Spanish Constitution of 1812

The Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy (Spanish: Constitución Política de la Monarquía Española), also known as the Constitution of Cádiz (Spanish: Constitución de Cádiz) and as La Pepa,[1] was the first Constitution of Spain and one of the earliest constitutions in world history.[2] It was established on 19 March 1812 by the Cortes of Cádiz, the first Spanish legislature. With the notable exception of proclaiming Roman Catholicism as the official and sole legal religion in Spain, the constitution was one of the most liberal of its time: it affirmed national sovereignty, separation of powers, freedom of the press, free enterprise, abolished feudalism, and established a constitutional monarchy with a parliamentary system. It was one of the first constitutions that allowed universal male suffrage, through a complex indirect electoral system.[3] It was repealed by King Ferdinand VII in 1814 in Valencia, who re-established absolute monarchy.

However, the Constitution had many difficulties becoming fully effective: much of Spain was ruled by the French, while the rest of the country was in the hands of interim Junta governments focused on resistance to the Bonapartes rather than on the immediate establishment of a constitutional regime. Many of the overseas territories did not recognize the legitimacy of these interim metropolitan governments, leading to a power vacuum and the establishment of separate juntas on the American continent. On 24 March 1814, six weeks after returning to Spain, Ferdinand VII abolished the constitution. The constitution was reinstated during the Trienio Liberal (1820–1823), and again briefly 1836—1837 while the Progressives prepared the Constitution of 1837.

Constitution of Cádiz
An original copy of the Constitution
Original version of the Constitution kept in the Senate of Spain
Cortes of Cádiz
Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy
Territorial extent Spanish Empire
Date passed19 March 1812
Date enacted12 March 1812
Signed byPresident of the Cortes of Cádiz
174 deputies
4 secretaries
Date effective19 March 1812 (first time)
1 January 1820 (second time, de facto)
1836 (third time, de facto)
Date repealed4 May 1814 (first time)
April 1823 (second time)
18 June 1837 (third time)

Background

Constitucion Cadiz 1812
An original edition of the Constitution of 1812.

The Cortes drafted and adopted the Constitution while besieged by French troops, first on Isla de León (now San Fernando), then an island separated from the mainland by a shallow waterway on the Atlantic side of the Bay of Cádiz, and within the small, strategically located city of Cádiz itself.

From a Spanish point of view, the Peninsular War was a war of independence against the French Empire and the king installed by Napoleon, his brother Joseph Bonaparte. In 1808, both King Ferdinand VII and his predecessor and father, Charles IV, had resigned their claims to the throne in favor of Napoleon Bonaparte, who in turn passed the crown to his brother Joseph. While many in elite circles in Madrid were willing to accept Joseph's rule, the Spanish people were not. The war began on the night of 2 May 1808, and was immortalized by Francisco Goya's painting The Second of May 1808, also known as The Charge of the Mamelukes.

From the outbreak of the Spanish revolt against the Bonapartist regime in 1808, Napoleon's forces faced both Spanish armies and partisans, joined later by British and Portuguese armies under Arthur Wellesley. The Spanish organized an interim Spanish government, the Supreme Central Junta and called for a Cortes to convene with representatives from all the Spanish provinces throughout the worldwide empire, in order to establish a government with a firm claim to legitimacy. The Junta first met on 25 September 1808 in Aranjuez and later in Seville, before retreating to Cádiz.

The Supreme Central Junta, originally under the leadership of the elderly Count of Floridablanca, initially tried to consolidate southern and eastern Spain to maintain continuity for a restoration of the Bourbons. However, almost from the outset they were in physical retreat from Napoleon's forces, and the comparative liberalism offered by the Napoleonic regime made Floridablanca's enlightened absolutism[4] an unlikely basis to rally the country. In any event, Floridablanca's strength failed him and he died on 30 December 1808.

When the Cortes convened in Cádiz in 1810, there appeared to be two possibilities for Spain's political future if the French could be driven out. The first, represented especially by Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, was the restoration of the absolutist Antiguo Régimen ("Old Regime"); the second was to adopt some sort of written constitution.

Deliberations and reforms

El juramento de las Cortes de Cádiz en 1810
Cortes of Cadiz Oath in 1810. Oil painting by José Casado del Alisal, 1863.

Retreating before the advancing French and an outbreak of yellow fever, the Supreme Central Junta moved to Isla de León, where it could be supplied and defended with the help of the Spanish and British navies, and abolished itself, leaving a regency to rule until the Cortes could convene.

