themselves as utilities employees and inspect the houses in search of students.

The official government explanation of the incident was that armed provocateurs among the demonstrators, stationed in buildings overlooking the crowd, had begun the firefight. Suddenly finding themselves sniper targets, the security forces had simply returned the shooting in self-defense. By the next morning, newspapers reported that 20 to 28 people had been killed, hundreds wounded, and hundreds more arrested.[12]

Most of the Mexican media reported that the students provoked the army's murderous response with sniper fire from the apartment buildings surrounding the plaza. El Día's morning headline on October 3, 1968, read as followed: "Criminal Provocation at the Tlatelolco Meeting Causes Terrible Bloodshed." The government-controlled media reported the Mexican government's side of the events that night, but the truth eventually emerged: A 2001 investigation revealed documents showing that the snipers were members of the Presidential Guard, who were instructed to fire on the military forces in order to provoke them.[15]

Investigation and response

In 1998, President Ernesto Zedillo, on the 30th anniversary of the Tlatelolco massacre, authorized a congressional investigation into the events of October 2. However, the PRI government continued its recalcitrance and did not release official government documents pertaining to the incident. In a 2002 All Things Considered radio interview with Kate Doyle, director of the Mexican Documentation Project for the US National Security Archive, she described the PRI government's investigations: "I mean, there have been a number of investigations throughout the years. In fact, former President Miguel de la Madrid was interviewed yesterday in the press, and said that he had asked the military and the interior secretary for documents and for photographs of the demonstrations, and was subjected to tremendous political pressure not to investigate. And when he continued to press, the military and the interior ministry claimed that their files were in disarray and they had nothing."[16]

Enduring questions remained after "La Noche Triste" (the Sad Night) that have taken the Mexican government over 30 years to answer. Eventually in 2001, President Vicente Fox, the president who ended the 70-year reign of the PRI, attempted to resolve the question of who had orchestrated the massacre. President Fox ordered the release of previously classified documents concerning the 1968 massacre.[17] The documents revealed that Elena Poniatowska's synthesis of the events that October night was accurate, as Kate Doyle uncovered,

Thousands of students gathered in the square and, as you say, the government version is that the students opened fire. Well, there's been pretty clear evidence now that there was a unit that was called the Brigada Olympica, or the Olympic Brigade, that was made up of special forces of the presidential guard, who opened fire from the buildings that surrounded the square, and that that was the thing that provoked the massacre.[16]

President Fox also appointed Ignacio Carrillo Prieto in 2002 to prosecute those responsible for ordering the massacre.[18] In 2006, former President Luis Echeverría was arrested on charges of genocide. However, in March 2009, after a convoluted appeal process, the genocide charges against Echeverria were dismissed. The Mexican newspaper The News reported that "a tribunal of three circuit court judges ruled that there was not enough proof to link Echeverria to the violent suppression of hundreds of protesting students on Oct. 2, 1968."[19] Despite the ruling, prosecutor Carrillo Prieto said he would continue his investigation and seek charges against Echeverria before the United Nations International Court of Justice and the Inter-American Human Rights Commission.[19]

US government records

In October 2003, the role of the United States government in the massacre was publicized when the National Security Archive at George Washington University published a series of records from the CIA, the Pentagon, the State Department, the FBI and the White House which were released in response to Freedom of Information Act requests.[20]

Ccut proceso134
The old foreign ministry building sits where the event took place.

The documents detail:

  • That in response to Mexican government concerns over the security of the Olympic Games, the Pentagon sent military radios, weapons, ammunition and riot control training material to Mexico before and during the crisis.
  • That the CIA station in Mexico City produced almost daily reports concerning developments within the university community and the Mexican government from July to October. Six days before the massacre at Tlatelolco, both Echeverría and head of Federal Security (DFS) Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios told the CIA that "the situation will be under complete control very shortly".
  • That the Díaz Ordaz government "arranged" to have student leader Sócrates Campos Lemus accuse dissident PRI politicians such as Carlos Madrazo of funding and orchestrating the student movement.

Remembrance

Marcha2oct2014 ohs27
Demonstration marking the Tlatelolco massacre, 2 October 2014

In 1993, in remembrance of the 25th anniversary of the events, a stele was dedicated with the names of a few of the students and persons who lost their lives during the event. The Supreme Court of Justice of the Nation has a mural commemorating the massacre.

