Túpac Katari

Túpac Katari or Catari (also Túpaj Katari) (c. 1750–November 15, 1781), born Julián Apasa Nina, was the indigenous Aymara leader of a major insurrection in colonial-era Upper Peru (now Bolivia), laying siege to La Paz for six months. His wife Bartolina Sisa and his sister Gregoria Apaza participated in the rebellion by his side.[1]

Túpac Katari
Corta de Retrato de Tupac Katari
Portrait in the Gallery of Latin American Patriots
Born
Julián Apasa Nina

c. 1750
DiedNovember 15, 1781 (aged 30–31)
NationalityAymara
Other namesCatari, Túpaj Katari

Biography

Banner of Tupaq Qatari
Tupac Katari's Wiphala
Wiphala of the Tupac Katari
Another of Tupac Katari's wiphalas

A member of the Aymara, Apasa took the name "Tupac Katari" to honor two earlier rebel leaders: Tomás Katari, and Túpac Amaru, executed by the Spanish in 1572. Katari's uprising was simultaneous with the Rebellion of Túpac Amaru II, whose cacique leader claimed to be a descendant of the earlier Túpac Amaru. Túpac Katari had no traditional claim to leadership similar to that of Túpac Amaru II, which may well have prompted Katari to associate himself with earlier leaders. Katari claimed authority from Túpac Amaru and proclaimed himself viceroy of the region. ("Katari" means "serpent, large snake" in Aymara; "Amaru" means the same in Quechua, the language of Tupac Amaru. "Tupac" means "brilliant, resplendent" in both languages.)[2]

He raised an army of some 40,000 and laid siege to the city of La Paz in 1781. Katari and his wife Bartolina Sisa set up court in El Alto and maintained the siege from March to June and from August to October. Sisa was a commander of the siege, and played the crucial role following Katari's capture in April. The siege was broken by the Spanish colonial troops who advanced from Lima and Buenos Aires.[3] During the siege, 20,000 people died.[4]

Katari laid siege again later in the year, this time joined by Andrés Túpac Amaru, nephew of Túpac Amaru II, but Katari lacked adequate forces to be successful.

By August 5th, Túpac Katari and his forces had besieged the city, and a few weeks later they were joined by forces led by Andrés Túpac Amaru. In mid-September, another cousin of the Inca rebel leader, Miguel Bastidas Túpac Amaru, arrived to help prosecute the siege before it was finally broken by Spanish loyalists led by Josef Reseguín on October 17, 1781. As the royalist noose tightened, Túpac Katari was captured and was executed on November 13. Diego Cristóbal Túpac Amaru was captured at Marcapata in Quispicanchis on March 15, 1782. Having no alternatives to survive, Miguel Bastidas Túpac Amaru obtained a pardon by assisting the Spanish in suppressing what was left of the rebellion. [5]

On his death on 15 November 1781, Katari's final words were: "I die but will return tomorrow as thousand thousands."[6]

Legacy

For his effort, his betrayal, defeat, torture and brutal execution (torn by his extremities into four pieces, or Quartering), Túpac Katari is remembered as a hero by modern indigenous movements in Bolivia, who call their political philosophy Katarismo. A Bolivian guerrilla group, the Tupac Katari Guerrilla Army, also bears his name. Bolivia's first satellite in orbit was named Túpac Katari 1.