The origins of the Cortes did not harbor any revolutionary intentions, since the Junta saw itself simply as a continuation of the legitimate government of Spain. The opening session of the new Cortes was held on 24 September 1810 in the building now known as the Real Teatro de las Cortes. The opening ceremonies included a civic procession, a mass, and a call by the president of the Regency, Pedro Quevedo y Quintana, the bishop of Ourense, for those present to fulfill their task loyally and efficiently. Still, the very act of resistance to the French involved a certain degree of deviation from the doctrine of royal sovereignty: if sovereignty resided entirely in the monarch, then Charles and Ferdinand's abdications in favor of Napoleon would have made Joseph Bonaparte the legitimate ruler of Spain.[5]

Alegoria constitucion 1812-1-
Allegory of the Constitution of 1812, Francisco de Goya, Swedish National Museum.

The representatives who gathered at Cádiz were far more liberal than the elite of Spain taken as a whole, and they produced a document far more liberal than might have been produced in Spain were it not for the war. Few of the most conservative voices were at Cádiz, and there was no effective communication with King Ferdinand, who was a virtual prisoner in France. In the Cortes of 1810–1812, liberal deputies, who had the implicit support of the British who were protecting the city, were in the majority and representatives of the Church and nobility constituted a minority. Liberals wanted equality before the law, a centralized government, an efficient modern civil service, a reform of the tax system, the replacement of feudal privileges by freedom of contract, and the recognition of the property owner's right to use his property as he saw fit. Three basic principles were soon ratified by the Cortes: that sovereignty resides in the nation, the legitimacy of Ferdinand VII as king of Spain, and the inviolability of the deputies. With this, the first steps towards a political revolution were taken, since prior to the Napoleonic intervention, Spain had been ruled as an absolute monarchy by the Bourbons and their Habsburg predecessors. Although the Cortes was not unanimous in its liberalism, the new Constitution reduced the power of the crown, the Catholic Church (although Catholicism remained the state religion), and the nobility.

Cortes de cadiz
The promulgation of the Constitution of 1812, oil painting by Salvador Viniegra (Museo de las Cortes de Cádiz).

The Cortes of Cádiz worked feverishly and the first written Spanish constitution was promulgated in Cádiz on 19 March 1812. The Constitution of 1812 is regarded as the founding document of liberalism in Spain and one of the first examples of classical liberalism or conservative liberalism worldwide. It came to be called the "sacred code" of the branch of liberalism that rejected a part of the French Revolution, and during the early nineteenth century it served as a model for liberal constitutions of several Mediterranean and Latin American nations. It served as the model for the Norwegian Constitution of 1814, the Portuguese Constitution of 1822 and the Mexican one of 1824, and was implemented with minor modifications in various Italian states by the Carbonari during their revolt of 1820 and 1821.[6]

As the principal aim of the new constitution was the prevention of arbitrary and corrupt royal rule, it provided for a limited monarchy which governed through ministers subject to parliamentary control. Suffrage, which was not determined by property qualifications, favored the position of the commercial class in the new parliament, since there was no special provision for the Church or the nobility.[7] The constitution set up a rational and efficient centralized administrative system for the whole monarchy based on newly reformed and uniform provincial governments and municipalities, rather than maintaining some form of the varied, historical local governmental structures. Repeal of traditional property restrictions gave liberals the freer economy they wanted.

Barrio Hoz
Anguita, where the act was signed to establish the first diputación provincial under the 1812 Constitution.

The first provincial government created under the Constitution was in the province of Guadalajara con Molina. Its deputation first met in the village of Anguita in April 1813, since the capital Guadalajara was the site of ongoing fighting.

Establishment of Spanish active and passive citizenship

St Aug Plaza DLC const mem03
Constitution of 1812 monument in St. Augustine, Florida. This obelisk was erected when the city was the capital of the Spanish Florida.

Among the most debated questions during the drafting of the constitution was the status of the native and mixed-race populations in Spain's possessions around the world. Most of the overseas provinces were represented, especially the most populous regions. Both the Viceroyalty of New Spain and the Viceroyalty of Peru had deputies present, as did Central America, the islands of the Spanish Caribbean, Florida, Chile, Upper Peru and the Philippines.[8] The total number of representatives was 303, of which thirty-seven were born in overseas territories, although several of these were temporary, substitute deputies [suplentes] elected by American refugees in the city of Cadiz: seven from New Spain, two from Central America, five from Peru, two from Chile, three from the Río de la Plata, three from New Granada, and two from Venezuela, one from Santo Domingo, two from Cuba, one from Puerto Rico and two from the Philippines.[9] Although most of the overseas representatives were Criollos, the majority wanted to extend suffrage to all indigenous, mixed-race and free black people of the Spanish Empire, which would have granted the overseas territories a majority in the future Cortes. The majority of representatives from peninsular Spain opposed those proposals as they wished to limit the weight of non-peninsulares. According to the best estimates of the time, continental Spain had an estimated population of between 10 and 11 million, while the overseas provinces had a combined population of around 15 to 16 million.[10] The Cortes ultimately approved a distinction between nationality and citizenship (that is, those with the right to vote).