During June 2006, days before the controversial presidential election of 2006, 84-year-old Echeverría was charged with genocide in connection with the massacre. He was placed under house arrest pending trial. In early July of that year (after the presidential elections), he was cleared of genocide charges, as the judge found that Echeverría could not be put on trial because the statute of limitations had expired.

In December 2008 the Mexican Senate named the 2nd of October starting in 2009 as a National Day of Mourning; the initiative had already passed the Deputies' Chamber of Congress.[21]

40th anniversary march

On October 2, 2008, two marches were held in Mexico City to commemorate the event. One traveled from Escuela Normal Superior de Maestros (Teacher's College) to the Zocalo. The other went from the Instituto Politécnico Nacional to the massacre site of the Plaza de las Tres Culturas. According to the "Comité del 68" (68 Committee), one of the organizers of the event, 40,000 marchers were in attendance.[22]

HeadMarch2Oct2008DF

Head of march from the teachers' college to the Zocalo

March2ndOct2008DF1

Part of the march to the Zocalo

NoOlvido2Oct2008DF

Sign states "No estuve ahí pero no olvido" (I wasn't there but I won't forget)

DrawingBlood2Oct08DF

Protesters drawing chalk outlines of human bodies and doves with fake blood on Eje Central

Media portrayals

In 1969, Mexican rock band Pop Music Team, launched the single Tlatelolco but was heavily censored by the government after a few days of airplay.

Rojo Amanecer (1989), directed by Jorge Fons, is a Spanish-language film about the event. It focuses on the day of a middle-class family living in one of the apartment buildings surrounding the Plaza de Tlatelolco and is based on testimonials from witnesses and victims. It starred Héctor Bonilla, María Rojo, the Bichir Brothers, Eduardo Palomo and others.

Alejandro Jodorowsky dramatized the massacre in The Holy Mountain (1973), with birds, fruits, vegetables, liquids and other things falling and being ripped out of the wounds of the dying students.

Richard Dindo, a documentary filmmaker, has made Ni olvido, ni perdón (2004),[23] which includes contemporary interviews with witnesses and participants as well as footage from the time.

A feature film, Tlatelolco, verano del '68,[24] was released in Mexico, November, 2012, written and directed by Carlos Bolado.

Roberto Bolaño released Amulet, a Spanish-language novel, in 1999, recounting the massacre from the point of view of a woman named Auxilio, based on the true story of Alcira Soust Scaffo. Auxilio was caught in the university bathroom at the time of the police ambush. She tells her story also in his later novel The Savage Detectives.[25]

Borrar de la Memoria, a movie about a journalist who investigates a girl who was killed in July 1968, lightly touches the massacre, which is filmed by Roberto Rentería, a C.U.E.C. student who was making a documentary about said girl, known popularly as La empaquetada ("the packaged [girl]") for the way her dismembered body was found inside a box.

Los Parecidos, a movie from 2015, also takes place at the date, references Tlatelolco heavily and portrays the conflict between student and government.

Jarhdin, a song by Mexican artist Maya Ghazal, features a two-minute audio sample recorded during the shooting at The Plaza de las Tres Culturas.