See also

Further reading

  • del Valle de Siles, María Eugenia, Historia de la rebelión Túpac Catari, 1781-1782. (1900)
  • Fisher, Lillian Estelle, The Last Inca Revolt, 1780-1783. 1966.
  • O'Phelan Godoy, Rebellions and Revolts in Eighteenth-Century Peru and Upper Peru. 1985.
  • Paredes, M. Rigoberto, Túpac Catari: Apuntes biográficos (1897, 1973).
  • Robin, Diana; Jaffe, Ira (1999). Redirecting the Gaze: Gender, Theory, and Cinema in the Third World. SUNY Press. ISBN 9780791439937.
  • Stern, Steve J., ed. Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries. 1987.
  • Valencia Vega, Alipio, Julián Tupaj Katari, caudillo de la liberación india. 1950

References

  1. ^ Kendall W. Brown, "Túpac Catari (Julián Apaza)" in Encyclopedia of Latin American History and Culture, vol. 5, p. 280. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons 1996.
  2. ^ Thompson, Sinclair (2002). We Alone Will Rule: Native Andean Politics in the Age of Insurgency, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, p. 190.
  3. ^ Hylton, Forrest (2007). Revolutionary horizons: Popular struggle in Bolivia. London: Verso. ISBN 978-1-84467-070-3.
  4. ^ "Rebellions". History Department, Duke University. 22 February 1999. Archived from the original on 31 January 2012. Retrieved 14 July 2013.
  5. ^ http://migs.concordia.ca/documents/RobinsSymbolicDiscourse.doc
  6. ^ Robin & Jaffe 1999, p. 199

External links

1978 Bolivian general election

General elections were held in Bolivia on 9 July 1978. The elections were the first held since 1966, with several military coups taking place during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Although Juan Pereda of the Nationalist Union of the People won the presidential elections, more votes were cast than there were registered voters. After examining a number of allegations of fraud and other irregularities, the Electoral Court decided to annul the results on 20 July. The following day, Pereda was installed as President following a military coup. Pereda himself was overthrown by yet another military coup in November, which saw General David Padilla assume the presidency. Fresh elections were held the following year, with Padilla transferring power to his democratically elected successor, Wálter Guevara.

1979 Bolivian general election

General elections were held in Bolivia on 1 July 1979. As no candidate in the presidential elections received a majority of the vote, the National Congress was required to elect a President. However, the Congress failed to elect a candidate after three ballots, and instead selected Senate leader Wálter Guevara to serve as Interim President for a year on 8 August. Guevara was later overthrown by a military coup led by Alberto Natusch on 31 October. Fresh elections were held in June 1980.

Although the Democratic and Popular Union received the most votes in the Congressional elections, the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement-Alliance (A–MNR) won the most seats, largely as a result of the electoral system giving more seats to sparsely populated rural areas where the A–MNR was more popular.

1980 Bolivian general election

General elections were held in Bolivia on 29 June 1980, the third in three years. As no candidate in the presidential elections received a majority of the vote, the National Congress was required to elect a President on 6 August. With Hernán Siles Zuazo of the Democratic and Popular Union the favourite to win the Congressional ballot, the process was disrupted on 17 July by the military coup led by General Luis García Meza Tejada. However, Meza was pressured to resign on 4 August 1981, resulting in General Celso Torrelio becoming President. In July 1982 he was replaced by General Guido Vildoso, who was named by the high command to return the country to democratic rule. On 17 September 1982, during a general strike that brought the country close to civil war, the military decided to step down, to reconvene the National Congress elected in 1980, and to accept its choice of President. Accordingly, the National Congress revalidated the 1980 election results on 23 September and overwhelmingly elected Hernán Siles Zuazo as President on 5 October. He subsequently assumed the presidency on 10 October 1982.

Banda Conmoción

Banda Conmoción are a Chilean ensemble band who mix cumbia and gypsy music with genres such as ska and cha-cha-cha. They are part of the new Latin American fusion movement and emerged in the early naughties along with groups like Chico Trujillo and La Floripondio. They are also considered part of the New Chilean Cumbia movement.