The Constitution gave Spanish citizenship to natives of the territories that had belonged to the Spanish monarchy in both hemispheres.[11] The Constitution of 1812 included Indigenous peoples of the Americas to Spanish citizenship, but the acquisition of citizenship for any casta of Afro-American peoples of the Americas was through naturalization excluding slaves. Spanish nationals were defined as all people born, naturalized or permanently residing for more than ten years in Spanish territories.[12] Article 1 of the Constitution read: "The Spanish nation is the collectivity of the Spaniards of both hemispheres."[13] Voting rights were granted to Spanish nationals whose ancestry originated from Spain or the territories of the Spanish Empire.[14] This had the effect of changing the legal status of the people not only in peninsular Spain but in Spanish possessions overseas. In the latter case, not only people of Spanish ancestry but also indigenous peoples as well were transformed from the subjects of an absolute monarch to the citizens of a nation rooted in the doctrine of national, rather than royal, sovereignty.[15] At the same time, the Constitution recognized the civil rights of free blacks and mulatos but explicitly denied them automatic citizenship. Furthermore, they were not to be counted for the purposes of establishing the number of representatives a given province was to send to the Cortes.[16] That had the effect of removing an estimated six million people from the rolls in the overseas territories. In part, this arrangement was a strategy by the peninsular deputies to achieve equality in the number of American and peninsular deputies in the future Cortes, but it also served the interests of conservative Criollo representatives, who wished to keep political power within a limited group of people.[17]

The peninsular deputies, for the most part, were also not inclined towards ideas of federalism promoted by many of the overseas deputies, which would have granted greater self-rule to the American and Asian territories. Most of the peninsulares, therefore, shared the absolutists' inclination towards centralized government.[18] Another aspect of the treatment of the overseas territories in the constitution —one of the many that would prove not to be to the taste of Ferdinand VII— that by converting these territories to provinces, the king was deprived of a great economic resource. Under the Antiguo Régimen, the taxes from Spain's overseas possessions went directly to the royal treasury; under the Constitution of 1812, it would go to the state administrative apparatus.

1812SpanishConstitutionMap
Spanish Nation map according to the Constitution of 1812.

The influence of the 1812 Constitution on the emerging states of Latin America was quite direct. Miguel Ramos Arizpe of Mexico, Joaquín Fernández de Leiva of Chile, Vicente Morales Duárez of Peru and José Mejía Lequerica of Ecuador, among other significant figures in founding American republics, were active participants at Cádiz. One provision of the Constitution, which provided for the creation of a local government (an ayuntamiento) for every settlement of over 1,000 people, using a form of indirect election that favored the wealthy and socially prominent, came from a proposal by Ramos Arizpe. This benefited the bourgeoisie at the expense of the hereditary aristocracy both on the Peninsula and in the Americas, where it was particularly to the advantage of the Criollos, since they came to dominate the ayuntamientos. It also brought in a certain measure of federalism through the back door, both on the peninsula and overseas: elected bodies at the local and provincial level might not always be in lockstep with the central government.

Repeal and restoration

Derogación de la Constitución de 1812 por Fernando VII en el palacio de Cervelló
Repeal of the Constitution of 1812 by Fernando VII in the palace of Cervellón, Valencia, Spain.

When Ferdinand VII was restored in March 1814 by the Allied Powers, it is not clear whether he immediately made up his mind as to whether to accept or reject this new charter of Spanish government. He first promised to uphold the constitution, but was repeatedly met in numerous towns by crowds who welcomed him as an absolute monarch, often smashing the markers that had renamed their central plazas as Plaza of the Constitution. Sixty-nine deputies of the Cortes signed the so-called Manifiesto de los Persas ("Manifesto of the Persians") encouraging him to restore absolutism. Within a matter of weeks, encouraged by conservatives and backed by the Roman Catholic Church hierarchy, he abolished the constitution on 4 May and arrested many liberal leaders on 10 May, justifying his actions as the repudiation of an unlawful constitution made by a Cortes assembled in his absence and without his consent. Thus he came back to assert the Bourbon doctrine that the sovereign authority resided in his person only.[19]

Ferdinand's absolutist rule rewarded the traditional holders of power—prelates, nobles and those who held office before 1808—but not liberals, who wished to see a constitutional monarchy in Spain, or many who led the war effort against the French but had not been part of the pre-war government. This discontent resulted in several unsuccessful attempts to restore the Constitution in the five years after Ferdinand's restoration. Finally on 1 January 1820 Rafael del Riego, Antonio Quiroga and other officers initiated a mutiny of army officers in Andalusia demanding the implementation of the Constitution. The movement found support among the northern cities and provinces of Spain, and by 7 March the king had restored the Constitution. Over the next two years, the other European monarchies became alarmed at the liberals' success and at the Congress of Verona in 1822 approved the intervention of royalist French forces in Spain to support Ferdinand VII. After the Battle of Trocadero liberated Ferdinand from control by the Cortes in August 1823, he turned on the liberals and constitutionalists with fury. After Ferdinand's death in 1833, the Constitution was in force again briefly in 1836 and 1837, while the Constitution of 1837 was being drafted. Since 1812, Spain has had a total of seven constitutions; the current one has been in force since 1978.