See also

References

  1. ^ Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, "PROBLEMA ESTUDIANTIL", 3 October 1968, in ADFS, Exp. 11-4-68, L-44, H-292.
  2. ^ Kara Michelle Borden, Mexico '68: An Analysis of the Tlatelolco Massacre and its Legacy, University of Oregon thesis, p. 3.
  3. ^ "National Security Archive - 30+ Years of Freedom of Information Action". www.gwu.edu.
  4. ^ "Mexico '68". National Public Radio. Retrieved 27 July 2010.
  5. ^ "Memories of Massacre in Mexico". Washington Post. February 14, 2002. p. A21.
  6. ^ "Mexican leaders vow to open books on massacre". The Miami Herald. October 3, 2001.
  7. ^ "Unveiling A Hidden Massacre: Mexico Sets Honors For 300 Slain in '68". The Washington Post. October 2, 1998.
  8. ^ Joe Richman; Anayansi Diaz-Cortes (December 1, 2008). "Mexico's 1968 Massacre: What Really Happened?". NPR. Retrieved 27 July 2010.
  9. ^ "The most terrifying night of my life". BBC News. 2 October 2008. Retrieved 27 July 2010.
    "Human rights groups and foreign journalists have put the number of dead at around 300."
  10. ^ From Che to Marcos by Jeffrey W. Rubin, Dissent Magazine, Summer 2002 Archived October 4, 2009, at the Wayback Machine
  11. ^ Henry Giniger. "Hundreds Seized in Mexico Clashes," New York Times. September 23, 1968.
  12. ^ a b c d e Poniatowska, Elena. Massacre in Mexico, trans. Helen R. Lane Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1991.
  13. ^ a b Werner, Michael S., ed. Encyclopedia of Mexico: History, Society & Culture. Vol. 2 Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn Publishers, 1997.
  14. ^ a b c d Canal 6 de Julio, Tlatelolco: Las Claves de la Masacre
  15. ^ Mexico's 1968 Massacre: What Really Happened? All Things Considered, National Public Radio. 1 December 2008. Includes photos, video, and declassified documents.
  16. ^ a b All Things Considered, National Public Radio, February 14, 2002.
  17. ^ Morning Edition, National Public Radio, April 22, 2002.
  18. ^ Kevin Sullivan, "Mexico to Seek Genocide Charges Against Officials in 1968 Massacre", Washington Post, January 14, 2005.
  19. ^ a b Nacha Cattan, "Cries of Impunity Follow Exoneration of Ex-President", The News [Mexico City], March 28, 2009.
  20. ^ Doyle, Kate. "The Tlatelolco Massacre". www.gwu.edu.
  21. ^ Allier, Eugenia (2016). "Memory and history of mexico '68". European Review of Latin American and Caribbean Studies. 102: 7–25.
  22. ^ "Multitudinario mitin en el Zócalo por el 2 de octubre". La Jornada Online (in Spanish). Mexico City. 2008-10-02. Archived from the original on October 5, 2008. Retrieved 2008-10-06.
  23. ^ Tlatelolco massacre on IMDb
  24. ^ Tlatelolco massacre on IMDb
  25. ^ Bolaño, Roberto (2007). The Savage Detectives. Natasha Wimmer (trans). Picador. p. 197. ISBN 9780312427481.

Further reading

  • "The ghosts of Mexico 1968", The Economist, 24 April 2008
  • Ecker, Ronald L. (April 1, 2009). "The Tlatelolco Massacre in Mexico". Retrieved 27 July 2010.
  • Flaherty, George F. Hotel Mexico: Dwelling on the '68 Movement, University of California Press, 2016.
  • Lucas, Jeffrey Kent. The Rightward Drift of Mexico's Former Revolutionaries: The Case of Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, Lewiston, New York: Edwin Mellen Press, 2010.
  • Poniatowska, Elena (trans. by Lane, Helen R.), Massacre in Mexico (original title La noche de Tlatelolco, or The Night of Tlatelolco), New York: Viking, 1975 ISBN 0-8262-0817-7.
  • Taibo II, Paco Ignacio, '68, New York: Seven Stories Press, 2003 ISBN 1-58322-608-7.

External links

Coordinates: 19°27′05″N 99°08′11″W / 19.4515°N 99.1365°W

1968 Summer Olympics

The 1968 Summer Olympics (Spanish: Juegos Olímpicos de Verano de 1968), officially known as the Games of the XIX Olympiad, was an international multi-sport event held in Mexico City, Mexico, from October 12th to the 27th.

These were the first Olympic Games to be staged in Latin America and the first to be staged in a Spanish-speaking country. They were the first Games to use an all-weather (smooth) track for track and field events instead of the traditional cinder track.

The 1968 Games were the third to be held in the last quarter of the year, after the 1956 Games in Melbourne and the 1964 Games in Tokyo. The Mexican Student Movement of 1968 happened concurrently and the Olympic Games were correlated to the government's repression.

Amalia García

Amalia Dolores García Medina (born October 6, 1951) is a Mexican politician and a former governor of Zacatecas.

García was born into a political family. When she was five, her father Francisco Garcia Estrada was elected governor of their home state of Zacatecas, representing the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). Rather than following in his footsteps, García instead enrolled in the outlawed Mexican Communist Party (PCM) after witnessing the student revolts of 1968 and the Tlatelolco massacre. Her political stance became more moderate over time, and she played a key role in turning the PCM into a "neo-Communist" party. She followed the PCM into the Unified Socialist Party of Mexico (PSUM) in 1981. After briefly being a member of the Socialist Mexican Party, she became a founding member of the Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD) when it was created in 1989.