Bartolina Sisa Confederation

The Bartolina Sisa National Confederation of Campesino, Indigenous, and Native Women of Bolivia (Spanish: Confederación Nacional de Mujeres Campesinas Indígenas Originarias de Bolivia “Bartolina Sisa”; CNMCIOB-BS; informally, the Bartolina Sisas) is the primary union organization of peasant women in Bolivia, and the women's organization with the largest membership in the country. The organization was founded as the Bartolina Sisa National Federation of Peasant Women of Bolivia in January 1980, shortly after the founding of the Unified Syndical Confederation of Rural Workers of Bolivia (CSUTCB). The founding members were Lucila Mejía de Morales (the first executive), Irma García, Isabel Juaniquina and Isabel Ortega. The name Bartolina Sisa refers to the Aymara peasant leader of the 18th century, the wife of Túpac Katari, and reflects the strong influence of the Katarista movement in peasant politics. The current name was adopted in the organization's Organic Congress of 29-30 November 2008, redefining the organization as a confederation and adopting the phrase Campesino, Indigenous, and Native from the text of the new Bolivian constitution. Their main aims are to organize and facilitate women's participation in national terrain. The Bartolina Sisa Confederation is a member of the Pact of Unity in Bolivia, and of the National Coordination for Change, and a constituent organization in the Movement toward Socialism party. The president of the Constituent Assembly in Bolivia, Silvia Lazarte, was elected Executive Secretary at the National level at the 8th national congress in April 1999.

Bolivian Space Agency

The Bolivian Space Agency (Spanish: Agencia Boliviana Espacial, ABE) is the national space agency of Bolivia. Established in 2010, the agency is responsible for developing and implementing communications satellite programs and other space projects. On 20 December 2013, the ABE oversaw the launch of the nation's first artificial satellite, Túpac Katari 1. The satellite began operating the following year, providing telecommunication services to rural Bolivia.

Indian Movement Túpac Katari

The Indian Movement Túpac Katari (Spanish: Movimiento Indio Túpac Katari, MITKA) was an Indigenous political party in Bolivia.

The Indian Movement Túpac Katari was founded in April 1978 by Luciano Tapia Quisbert. Proclaiming itself “the political vanguard of the Indian people of Collasuyo” with the policy of returning to communal forms of production and the re-establishment of the indigenous languages, MITKA's base was in the campesino communities of the altiplano (Andean high plain).The MITKA has its origins in independence movements started under Spanish rule in 1781 (by Túpac Katari in Bolivia and Túpac Amaru II in Peru) and continued as peasant movements in 1946–1952, leading to land reform, universal suffrage and the nationalization of mines between 1952 and 1964, and to the creation of a Túpac Katari Confederation in 1971.The MITKA's ideology centered on the historical opposition between Indians, the continent's original inhabitants, and the Spanish and their mestizo-criollo descendents, known collectively in Quechua and Aymara as q'aras. This position rejected Marxist dialectics as foreign and denounced the equally alienating character of conventional politics, both right and left.The MITKA took part in the 1978, 1979 and 1980 elections, running Luciano Tapia Quisbert. He polled 0.63, 1.93 and 1.21 per cent of the vote.In 1980, Constantino Lima Chávez split from the Indian Movement Túpac Katari and founded the Indian Movement Túpac Katari-One (MITKA-1). Constantino Lima Chávez adhered to a more extreme line which bordered on outright racism, rejected religious precepts and the validity of political divisions into 'left' or 'right', and maintained that 99% of change would be achieved through the use of violence.

The MITKA-1 took part in the 1980 elections, running Constantino Lima Chávez. He polled 1.30 per cent of the vote.In 1985 the MITKA and the MITKA-1 disappeared.

Indian Movement Túpac Katari-One

The Indian Movement Túpac Katari-One (Spanish: Movimiento Indio Túpac Katari-Uno, MITKA-1) was an Indigenous party political in Bolivia.

In 1980, Constantino Lima Chávez split from the Indian Movement Túpac Katari and founded the Indian Movement Túpac Katari-One. Constantino Lima Chávez adhered to a more extreme line which bordered on outright racism, rejected religious precepts and the validity of political divisions into 'left' or 'right', and maintained that 99% of change would be achieved through the use of violence.