See also

Bibliography

  • The Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy. Biblioteca Virtual "Miguel de Cervantes" on-line version of a partial translation originally published in Cobbett's Political Register, Vol. 16 (July–December 1814).
  • Artola, Miguel. La España de Fernando VII. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1999. ISBN 84-239-9742-1
  • Benson, Nettie Lee, ed. Mexico and the Spanish Cortes. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1966.
  • Esdaile, Charles J. Spain in the Liberal Age. Oxford; Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2000. ISBN 0-631-14988-0
  • Harris, Jonathan, "An English utilitarian looks at Spanish American independence: Jeremy Bentham's Rid Yourselves of Ultramaria," The Americas 53 (1996), 217–233
  • Herr, Richard, "The Constitution of 1812 and the Spanish Road to Constitutional Monarchy," pp. 65–102 (notes on pp. 374–380) in Isser Woloch, ed. Revolution and the Meanings of Freedom in the Nineteenth Century. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1996. ISBN 0-8047-4194-8. (A volume in the publisher's series The Making of Modern Freedom.)
  • Lovett, Gabriel. Napoleon and the Birth of Modern Spain. New York: New York University Press, 1965.
  • Rieu-Millan, Marie Laure. Los diputados americanos en las Cortes de Cádiz: Igualdad o independencia. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1990. ISBN 978-84-00-07091-5
  • Rodríguez O., Jaime E. The Independence of Spanish America. Cambridge University Press, 1998. ISBN 0-521-62673-0
  • Rodríguez, Mario. The Cádiz Experiment in Central America, 1808 to 1826. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978. ISBN 978-0-520-03394-8

References

  1. ^ Because it was passed by the Cortes on the day of Saint Joseph (in Spanish, Pepe is an informal nickname for "José").
  2. ^ "¡Viva la Pepa! 1812, las Cortes de Cádiz y la primera Constitución Española" (in Spanish). National Geographic España. 17 March 2016.
  3. ^ "Constitución de 1812" (in Spanish). Congress of Deputies.
  4. ^ Charles J. Esdaile, Spain in the Liberal Age, Blackwell, 2000. ISBN 0-631-14988-0. p. 22.
  5. ^ Charles J. Esdaile, Spain in the Liberal Age, Blackwell, 2000. ISBN 0-631-14988-0. p. 19–20.
  6. ^ Payne, Stanley G. (1973). A History of Spain and Portugal: Eighteenth Century to Franco. 2. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 432–433. ISBN 978-0-299-06270-5. The Spanish pattern of conspiracy and revolt by liberal army officers ... was emulated in both Portugal and Italy. In the wake of Riego's successful rebellion, the first and only pronunciamiento in Italian history was carried out by liberal officers in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The Spanish-style military conspiracy also helped to inspire the beginning of the Russian revolutionary movement with the revolt of the Decembrist army officers in 1825. Italian liberalism in 1820–1821 relied on junior officers and the provincial middle classes, essentially the same social base as in Spain. It even used a Hispanized political vocabulary, for it was led by giunte (juntas), appointed local capi politici (jefes políticos), used the terms of liberali and servili (emulating the Spanish word serviles applied to supporters of absolutism), and in the end talked of resisting by means of a guerrilla. For both Portuguese and Italian liberals of these years, the Spanish constitution of 1812 remained the standard document of reference.
  7. ^ Articles 18–26 of the Constitution. Spain, The Political Constitution of the Spanish Monarchy. Alicante: Biblioteca Virtual Miguel de Cervantes, 2003.
  8. ^ Rodríguez, The Independence of Spanish America, 80–81.
  9. ^ Chust, Manuel (1999). La cuestión nacional americana en las Cortes de Cádiz. Valencia: Fundación Instituto de Historia Social UNED. pp. 43–45.
  10. ^ Chust, Manuel (1999). La cuestión nacional americana en las Cortes de Cádiz. Valencia: Fundación Instituto de Historia Social UNED. p. 55. Rodríguez, 82–86.
  11. ^ Peña, Lorenzo (2002). Un puente jurídico entre Iberoamérica y Europa: la Constitución española de 1812 (PDF) (in Spanish). Casa de América-CSIC. pp. 6–7. ISBN 84-88490-55-0.
  12. ^ Articles 1, 5 and 10 established the Empire as the territory of Spain and Spaniards as all "freemen born and bred in the Spanish dominions," "foreigners who may have obtained letters of naturalization from the Cortes" or "those [people] who, without [these letters] have resided ten years in any village of Spain, and acquired thereby a right of vicinity" and "slaves who receive their freedom in the Spanish dominions."
  13. ^ "La nación española es la reunión de los españoles de ambos hemisferios."
  14. ^ Articles 18 through 22.
  15. ^ Valentin Paniagua, Los orígenes del gobierno representativo en el Perú: las elecciones (1809–1826), Fondo Editorial PUCP, 2003, 116. ISBN 9972-42-607-6
  16. ^ Articles 22 and 29.
  17. ^ Chust, 70–74, 149–157. Rodríguez, 86.
  18. ^ Chust, 53–68, 127–150.
  19. ^ Alfonso Bullon de Mendoza y Gomez de Valugera, "Revolución y contrarrevolución en España y América (1808–1840)" in Javier Parades Alonso (ed.), España Siglo XIX, ACTAS, 1991. ISBN 84-87863-03-5, p. 81–82.
1820 Spanish general election

