The Shanghainese language, also known as the Shanghai dialect, Hu language or Hu dialect, is a variety of Wu Chinese spoken in the central districts of the City of Shanghai and its surrounding areas. It is classified as part of the Sino-Tibetan language family. Shanghainese, like other Wu variants, is mutually unintelligible with other varieties of Chinese, such as Mandarin.
Shanghainese belongs to the Taihu Wu subgroup, and contains vocabulary and expressions from the entire Taihu Wu area of southern Jiangsu and northern Zhejiang. With nearly 14 million speakers, Shanghainese is also the largest single form of Wu Chinese. It serves as the lingua franca of the entire Yangtze River Delta region.
Shanghainese is rich in vowels [i y ɪ ʏ e ø ɛ ə ɐ a ɑ ɔ ɤ o ʊ u] (twelve of which are phonemic) and in consonants. Like other Taihu Wu dialects, Shanghainese has voiced initials [b d ɡ ɦ z v dʑ ʑ]: neither Cantonese nor Mandarin has voiced initial stops or affricates. The Shanghainese tonal system is also significantly different from other Chinese varieties, sharing more similarities with the Japanese pitch accent, with two level tonal contrasts (high and low), whereas Cantonese and Mandarin are typical of contour tonal languages.
|上海話 / 上海话 Zaonhegho|
上海閒話 / 上海闲话 Zaonhe-ghegho
滬語 / 沪语 Wu nyu
|Native to||China, overseas communities|
|Region||City of Shanghai and surrounding Yangtze River Delta|
|10–14 million (2013)|
|Literal meaning||Shanghai language|
|Literal meaning||Shanghai speech|
|Literal meaning||Hu (Shanghai) language|
Shanghai did not become a regional center of commerce until it was opened to foreign investment during the late Qing dynasty. Consequently, languages and dialects spoken around Shanghai had long been subordinate to those spoken around Jiaxing and later Suzhounese. In the late 19th century, most vocabulary of the Shanghai area had been a hybrid between Southern Jiangsu and Ningbonese. Since the 1850s, owing to the growth of Shanghai's economy, Shanghainese has become one of the fastest-developing languages of the Wu Chinese subgroup, undergoing rapid changes and quickly replacing Suzhounese as the prestige dialect of the Yangtze River Delta region. It underwent sustained growth that reached a hiatus in the 1930s during the Republican era, when migrants arrived in Shanghai and immersed themselves in the local tongue.
After 1949, the government imposed Mandarin (Putonghua) as the official language of the whole nation of China. The dominance and influence of Shanghainese began to wane slightly. Since Chinese economic reform began in 1978, especially, Shanghai became home to a great number of migrants from all over the country. Due to the national prominence of Mandarin, learning Shanghainese was no longer necessary for migrants, because those educated after the 1950s could generally communicate in Mandarin. However, Shanghainese remained a vital part of the city's culture and retained its prestige status within the local population. In the 1990s, it was still common for local radio and television broadcasts to be in Shanghainese. In 1995, the TV series Sinful Debt featured extensive Shanghainese dialogue; when it was broadcast outside Shanghai (mainly in adjacent Wu-speaking provinces) Mandarin subtitles were added. The Shanghainese TV series Lao Niang Jiu (Old Uncle) was broadcast from 1995 to 2007  and was popular among Shanghainese residents. Shanghainese programming has since slowly declined amid regionalist/localist accusations.
From 1992 onward, Shanghainese use was discouraged in schools, and many children native to Shanghai can no longer speak Shanghainese. In addition, Shanghai's emergence as a cosmopolitan global city consolidated the status of Mandarin as the standard language of business and services, at the expense of the local language.
Since 2005, new movements have emerged to protect Shanghainese from fading away. At municipal legislative discussions in 2005, former Shanghai opera actress Ma Lili moved to "protect" the language, stating that she was one of the few remaining Shanghai opera actresses who still retained authentic classic Shanghainese pronunciation in their performances. Shanghai's former party boss Chen Liangyu, a native Shanghainese himself, reportedly supported her proposal. There have been talks of re-integrating Shanghainese into pre-kindergarten education, because many children are unable to speak any Shanghainese. A citywide program was introduced by the city government's language committee in 2006 to record native speakers of different Shanghainese varieties for archival purposes and, by 2010, many Shanghainese-language programs were running.