The MITKA-1 took part in the 1980 elections, running Constantino Lima Chávez. He polled 1.30 per cent of the vote.

In 1985 the MITKA-1 disappeared.

Katarismo

Katarism (Spanish: Katarismo) is a political tendency in Bolivia, named after the 18th-century indigenous leader Túpac Katari. The katarista movement began in the early 1970s, recovering a political identity of the Aymara people. The movement was centered on two key understandings, that the colonial legacy continued in the Latin American republics after independence and that the indigenous population constituted the demographic (and thus essentially, the political) majority in Bolivia. Katarismo stresses that the indigenous peoples of Bolivia suffer both from class oppression (in the Marxist, economic sense) and ethnic oppression.The agrarian reform of 1953 had enabled a group of Aymara youth to begin university studies in La Paz in the 1960s. In the city, this group faced prejudices, and katarista thoughts began to emerge among the students. The movement was inspired by the rhetoric of the national revolution as well as by Fausto Reinaga, writer and founder of the Indian Party of Bolivia. The group formed the Julian Apansa University Movement (MUJA), which organized around cultural demands, including bilingual education. Its most prominent leader was Jenaro Flores Santos (who in 1965 returned to the countryside to lead peasants). Another prominent figure was Raimundo Tambo.At the 1971 Sixth National Peasant Congress, the congress of the National Peasants Confederation, the kataristas emerged as a major faction against the pro-government forces. The 1973 Tolata massacre (in which at least 13 Quechua peasants were killed) radicalized the katarista movement. Following the massacre, the kataristas issued the 1973 Tiwanaku Manifesto, which viewed Quechua people as economically exploited and culturally and politically oppressed. In this vision, peasant class consciousness and Aymara and Quechua ethnic consciousness were complementary because capitalism and colonialism were the root of exploitation.

Katarismo made its political breakthrough in the late 1970s through the leading role kataristas played in CSUTCB. The kataristas pushed the CSUTCB to become more indigenized. Eventually, the kataristas split into two groups. The first, a more reformist strain, was led by Victor Hugo Cardenas, who later served as vice president under Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada, heading efforts to institutionalize a neoliberal, state-led multiculturalism. A second strain articulated a path of Aymara nationalism. A political wing of the movement, the Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement (MRTK) was launched. This radical stream of katarismo has been represented by Felipe Quispe (aka El Mallku), who took part in founding the Tupac Katari Guerrilla Army in the 1980s. This group later became the MIP (Indigenous Movement Pachakuti), which became outspoken critics of the neoliberal Washington Consensus and which coalesced around ethnic-based solidarity. Quispe advocated the creation of a new sovereign country, the Republic of Quillasuyo, named after one of the four regions of the old empire where the Incas conquered the Aymaras. Current Vice President of Bolivia Alvaro Garcia Linera was a member of this group.

Katarista organizations were weakened during the 1980s. In this context NGOs began to appropriate katarista symbols. Populist parties, such as CONDEPA, also began to integrate katarista symbols in their discourse. After the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement (MNR) had incorporated katarista themes in its 1993 election campaign, other mainstream parties followed suit (most notably the Revolutionary Left Movement).

La Paz revolution

The city of La Paz (modern Bolivia, then part of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata) experienced a revolution in 1809 that deposed Spanish authorities and declared independence. It is considered one of the early steps of the Spanish American wars of independence, and an antecedent of the independence of Bolivia. However, such revolution was defeated shortly afterwards, and the city returned to Spanish rule.

Quito School

The Quito School (Escuela Quiteña) is a Latin American artistic tradition that constitutes essentially the whole of the professional artistic output developed in the territory of the Royal Audience of Quito — from Pasto and Popayán in the north to Piura and Cajamarca in the south — during the Spanish colonial period (1542-1824). It is especially associated with the 17th and 18th centuries and was almost exclusively focused on the religious art of the Catholic Church in the country. Characterized by a mastery of the realistic and by the degree to which indigenous beliefs and artistic traditions are evident, these productions were among of the most important activities in the economy of the Royal Audience of Quito. Such was the prestige of the movement even in Europe that it was said that King Carlos III of Spain (1716–1788), referring to one of its sculptors in particular, opined: "I am not concerned that Italy has Michelangelo; in my colonies of America I have the master Caspicara".