General elections to the Cortes Generales were held in Spain in 1820. At stake were all 203 seats in the Congress of Deputies.

1822 Spanish general election

General elections to the Cortes Generales were held in Spain in 1822. At stake were all 203 seats in the Congress of Deputies.

Act of Independence of Central America

The Act of Independence of Central America (Spanish: Acta de Independencia Centroamericana), also known as the Act of Independence of Guatemala, is the legal document by which the Provincial Council of the Province of Guatemala proclaimed the independence of Central America from the Spanish Empire and invited the other provinces of the Captaincy General of Guatemala to send envoys to a congress to decide the form of the region's independence. It was enacted on 15 September 1821.

Constitution Square (Montevideo)

Plaza Constitución (Constitution Square), also known as Plaza Matriz, is the oldest plaza in Montevideo. It is located in the first part of the city that was built: Ciudad Vieja.

The Montevideo Metropolitan Cathedral and the Montevideo Cabildo are located in front of this square.

It was named in honor of the Spanish Constitution of 1812.

Cortes of Cádiz

The Cádiz Cortes was the first national assembly to claim sovereignty in Spain. It represented the abolition of the old kingdoms. The opening session was held on 24 September 1810, in the building now known as the Real Teatro de las Cortes. It met as one body and its members represented the entire Spanish empire. The sessions of the national legislative body (traditionally known in Spain as the Cortes) met in the safe haven of Cádiz during the French occupation of Spain during the Napoleonic Wars. The Cádiz Cortes were seen then, and by historians today, as a major step towards liberalism and democracy in the history of Spain. The liberal Cortes passed the Spanish Constitution of 1812, which established a constitutional monarchy and eliminated many basic institutions that privileged some groups over others.

Ezequiel Gutiérrez Iglesias

Ezequiel Gutiérrez Iglesias (August 23, 1840 - August 22, 1920) was a Costa Rican politician.

Ezequiel Gutiérrez Iglesias was born in Cartago, Costa Rica, on 23 August 1840. He was the son of Francisco de Paula Gutiérrez y La Peña-Monje and Ramona Iglesias Llorente. He married Josefina Braun Bonilla.

Gutiérrez Iglesias pursued secondary studies in Guatemala and graduated with a bachelor's degree in law (Licenciado en Leyes) from the University of St. Thomas (Universidad de Santo Tomás), where he was also a professor of grammar and philosophy.

He held numerous public offices, especially in the educational, diplomatic, and judiciary fields: a teacher at the Cartago Liceo de Niñas (Girls' School), functionary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and associated portfolios (1862–1864), Attaché (1864–1866) and Chargé d'affaires (1866–1869) for Costa Rica in the United States of America, Secretary of the Costa Rican Legation in Europe (1868–1869), Inspector General of Schools (1869–1870), Representative for Cartago in the National Constitutional Convention (1870), and Counselor for the Costa Rican Legation in Peru and Chile (1870–1871).

Gutiérrez Iglesias began his work in the Costa Rica Supreme Court of Justice (Corte Suprema de Justicia de Costa Rica) as a minister (1871) and from 1876 to 1877 was a magistrate, an office from which he resigned to serve as the Costa Rican chargé d'affaires in Great Britain from 1877 to 1878. For his opposition to the dictatorship of President Tomás Guardia Gutiérrez, he was exiled from 1879 to 1882. After that, he was interim Judge of the National Treasury (1883), Minister Plenipotentiary of Costa Rica in the United States of America (1884), Financial Agent in Great Britain and Minister Plenipotentiary in El Salvador (1885). In 1886, he was newly elected as a magistrate, an office which he again resigned in August 1889 to fulfill the office of Secretary of Foreign Affairs and associated portfolios, from which he in turn resigned the next month and then again fulfilled from 1890 to 1891. In 1886, he was a member of the San José Charities Board and in 1893 Minister Plenipotentiary of Costa Rica in Nicaragua and Honduras. The Union Democratic party proposed him as a candidate for the presidency in the elections of 1906.

From 1910 to 1914, he was Representative for Cartago and Third Designate to the presidency. He presided over the Constitutional Congress from 1910 to 1913 and in the fulfillment of this office he was chosen in 1912 to be the Costa Rican delegate at the centennial celebration of the Constitution of Cadiz (Spanish Constitution of 1812).