The Shanghai government has begun to reverse its course and seek fluent speakers of authentic Shanghainese, but only two out of thirteen recruitment stations have found Traditional Shanghainese speakers; the rest of the 14 million people of Shanghai speak modern Shanghainese, and it has been predicted that local variants will be wiped out. Professor Qian Nairong is working on efforts to save the language. In response to criticism, Qian reminds people that Shanghainese was once fashionable, saying, "the popularization of Mandarin doesn't equal the ban of dialects. It doesn't make Mandarin a more civilized language either. Promoting dialects is not a narrow-minded localism, as it has been labeled by some netizens". The singer and composer Eheart Chen sings many of his songs in Shanghainese instead of Mandarin to preserve the language.
Since 2006, the Modern Baby Kindergarten in Shanghai has prohibited all of its students from speaking anything but Shanghainese on Fridays to preserve the language amongst younger speakers. In 2011, Professor Qian said that the sole remaining speakers of real Shanghainese are a group of Shanghainese peoples over the age of 60 and native citizens who have little outside contact, and he strongly urges that Shanghainese be taught in the regular school system from kindergarten all the way to elementary, saying it is the only way to save Shanghainese, and that attempts to introduce it in university courses and operas are not enough.
Fourteen native Shanghainese speakers had audio recordings made of their Shanghainese on May 31, 2011. They were selected based on accent purity, way of pronunciation and other factors.
Shanghainese is part of the larger Wu Chinese of Chinese languages. It is not mutually intelligible with any dialects of Mandarin Chinese, neither Cantonese, Southern Min (such as Hokkien-Taiwanese), and any other Chinese languages outside Wu. It is around 50% intelligible (with 28.9% lexical similarity) with the Mandarin, heard in Beijing. Modern Shanghainese, however, has been heavily influenced by modern Mandarin and other Chinese languages, such as Cantonese. That makes the Shanghainese spoken by young people in the city different, sometimes significantly, from that spoken by the older population and also that inserting Mandarin, Cantonese or both into Shanghainese sentences during everyday conversation is very common, at least for young people. Like most subdivisions of Chinese, it is easier for a local speaker to understand Mandarin than it is for a Mandarin speaker to understand the local language.
Shanghainese is somewhat similar to the speech of neighboring cities of Changshu, Jiaxing and Suzhou, categorized into Su-Hu-Jia dialect subgroup (苏沪嘉小片) of Wu Chinese by linguistists. People mingling between those areas do not need to code-switch to Mandarin when they speak to each other. However, there are noticeable tonal and phonological changes, which do not impede intelligibility. As the dialect continuum of Wu continues to further distances, however, significant changes occur in phonology and lexicon to the point that it is no longer possible to converse intelligibly. Most Shanghainese speakers find that by Wuxi, differences become significant and that the Wuxi dialect would take weeks to months for a Shanghainese-speaker to learn fully. Similarly, Hangzhou dialect is understood by most Shanghainese-speakers, but it is considered "rougher" and does not have as much glide and flow in comparison. The language evolved in and around Taizhou, Zhejiang, where it becomes difficult for a Shanghainese speaker to comprehend. Wenzhounese, spoken in the southernmost part of Zhejiang province, is considered part of the Wu group but mutually unintelligible with Shanghainese.
Following conventions of Chinese syllable structure, Shanghainese syllables can be divided into initials and finals. The initial occupies the first part of the syllable. The final occupies the second part of the syllable and can be divided further into an optional medial and an obligatory rime (sometimes spelled rhyme). Tone is also a feature of the syllable in Shanghainese.:6–16 Syllabic tone, which is typical to the other Sinitic languages, has largely become verbal tone in Shanghainese.
Shanghainese has a set of tenuis, voiceless aspirated and voiced plosives and affricates, as well as a set of voiceless and voiced fricatives. Alveolo-palatal initials are also present in Shanghainese.
Voiced stops are phonetically voiceless with slack voice phonation in stressed, word initial position. This phonation (often referred to as murmur) also occurs in zero onset syllables, syllables beginning with fricatives, and syllables beginning with sonorants. These consonants are true voiced in intervocalic position.