In the 1990s she served as both a deputy and a senator for the PRD. In 1996 she ran (unsuccessfully) for party president; she ran again, and won, in 2000.

In June 24th, 2018 she renounced to PRD, after 29 years of advocacy, arguing "the great debate of ideas that constituted one of its strengths, has been totally replaced by agreements for the distribution of quotas ".

Authentic Labor Front

The Authentic Labor Front (Spanish: Frente Auténtico del Trabajo or FAT) is a confederation of labor unions in Mexico. It was formed as a progressive "Social Catholic" organization in 1960 in response to the nation's labor strife of 1958-1959. Following the strikes of these years, the Mexican government replaced the leaders of the rebellious mine, railroad and oil workers' unions with charros (corrupt labor bosses). The FAT supported union democracy and opposed the authoritarian tendencies of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). FAT activists have also challenged the mainstream Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM).

The FAT was influenced by the student movements of the late 1960s and the Tlatelolco Massacre of 1968. In the following years, the FAT's political orientation became more left-wing and secular. It engaged in the rank-and-file union reform campaigns of the 1970s and 1980s that occurred in the steelworkers, auto workers, and electrical workers unions.

Following the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in 1994, the FAT became one of the main organizations to oppose it. The FAT has participated in international "cross-border solidarity" campaigns with other unions such as the United Electrical Workers of the United States and the United Steelworkers in the United States and Canada. It has also engaged in other social justice initiatives, such as campaigns around women's rights. Though independent from any political party, the FAT tends to side with the center-left National Regeneration Movement (MORENA).

British Honduras at the 1968 Summer Olympics

British Honduras (now Belize) competed in the Summer Olympic Games for the first time at the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City, Mexico. Seven competitors, all men, took part in six events in four sports.Some speculated that the Tlatelolco massacre would discourage British Honduras's participation in the Games, but the British Honduran athletes persevered. They won no medals, however.

Corpus Christi massacre

The Corpus Christi Massacre or El Halconazo (The hawk strike, so called because of the participation of a government-trained paramilitary group known as Los Halcones) was a massacre of student demonstrators during the Mexican Dirty War in Mexico City on June 10, 1971, the day of the Corpus Christi festival. Nearly 120 protesters were killed, among them a fourteen-year-old boy.

Gustavo Díaz Ordaz

Gustavo Díaz Ordaz Bolaños (Spanish pronunciation: [gusˈtaβo ˈðias oɾˈðas]; 12 March 1911 – 15 July 1979) was a Mexican politician and member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He served as the President of Mexico from 1964 to 1970.

Díaz Ordaz was born in San Andrés Chalchicomula and obtained a law degree from the University of Puebla in 1937 where he later became its vice-rector. He represented Puebla's 1st district in the Chamber of Deputies from 1943 to 1946. Subsequently he represented the same state in the Chamber of Senators from 1946 to 1952 becoming closely acquainted with then-senator Adolfo López Mateos.

Díaz Ordaz joined the campaign of Adolfo Ruiz Cortines for the 1952 election and subsequently worked for the Secretariat of the Interior under Ángel Carvajal Bernal. He became the secretary following López Mateos victory in the 1958 election and exercised de facto executive power during the absences of the president, particularly during the Cuban Missile Crisis. In 1963, the PRI announced him as the presidential candidate for the 1964 election, he received 88.81% of the popular vote.

His administration is mostly remembered for the student protests that took place in 1968, and their subsequent repression by the Army and State forces during the Tlatelolco massacre.After passing on presidency to his own Secretary of the Interior (Luis Echeverría), Díaz Ordaz retired from public life. He was briefly the Ambassador to Spain in 1977, a position he resigned after strong protests and criticism by the media. He died of colorectal cancer on 15 July 1979 at the age of 68.

Javier Barros Sierra

Javier Barros Sierra (1915-1971) was a Mexican engineer and Rector of the National Autonomous University of Mexico during the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre. Born in Mexico city, he studied civil engineering at UNAM. He became president of the student society of the Faculty of Sciences in 1936 and University Counsellor in 1938. He taught for more than 20 years in the Escuela Nacional Preparatoria (a high school of UNAM) and the National School of Engineering (later Faculty of Engineering), of whom he was director from 1955 to 1958. He became Rector on May 5, 1966. During his rectorship, the government and the army entered Ciudad Universitaria, UNAM's main campus. In protest of these actions and the indiscriminate beating of UNAM's students, he resigned his post on September 23, 9 days before the massacre in Tlatelolco. He was reinstated as Rector after the liberation of CU, a post he held until May 5, 1970.