From 1913 to 1918, he was the alternate magistrate for Costa Rica on the Central American Court of Justice and from 1914 to 1916 he directed the National Archives. In 1916, Congress elected him to be President of the Supreme Court of Justice for the 1916-1920 period, which was to be interrupted in April 1917 when it named a new court as a result of the military coup that occurred in January of that year and the subsequent election of Federico Alberto Tinoco Granados. From 1917 to 1919, he was Third Designate to the presidency.

Juan Manuel Cajigal

Juan Manuel Cajigal y Niño (Spanish pronunciation: [ˈxwan maˈnwel kaxiˈɣal i ˈniɲo]) (sometimes, Juan Manuel Cagigal y Niño in the orthography of the period) was a Spanish Captain General, born in Cádiz, in 1754.

La Constitución de 1812 Bridge

The Constitution of 1812 Bridge, also known as La Pepa Bridge (El puente de la Constitución de 1812 or Puente de La Pepa in Spanish), is a new bridge across the Bay of Cadiz, linking Cadiz with Puerto Real in mainland Spain.

Cadiz's first bridge, the Carranza bridge, was inaugurated in 1969, and is now crossed by some 40,000 vehicles per day. In 1982 the Spanish government accepted the need for a second bridge.

It has two 180 m pylons, one in the sea and the other in Cabezuelas Harbour, a 540-meter span and 69 meters of vertical clearance. The bridge also includes a 150-meter removal span.

It is the second bridge that crosses over to Cádiz from the mainland, after Carranza bridge, and one of the highest bridges in Europe, with a gauge of 69 meters and 5 kilometers in total length. It is the third access to the city, along with the isthmus San Fernando and the Carranza bridge. Given the large width of the deck, it will be a high capacity bridge: a motorway with two lanes in each direction and two lanes reserved for metropolitan public transport such as the new tram system.

The bill was drafted by the engineer of roads, canals and ports, Javier Manterola. The works were scheduled for completion in 2012, coinciding with the bicentenary of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, which was written in Cádiz. However, due to cuts in public works required by the current economic crisis, the work is more than three years late.

In summer 2013 the work had progressed but at a slower pace. Since early 2014 the work has progressed at a good pace, highlighting the installation of its cable-stayed span and hiring more staff working every day (including night shifts). As of the first half of 2015, the bridge structure was completed, providing full completion in September of the same year.As data highlights:

The earlier draft described a arch bridge whose total length was 2.355 km.

The total length of the current project, viaducts and links is 5 kilometers: 3096 meters on the bridge of which 1655 meters will be over the sea, with a main span of 540 meters record of Spain, with one hundred meters more than the bridge engineer Carlos Fernández Casado, famous engineer of roads, canals and ports, the reservoir Barrios de Luna. Besides the vain is the third largest in Europe suspended class, after Rio-Antirio Bridge and Normandy bridge.

The maximum height above the sea level is 69 meters, with two pylons of 187 meters, making it one of the tallest bridges in Europe.

They are 30 meters higher than the pylons between both sides of the bay.The bridge connects the neighborhood of San Pedro River to Puerto Real with the neighborhood of La Paz of Cadiz.

List of colonial governors of Florida

The colonial governors of Florida governed Florida during its colonial period (before 1821). The first European known to arrive there was Juan Ponce de León in 1513, but the governorship did not begin until 1565, when Pedro Menéndez de Avilés founded St. Augustine and was declared Governor and Adelantado of Florida. This district was subordinated to the Viceroyalty of New Spain. In 1763, following the transfer of Florida to Britain, the territory was divided into West Florida and East Florida, with separate governors. This division was maintained when Spain resumed control of Florida in 1783, and continued as provincial divisions with the Spanish Constitution of 1812. The Spanish transferred control of Florida to the United States in 1821, and the organized, incorporated Florida Territory was established on March 30, 1822. This became the modern State of Florida on March 3, 1845.

Luis Fernández de Córdova

Luis Fernández de Córdova (or Córdoba) (August 2, 1798 in San Fernando, Cádiz – April 22, 1840 in Lisbon) was a Spanish military general, diplomat and first Marquis of Mendigorria.

He was the son of José de Córdoba y Rojas and elder brother of Fernando Fernández de Córdova. An outspoken adversary of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, he organized a rebellion against the liberal government in July 1822, and was forced to flee to France after its failure.

He returned one year later in the footsteps of the French army under Louis-Antoine, Duke of Angoulême and participated in the restoration of the Absolute monarchy of King Ferdinand VII of Spain. As a reward, he was named Spanish ambassador in Paris, Lisbon and Berlin.

After the King's death, he returned to Spain to support his daughter Isabel against her uncle Carlos in the First Carlist War.