The table below lists the vowel nuclei of Shanghainese
The transcriptions used above are broad and the following points are of note when pertaining to actual pronunciation:
Shanghainese has five phonetically distinguishable tones for single syllables said in isolation. These tones are illustrated below in Chao tone names. In terms of Middle Chinese tone designations, the yin tone category has three tones (yinshang and yinqu tones have merged into one tone), while the yang category has two tones (the yangping, yangshang, and yangqu have merged into one tone).:17
|Ping (平)||Shang (上)||Qu (去)||Ru (入)|
|Yin (阴)||52 (T1)||34 (T2)||44ʔ (T4)|
|Yang (阳)||14 (T3)||24ʔ (T5)|
The conditioning factors which led to the yin–yang split still exist in Shanghainese, as they do in other Wu dialects: yang tones are only found with voiced initials [b d ɡ z v dʑ ʑ m n ɲ ŋ l ɦ], while the yin tones are only found with voiceless initials.
The ru tones are abrupt, and describe those rimes which end in a glottal stop /ʔ/. That is, both the yin–yang distinction and the ru tones are allophonic (dependent on syllabic structure). Shanghainese has only a two-way phonemic tone contrast, falling vs rising, and then only in open syllables with voiceless initials.
Tone sandhi is a process whereby adjacent tones undergo dramatic alteration in connected speech. Similar to other Northern Wu dialects, Shanghainese is characterized by two forms of tone sandhi: a word tone sandhi and a phrasal tone sandhi.
Word tone sandhi in Shanghainese can be described as left-prominent and is characterized by a dominance of the first syllable over the contour of the entire tone domain. As a result, the underlying tones of syllables other than the leftmost syllable, have no effect on the tone contour of the domain. The pattern is generally described as tone spreading (T1-4) or tone shifting (T5, except for 4- and 5-syllable compounds, which can undergo spreading or shifting). The table below illustrates possible tone combinations.
|Tone||One syllable||Two syllables||Three syllables||Four syllables||Five syllables|
|T1||52||55 22||55 44 22||55 44 33 22||55 44 33 33 22|
|T2||34||33 44||33 44 22||33 44 33 22||33 44 33 33 22|
|T3||14||11 44||11 44 11||11 44 33 11||11 44 33 22 11|
|T4||44||33 44||33 44 22||33 44 33 22||33 44 33 22 22|
|T5||24||11 24||11 11 24||11 22 22 24
22 44 33 11
|11 11 11 11 24|
22 44 33 22 11
As an example, in isolation, the two syllables of the word for China are pronounced with T1 and T4: /tsʊŋ˥˨/ and /kwəʔ˦/. However, when pronounced in combination, T1 from /tsʊŋ/ spreads over the compound resulting in the following pattern /tsʊŋ˥kwəʔ˨/. Similarly, the syllables in a common expression for foolish have the following underlying phonemic and tonal representations: /zəʔ˨˦/ (T5), /sɛ˥˨/ (T1), and /ti˧˦/ (T2). However, the syllables in combination exhibit the T5 shifting pattern where the first-syllable T5 shifts to the last syllable in the domain: /zəʔ˩sɛ˩ti˨˦/.:38–46
Phrasal tone sandhi in Shanghainese can be described as right-prominent and is characterized by a right syllable retaining its underlying tone and a left syllable receiving a mid-level tone based on the underlying tone's register. The table below indicates possible left syllable tones in right-prominent compounds.:46–47
|Tone||Underlying Tone||Neutralized Tone|
For instance, when combined, /ma˩˦/ ("buy") and /tɕjɤ˧˦/ ("wine") become /ma˧tɕjɤ˧˦/ ("buy wine").
Sometimes meaning can change based on whether left-prominent or right-prominent sandhi is used. For example, /tsʰɔ˧˦/ ("fry") and /mi˩˦/ ("noodle") when pronounced /tsʰɔ˧mi˦/ (i.e., with left-prominent sandhi) means "fried noodles". When pronounced /tsʰɔ˦mi˩˦/ (i.e., with right-prominent sandhi), it means "to fry noodles".:35
Note: Chinese characters for Shanghainese are not standardized and are provided for reference only. IPA transcription is for the Middle Period of modern Shanghainese (中派上海话), pronunciation of those between 20 and 60 years old.