La Onda

La Onda (The Wave) was a multidisciplinary artistic movement created in Mexico by artists and intellectuals as part of the worldwide waves of the counterculture of the 1960s and the avant-garde. Its followers were called "onderos", "macizos" or "jipitecas". La Onda encompassed artistic productions in the worlds of cinema, literature, visual arts and music and strongly addressed social issues of the time such as women's rights, ecology, spirituality, artistic freedom, open drug use and democracy in a country tightly ruled by the PRI. According to Mexican intellectual Carlos Monsiváis, La Onda was "a new spirit, the repudiation of convention and prejudice, the creation of a new morality, the challenging of proper morals, the expansion of consciousness, the systematic revision and critique of the values offered by the West as sacred and perfect."

Luis Echeverría

Luis Echeverría Álvarez (Spanish pronunciation: [lwis etʃeβeˈri.a ˈalβaɾes]; born 17 January 1922) is a Mexican politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who served as the 50th President of Mexico from 1970 to 1976. At 97, he is currently the oldest living former Mexican president.

His presidency was characterized by his authoritarian manners, the 1971 Corpus Christi massacre against student protesters, the Dirty War against leftist dissent in the country (while adopting a leftist-populist rhetoric himself), and the economic crisis that occurred in Mexico towards the end of his term.At the international stage, he attempted to become a leader of the so-called "Third World", the countries that were not aligned with either the US or the USSR during the Cold War; he established diplomatic relations with the People's Republic of China after visiting the country and meeting with Mao Zedong, strained relations with Israel (and Jews in the United States) after supporting a UN resolution that equated Zionism to racism, and unsuccessfully tried to become Secretary-General of the United Nations.In 2006, he was indicted and ordered under house arrest for his role in the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre and the 1971 Corpus Christi massacre, but in 2009 the charges against him were dismissed.

Marcelino Perelló Valls

Marcelino Perelló Valls (1944 – 5 August 2017) was a figure of the Mexican Student Movement of 1968, and the representative of the School of Sciences of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) to the National Strike Council (CNH). Perelló was a member of the Mexican Communist Party (PCM) from 1965 until his death in 2017.

At the beginning of the movement, he was arrested on July 27 after the police raided the PCM’s semi-clandestine premises on Mérida street on July 26, 1968, in Mexico City; he was released next day because his political connections.

After the Tlatelolco massacre, he hid

in Europe the following year; he was in exile for 16 years. He was in France, Romania and Spain, and in 1975 he graduated in Mathematics from the University of Bucharest, and two years later he obtained a master's degree in Science from the same institution.

As a professor, he taught at the University of Barcelona from 1977 to 1985; at the Autonomous University of Sinaloa from 1985 to 1986, and at the Autonomous University of Puebla, from 1987 to 1988. He was a professor at the School of Sciences of the UNAM, from 1990 on, where earlier he was a Physics student. During his student participation at the UNAM, he was a representative at the Consejo Nacional de Huelga, and part of the top leadership during Mexico 68's movement.

At the time of his death, Marcelino Perelló was the Secretary General of the Museo Universitario del Chopo. He

was also a contributor to the newspaper Excélsior. and a columnist and a writer.

Metro Tlatelolco

Metro Tlatelolco is a metro station along Line 3 of the Mexico City Metro. It is located in the Tlatelolco neighbourhood of the Cuauhtémoc borough of Mexico City, to the north of the downtown area. It serves the Unidad Habitacional Nonoalco-Tlatelolco mega apartment complex, famous for its Plaza de las Tres Culturas square (with buildings from the pre-Hispanic, colonial, and modern eras) and infamous for the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre of demonstrating students.

The station logo depicts the tallest building in the nearby Nonoalco-Tlatelolco residential estate, the triangular Torre Insignia, which was formerly a Banobras building. The 127 metres (417 ft) tower houses a 47-bell carillon – a gift to the Mexican people from the citizens of Belgium. Metro Tlatelolco is directly connected with the main square of the vast, 1960s residential estate.