On December 12, 1834 he led a Division under Rodil and beat Zumalacárregui in the Battle of Mendaza. Three days later he suffered a defeat in the First Battle of Arquijas and was dismissed.

On June 24, 1835, he was recalled and became commander of the North. He confirmed his reputation three weeks later by winning an important victory against general Vicente González Moreno in the Battle of Mendigorría, earning him the title of Marquis of Mendigorria.

In August 1836, the progressives rebelled against the moderate government and Regent Maria Cristina was forced to re-introduce the Spanish Constitution of 1812. General Córdova, together with senior government officials, then went into exile, and was replaced by Baldomero Espartero as head of the Army of the North.

He attempted a failed uprising in Seville in 1838, and fled to Portugal where he died 2 years later.

Miguel de la Torre

Miguel de la Torre y Pando, conde de Torrepando (13 December 1786, in Bernales – 1843, in Madrid) was a Spanish General, Governor and Captain General, who served in Spain, Venezuela, Colombia and Puerto Rico during the Spanish American wars of independence and after.

At the age of fourteen he joined the Spanish Army as a soldier during the War of the Second Coalition and quickly distinguished himself and four years later he joined the Guardia de Corps. He fought well during the Spanish War of Independence, reaching the level of colonel by 1814. The following year he was assigned to the military expedition to South America led by Pablo Morillo, and participated in the Spanish reconquest of New Granada.

Promoted to brigadier after New Granada was subdued, La Torre led a royalist army into the Colombian and Venezuelan llanos. There he unsuccessfully defended Angostura against Manuel Piar in April 1817, and led the loyalist forces down the Orinoco River as they fought their way to the Atlantic Ocean. For the next three years he continued to serve in the Spanish army of Venezuela. During this period he married a Criolla, María de la Concepción Vegas y Rodríguez del Toro, a member of the powerful Rodríguez del Toro family and cousin once removed to Bolívar's late wife, Maria Teresa Rodríguez del Toro y Alayza, and fourth cousin to Bolívar himself.

After the restoration of the Spanish Constitution of 1812 in 1820, the government appointed him governor (jefe político superior) and captain-general of Venezuela, a post he held until 1822. He participated in the negotiations between Bolívar and Morillo and the later meeting in Santa Ana, where the two signed a six-month truce and a treaty regularizing the rules of engagement. After Morillo resigned and left Venezuela at the end of 1820, La Torre became the head of the royalist army, in addition to his other duties. As such he oversaw the loss suffered by royalist forces at the Battle of Carabobo on 24 June 1821, which effectively ended Spanish control of Venezuela. The following year he was replaced in his offices by Francisco Tomás Morales.

National Militia (Spain)

The National Militia (Spanish: milicia nacional) in Spain was a citizen-organized quasi-military force comparable to the National Guard that arose in France during the French Revolution.

The National Militia has its origin in the civic military defense groups formed in the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714), but came to full fruition during the Peninsular War (1808–1814), which is viewed in Spain as a war of independence against Napoleonic France. The Spanish army had been destroyed, but new forces were established at the municipal and provincial level, who fought against both France and against certain remnants of feudalism that remained in Spain.

The Spanish Constitution of 1812, adopted at Cádiz while much of the country was still under French control, recognized these groups under the name of milicias nacionales as part of the country's military forces, together with the regular troops. At the same time, this legal recognition implied at least the formal end of their status as voluntary organizations armed by distinct local or provincial government entities, merging them officially into a single body. In 1814 a regulation was put into effect specifying the duty of all citizens to serve if called upon, and regulating the militia. In summary, the National Militia was distinct from the regular army and was divided into infantry and cavalry. Officers were elected by their own troops. The militia was composed of citizens between the ages of 30 and 50; 30 citizens were obliged to serve out of every 1,300 in population. They performed tasks related to security, order, and peace within the borders of Spain.

The militia supported and was supported by the patriotic, but also liberal movement unleashed by the Peninsular War. Consequently, when the restoration brought the absolutist Ferdinand VII to power in 1814, the Cádiz constitution was abrogated and the militia was dissolved. Much to the displeasure of the king, the Liberal Triennium of 1820–1823 reconstituted the National Militia, which fought against the absolutist uprisings within the peninsula. The end of the Triennium was, once again, the end of the Militia. It was replaced by a different militia known as the Royalist Volunteers (Spanish: Voluntarios Realistas.

The regency of Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies created a new force in 1834, the "Urban Militia", (Spanish: Milicia Urbana). After the Mutiny of La Granja in 1836 obliged the regent to restore the Constitution of 1812, the National Militia was once again established.