Revolutionary Liberation Movement Tupaq Katari

The Revolutionary Liberation Movement Tupaq Katari (Spanish: Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Katari de Liberación, MRTKL) is a left-wing political party in Bolivia.

In 1985, Jenaro Flores Santos split from the Tupaj Katari Revolutionary Movement and founded the Revolutionary Liberation Movement Tupaq Katari.

It took part in 1985 elections, running Jenaro Flores Santos. He polled 2.11 per cent of the vote.

Within a year of its formation, divisions emerged within the MRTKL between Jenaro Flores Santos, on the one hand, and Víctor Hugo Cárdenas and Walter Reynaga Vásquez, the party's two deputies of the National Congress, on the other. In a 1988 party congress, Jenaro Flores Santos walked out with some of his supporters and formed the Katarist United Liberation Front (FULKA). Both parties lost support after the internal bickering became public. Jenaro Flores Santos's exit still did not achieve unity in the MRTKL: neither Cárdenas nor Reynaga Vásquez would accept the second position in the new party hierarchy. Cárdenas eventually edged out his rival.

The MRTKL took part in 1989 elections, running Víctor Hugo Cárdenas. He polled 1.6 per cent of the vote.

Although the indigenous candidates attracted large crowds, they found that many campesinos already were committed to the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, the Revolutionary Left Movement, or other parties that had a better chance of winning.

Santiago de Macha

Santiago de Macha or Macha is a Bolivian locality in the department of Potosí, Chayanta Province, Colquechaca Municipality, Macha Canton. Macha had a population of 1,850 in 2001 and the canton was inhabited by 8,769 people. Most of the young adults works abroad, and the marketplace of the village opens only on Sunday. The main economic activity of Macha is subsistence agriculture.Every 3 May, Santiago de Macha hosts the religious festival of Tinku, an aymará ritual consisting in a fist fighting challenge between two rival groups.Rebel leader Túpac Katari was born in Macha in 1750. Between October and November 1813 the town was the headquarters of the Army of the North, commanded by General Manuel Belgrano during the war of independence against the Spanish rule.

Tomás Katari

Tomás Katari or Catari (died January 15, 1781) was a Quechua chief who, in claiming indigenous rights, led a popular uprising in Upper Peru (present-day Bolivia) in the 18th century.

Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement

The Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement (Túpac Katari Revolutionary Movement) (Spanish: Movimiento Revolucionario Túpac Katari, MRTK) is a left-wing political party in Bolivia.

The Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement was founded in May 1978 and was constituted as a left-wing national democratic organization for all classes, based mainly on the peasantry and other exploited strata, with the object of establishing a just society, majority rule and self-determination of the people.

Led by Juan Condori Uruchi, Clemente Ramos Flores, Daniel Calle M.

The party claims origins in independence movements started under Spanish rule in 1781 (by Túpac Katari in Bolivia and Túpac Amaru II in Peru) and continued as peasant movements in 1946–1952, leading to land reform, universal suffrage and the nationalization of mines between 1952 and 1964, and to the creation of a Tupac Katari Confederation in 1971.

In 1978 the Tupac Katari Revolutionary Movement took part in an electoral coalition Democratic and Popular Union backing Hernán Siles Zuazo.After the 1978 elections, the MRTK broke with the Democratic and Popular Union and personal rivalries divided it into three factions.For the 1979 general elections, the fraction that retained the name MRTK, led by Macabeo Chila Prieto, was the component of the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement-Alliance, with the MNR's Víctor Paz Estenssoro as the coalition's presidential candidate.