The station opened on 20 November 1970 with service southward towards Hospital General. Northward service towards Indios Verdes started nearly 8 years later on 25 August 1978.

Mexican Movement of 1968

The Mexican Movement of 1968, the Mexican Student Movement or the Student Movement (in Spanish, Movimiento Estudiantil) was a social movement was a coalition of students from Mexico's leading universities that garnered widespread public support for political change in Mexico, particularly since the government had spent large amounts of public funding to build Olympic facilities for the 1968 Mexico City Olympic Games. Student mobilization on the campuses of the National Autonomous University of Mexico, National Polytechnic Institute, El Colegio de México, Chapingo Autonomous University, Ibero-American University, Universidad La Salle and Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla, among others created the National Strike Council. Its efforts to mobilize Mexicans for broad changes in national life was supported by sectors of Mexican civil society, including as workers, peasants, housewives, merchants, intellectuals, artists, and teachers. The movement had a list of demands for the Mexican president Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Government of Mexico for specific student issues as well as broader ones, especially the reduction or elimination of authoritarianism. In the background, the movement was motivated by the global Protests of 1968 and struggled for a democratic change in the country, more political and civil liberties, the reduction of inequality and the resignation of the government of the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) that they considered authoritarian. The political movement was suppressed by the government with the violent government attack on a peaceful demonstration on 2 October 1968, known as the Tlatelolco Massacre. There were lasting changes in Mexican political and cultural life because of the 1968 mobilization.Twenty-two years after the Government of Mexico created a Special Prosecutor for the Social and Political Movements of the Past (FEMOSSP, in Spanish), which published a report. after the reopening of the case and concluded that the movement marked an inflection "in the political times of Mexico", and was "independent, rebellious and close to the civil resistance" this last recognized officially as false the main argument of the Díaz Ordaz's official version that the reason behind the movement was the aim to install a Communist regime. With this argument the Mexican government justified its strategy to combat the movement and characterizing it as a foreign risk with terrorists pretensions.In that order the Mexican Government planned and ordered an extermination campaign during the months of the movement and after based on a massive strategy of Human Rights violations as false imprisonments, abuses, torture, persecution, espionage, criminalization; also crimes as forced disappearances, homicides and extrajudicial killings. All along this period the Mexican Government had an active advising, presence and intelligence operations of the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States under the undercovered, Operation LITEMPO, including having Díaz Ordaz and other high representatives of the Mexican Government as informants. The number of victims, disappeared and imprisoned is still imprecise.

Some victims of the Tlatelolco massacre tried to sue the October 2 killings on national and international courts as a crime against humanity and a genocide, affirmation that was sustained by FEMOSPP but rejected by its courts. Some political scientists, historians and intellectuals like Carlos Monsiváis agreed in pointing out that this movement and its conclusion incited a permanent and more active critical and oppositional attitude of civil society, mainly in public universities. As well provoked the radicalization of some survivor activists who opted for clandestine action and formed urban and rural guerrillas, which were repressed in the so-called Dirty War on the 1970s.

Mexican Workers' Party

The Mexican Workers' Party (in Spanish: Partido Mexicano de los Trabajadores, PMT) was an old Mexican political party of left, that had legal registration in the 1980s, its main political figures were Heberto Castillo and Demetrio Vallejo.

The PMT had its origin in the years of Student Movement of 1968, especially the Tlatelolco massacre, and with the participation of noticeable intellectuals and social fighters as Heberto Castillo, Carlos Fuentes, Octavio Paz and Luis Villoro it gave origin of the National Committee of Auscultation and Coordination. After the exit of some of these personalities, it was constituted as a political party in 1975, but would only manage to obtain its registration in 1984, participating in the Legislative elections of 1985.

In 1987, in an effort to unify the different leftist forces in Mexico, the PMT and the Unified Socialist Party of Mexico fused and created the new Mexican Socialist Party, which two years later would be the main origin of the Party of the Democratic Revolution.

Olympic and Paralympic deaths

At the modern Olympic Games, up to and including the 2016 Summer Paralympics, 10 athletes have died while either competing in or practicing their sport. In addition, another 14 participants have died at the Olympics from other causes; 11 of these deaths resulted from the Munich massacre of 1972.

Several incidents related to the Olympics have caused the death of non-participants. Large numbers were killed during the Lima football riot of 1964 and the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City in 1968. The Centennial Olympic Park bombing at the 1996 Games caused two deaths.