The new officers of Maria Christina's army, especially Leopoldo O'Donnell and Baldomero Espartero, who, in 1833, had supported the cause of the three-year-old Queen Isabella II against the claims of the Infante Carlos, Count of Molina, took a strong ascendency over the National Militia, so that with their collaboration the Militia fought in the First Carlist War on the side of Isabella II and received their first standards as recognition of actions performed during this conflict. Nonetheless, the forces that supported Isabella II were plagued by conflicts with one another. On one side were the forces of conservative liberalism known as the doceañistas, arrayed around the Moderate Party and Maria Christina; on the other the radical liberalism of the exaltados or veinteañistas arrayed around the Progressive Party and the National Militia.

The militia participated in the Mutiny of La Granja, the fall of Maria Christina and the rise of

Baldomero Espartero, against the uprisings of the Moderates (especially the Revolution of 1841 promoted by Maria Christina) and against the establishment of the Década moderada in 1843, which brought Ramón María Narváez and the Moderates to power. Narváez dissolved the Militia, and shortly thereafter assigned their duties to a newly created Civil Guard (Spanish: Guardia Civil), which survives to this day. The National Militia was briefly reestablished during the Bienio Progresista in the 1850s, under Espartero. However, when O'Donnell and the Liberal Union dispatched Espartero two years later, the Militia was again dissolved.

The National Militia as such was formally reestablished by a presidential decree of Emilio Castelar during the First Spanish Republic, but once again, and definitively, dissolved by Cánovas del Castillo in 1876.

Ominous Decade

The Ominous Decade (Castilian: Década Ominosa) is a traditional term for the last ten years of the reign of King Ferdinand VII of Spain, dating from the abolition of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, on 1 October 1823, to his death on 29 September 1833.

Pedro González Llamas

Pedro González Llamas was a Spanish general in the Peninsular War and one of the deputies that signed the Spanish Constitution of 1812.

Pepa

Pepa may refer to:

Pepa, Democratic Republic of the Congo, a village

Pepa Airport, an airstrip

PEPA or Performance Evaluation Process Algebra, a stochastic process algebra

PEPA (drug), an ampakine drug that is a potential nootropic

Pepa (musical instrument), a flute-like musical instrument from Assam

La Pepa or the Spanish Constitution of 1812

Progressive Party (Spain)

The Progressive Party (Spanish: Partido Progresista) was one of the two Spanish political parties that contended for power during the reign of Isabel II (reigned 1833–1868). They were to the left of the opposing Moderate Party (Spanish: Partido Moderado), but also characterized themselves as liberal. Like the Moderates, they supported Isabel against the claims of the Carlists.

Provincial deputation in Spanish America

The Provincial Deputation was created by the Spanish Constitution of 1812 to provide a representation of the territorial division of Spain and the American dominions of the Spanish monarchy during the term of the Constitution of Cadiz in the Courts of Cadiz. The constitutional provinces are listed in section ten.

The term "province" in America had an imprecise meaning. The American deputies with the word referred to the small province (Partido), while the European deputies did with great province (kingdom, viceroyalty). The Spanish courts identified province with Intendant.

The province was governed by a "Superior Political Chief" appointed by the King. With the absolutist restoration in Spain in 1814 and 1823, the provinces disappeared and its territory was again included in the restored viceroyalties.

Spanish Constitution of 1837

The Spanish Constitution of 1837 was the constitution of Spain from 1837 to 1845. Its principal legacy was to restore the most progressive features of the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and to entrench the concepts of constitutionalism, parliamentarism, and separation of powers in Spain.

Trial of residence

A juicio de residencia (literally, judgment of residence) was a judicial procedure of Castilian law and the Laws of the Indies. It consisted of this: at the termination of a public functionary's term, his performance in office was subject to review, and those with grievances against him were entitled to a hearing. This was largely an automatic procedure, and did not imply prior suspicion of misconduct.

The official was not allowed to leave the place where he exercised his authority, nor to assume another office, until the conclusion of this judicial inquiry. Generally, the person charged with directing the inquiry, called the juez de residencia (residence judge), was that individual already named to succeed to the position. The penalties for conviction varied, but generally consisted of fines.

The juicio de residencia took on great importance in the administration of the Indies, perhaps because of the great distances involved and the difficulty of direct supervision by the Crown. It extended from the viceroys and the presidents of the Audiencia to the alcaldes and the alguaciles (judicial officials, sometimes translated as sheriffs). With the entrance into force of the Spanish Constitution of 1812, the procedure no longer applied.

Originally, every viceroy had to pass his juicio de residencia before his successor could take office. But in the eighteenth century viceregal juicios were conducted after the outgoing viceroy had returned to Spain. During the lengthy process (up to six months), the degree of the viceroy's compliance with his instructions was analyzed, his job performance was reviewed, and many testimonies were collected from different parties.

Another formula the Crown used to control its officials, including the viceroy in his capacity as president of the Audiencia, was the visitador who collected visitas. The visitador was an inspector named at the pleasure of the king to investigate a particular administration. Like the juicio, this institution had the aim of discovering abuses committed by the authorities, and proposing necessary reforms.

This page is based on a Wikipedia article written by authors (here).
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 3.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.