The second fraction was led by Clemente Ramos Flores and joined the Democratic and Popular Union backing Hernán Siles Zuazo.

The third and largest was led by Jenaro Flores Santos, who declined to compete and "instructed the party's adherents to vote for the left".In 1980 the MRTK allied with the Revolutionary Party of the Nationalist Left and its candidate Juan Lechín Oquendo.The Macabeo Chila Prieto's MRTK took part in 1985 elections, running its leader. He polled 1.08 per cent of the vote.After the 1985 elections, the Macabeo Chila Prieto's MRTK disappeared.In 1985 Jenaro Flores Santos registered the Revolutionary Liberation Movement Tupaq Katari (Movimiento Revolucionario Tupaj Katari de Liberacion, MRTKL).

It took part in 1985 elections, running Jenaro Flores Santos. He polled 2.11 per cent of the vote.Within a year of its formation, divisions emerged within the MRTKL between Jenaro Flores Santos, on the one hand, and Víctor Hugo Cárdenas and Walter Reynaga Vásquez, the party's two deputies of the National Congress, on the other. In a 1988 party congress, Jenaro Flores Santos walked out with some of his supporters and formed the Katarist United Liberation Front (FULKA). Both parties lost support after the internal bickering became public. Jenaro Flores Santos's exit still did not achieve unity in the MRTKL: neither Víctor Hugo Cárdenas nor Walter Reynaga Vásquez would accept the second position in the new party hierarchy. Víctor Hugo Cárdenas eventually edged out his rival.The MRTKL took part in 1989 elections, running Víctor Hugo Cárdenas. He polled 1.6 per cent of the vote.

Although the indigenous candidates attracted large crowds, they found that many campesinos already were committed to the Revolutionary Nationalist Movement, the Revolutionary Left Movement, or other parties that had a better chance of winning.

Túpac Amaru II

José Gabriel Túpac Amaru (March 10, 1738 – May 18, 1781) — known as Túpac Amaru II — was the leader of a large Andean uprising against the Spanish in Peru, whose quelling resulted in his death. He later became a mythical figure in the Peruvian struggle for independence and indigenous rights movement, as well as an inspiration to myriad causes in Spanish America and beyond.

Túpac Katari 1

Túpac Katari 1 or TKSat-1 is a telecommunications satellite that the government of Bolivia outsourced to People's Republic of China (PRC) to serve telecommunications in Bolivia, such as mobile, television and Internet use.It was launched into orbit on 20 December 2013 from the Satellite Launch Center in Xichang, China, with a trial period of a little over three months, and commercial operation starting in March 2014.It was built on behalf of the Bolivian Space Agency. The China Great Wall Industry Corporation (CGWIC), a subsidiary of the China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation (CASC), was responsible for the construction (using French, German and USA technology), launch and orbit of the satellite. The satellite had a cost of around $300 million, of which $251 million was a loan from the China Development Bank (CDB) to the government of Bolivia, and the rest was paid by the government of Bolivia.The satellite is named after 18th century Bolivian independence activist Túpac Katari.

Túpac Katari Guerrilla Army

The Túpac Katari Guerrilla Army (Ejército Guerrillero Túpac Katari) was a guerrilla movement in Bolivia. Albeit of indigenist inspiration, the movement had a multirracial membership. The organization descended directly from the original revolutionaries trained by Che Guevara in the 1960s. Their objective was to fight for social equality in Bolivia and amongst its indigenous population. They carried out their first attack on July 5, 1991, destroying an electric power pylon in El Alto, a major city which adjoins La Paz, Bolivia's administrative capital. Most of the group's attacks have been similarly small-scale and they had confined their activities largely to Bolivia. The group suffered a major setback in a crackdown in 1992, when much of its leadership was neutralized through incarceration.

The group was named after Túpac Katari, a colonial revolutionary. One of their former members, Álvaro García Linera, is currently the vice-president of Bolivia.

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