Plaza de las Tres Culturas

The Plaza de las Tres Culturas ("Square of the Three Cultures") is the main square within the Tlatelolco neighbourhood of Mexico City. The name "Three Cultures" is in recognition of the three periods of Mexican history reflected by buildings in the plaza: pre-Columbian, Spanish colonial, and the independent nation. The plaza, designed by Mexican architect and urbanist Mario Pani, was completed in 1966.

The square contains the remains of Aztec temples and is flanked by the Catholic church of Santiago de Tlatelolco (built between 1604 and 1610 by fray Juan de Torquemada) and by a massive housing complex built in 1964.

The former headquarters of the Secretariat of Foreign Affairs (foreign ministry) also stands on the southern edge of the square. This headquarters now houses a memorial museum called "Memorial 68", opened by UNAM in October 2007, to remember the 1968 Mexican student demonstrations and the Tlatelolco Massacre victims and survivors. On the south side of the Plaza stands a large stone memorial erected on October 2, 1993, the 25th anniversary of the massacre, in memory of the hundreds killed.

Pop Music Team

Pop Music Team was a controversial Mexican rock band from the late 1960s and early 1970s. Their songs are sung mainly in Spanish.

It gained cult status because of their 1969 debut album Society is a shit, which included the controversial song "Tlatelolco" released a few months after the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre.

According to the 1999 Enrique Krauze documentary Yo no era un rebelde produced by Televisa, production of the album was halted by the band's recording company Orfeón and the song Tlatelolco had only two weeks of radio airplay due to censorship.Despite the censorship the band was successful, played with The Doors in Mexico City and starred in different movies before disbanding in 1972 after the crackdown of La Onda movement by the Mexican government called "El Avandarazo".

Protests of 1968

The protests of 1968 comprised a worldwide escalation of social conflicts, predominantly characterized by popular rebellions against military and bureaucratic elites, who responded with an escalation of political repression.

In capitalist countries, these protests marked a turning point for the civil rights movement in the United States, which produced revolutionary movements like the Black Panther Party. In reaction to the Tet Offensive, protests also sparked a broad movement in opposition to the Vietnam War all over the United States and even into London, Paris, Berlin and Rome. Mass socialist movements grew not only in the United States but also in most European countries. The most spectacular manifestation of these was the May 1968 protests in France, in which students linked up with wildcat strikes of up to ten million workers, and for a few days the movement seemed capable of overthrowing the government. In many other capitalist countries, struggles against dictatorships, state repression, and colonization were also marked by protests in 1968, such as the beginning of the Troubles in Northern Ireland, the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City, and the escalation of guerrilla warfare against the military dictatorship in Brazil.

In the socialist countries there were also protests against lack of freedom of speech and violation of other civil rights by the Communist bureaucratic and military elites. In Central and Eastern Europe there were widespread protests that escalated, particularly in the Prague Spring in Czechoslovakia, in Warsaw, in Poland, and in Yugoslavia.

The Similars

The Similars (Spanish: Los Parecidos) is a 2015 Mexican supernatural thriller film written and directed by Isaac Ezban. It stars Gustavo Sánchez Parra, Cassandra Ciangherotti, Fernando Becerril, Humberto Busto, Carmen Beato, Santiago Torres, and Maria Elena Olivares as people who are trapped by a hurricane at a bus station around the time of the Tlatelolco massacre in 1968. As the passengers wait for a bus to arrive, they are horrified to find that everyone's face is changing to match that of Parra's character. The Similars premiered at Fantastic Fest in September 2015. It was released in Mexico in October 2016.

Tlatelolco

Tlatelolco may refer to:

Tlatelolco (altepetl), a pre-Columbian Aztec citystate

Tlatelolco (archaeological site), an archaeological site in Mexico City, location of the Aztec citystate

Tlatelolco, Mexico City, an area in the Cuauhtémoc borough of Mexico City

Conjunto Urbano Nonoalco Tlatelolco, mega apartment complex

The Tlatelolco massacre of 1968 in which Mexican police and military forces killed more than 300 protesting students

Metro Tlatelolco, a station on the Mexico City Metro

Treaty of Tlatelolco, a treaty for the prohibition of nuclear weapons in Latin America and the Caribbean

Codex of Tlatelolco, a pictorial central Mexican manuscript

Topos de Tlatelolco, a rescue brigade

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