|Translation||IPA||Chinese character Transliteration|
|Shanghainese (language)||[zɑ̃.hɛ ɦɛ.ɦo]||上海闲话 or 上海言话（上海閒話 or 上海言話）|
|we or I||[ɐʔ.la]||阿拉）|
|he/she||[ɦi]||渠（佢, 伊, 其）|
|you (plural)||[na]||倷 (modern Mandarin-based approximation: 㑚)|
|thank you||[ʑja.ja.nʊŋ] or [ʑja.ʑja.nʊŋ]||谢谢侬（謝謝儂）|
|but, however||[dɛ.z̩], [dɛ.z̩.ni]||但是, 但是呢|
|that one||[ɛ.tsa], [i.tsa]||埃只, 伊只（埃隻, 伊隻）|
|there||[ɛ.ta], [i.ta]||埃𡍲, 伊𡍲|
|over there||[ɛ.mi.ta], [i.mi.ta]||埃面𡍲, 伊面𡍲|
|to exist, here, present||[lɐʔ.hɛ]||徕許, 勒許|
|what time is it?||[ɦi.zɛ tɕi.ti tsʊŋ]||现在几点钟？（現在幾點鐘?）|
|where||[ɦa.li.ta], [sa.di.fɑ̃]||何里𡍲（何裏𡍲）, 啥地方|
|who||[sa.ɲɪɲ] or [ɦa.li.ɦwe]||啥人, 何里位|
|how||[na.nən], [na.nən.ka]||哪能 （哪恁）, 哪能介 （哪恁介）|
|no||[m̩], [vəʔ.z̩], [m̩.məʔ], [vjɔ]||呒, 勿是, 呒没, 覅(嘸, 勿是, 嘸沒, 覅)|
|telephone number||[di.ɦo ɦɔ.dɤ]||电话号头（電話號頭）|
|Come to our house and play.||[tɔ ɐʔ.la ʊʔ.li.ɕjɑ̃ lɛ bəʔ.ɕjɐ̃]||到阿拉屋里向来孛相（白相）！（到阿拉屋裏向來孛相!）|
|Where's the restroom?||[da.sɤ.kɛ ləʔ.ləʔ ɦa.li.ta]||汏手间勒勒何里𡍲?（汏手間勒勒何裏𡍲?）|
|Have you eaten dinner?||[ɦja.vɛ tɕʰɪʔ.ku.ləʔ va]||夜饭吃过了𠲎?（夜飯喫過了𠲎?）|
|I don't know||[ŋu vəʔ.ɕjɔ.təʔ]||我勿晓得.（我勿曉得.）|
|Do you speak English?||[nʊŋ ɪɲ.vən kɑ̃.təʔ.lɛ va]||侬英文讲得来𠲎?（儂英文講得來𠲎?）|
|I adore you||[ŋu ɛ.mu nʊŋ]||我爱慕侬.（我愛慕儂!）|
|I like you a lot||[ŋu lɔ hwø.ɕi nʊŋ əʔ]||我老欢喜侬个！（我老歡喜儂个）|
|How are you?||[nʊŋ hɔ va]||侬好𠲎？（儂好𠲎？）|
The first-person pronoun is suffixed with 伲 [ɲi˨˧] as in "我伲" [ŋu˨.ɲi˦], and third-person with 拉 [la˥˧]), but the second-person plural is a separate root, 㑚 [nʌ˨˧].
Chinese characters are used to write Shanghainese. Romanization of Shanghainese was first developed by Protestant English and American Christian missionaries in the 19th century, including Joseph Edkins. Usage of this romanization system was mainly confined to translated Bibles for use by native Shanghainese, or English-Shanghainese dictionaries, some of which also contained characters, for foreign missionaries to learn Shanghainese. A system of phonetic symbols similar to Chinese characters called "New Phonetic Character" were also developed by in the 19th century by American missionary Tarleton Perry Crawford.
Shanghainese is sometimes written informally using homophones: "lemon" (níngméng), written 檸檬 in Standard Chinese, may be written 人門 (person-door) in Shanghainese; and "yellow" (黄; huáng) may be written 王 (meaning king; and wáng in standard pinyin) rather than the standard character 黃 for yellow. These are not homophones in Mandarin, but are homophones in Shanghainese. There are also some homophones in Mandarin which are not homophonic in Shanghainese, e.g. 做, 作 and 坐, all zuò in Standard Mandarin.
Protestant missionaries in the 1800s created the Shanghainese Phonetic Symbols to write Shanghainese phonetically. The symbols are a syllabary similar to the Japanese Kana system. The system has not been used and is only seen in a few historical books.
we arranged Shanghai Day on Fridays to promote the language and local culture
Non-Mandarin speakers take their own shortcuts, such as 王 (Shanghai) wang "king" for 黃 wang "yellow" (pronounced Huáng in Mandarin) or 人門 (Shanghai) ningmeng (lit.) "person" and "door" for 檸檬 ningmeng "lemon," not to mention hundreds of unique forms and usages devised popularly that have no application to Mandarin at all. There is nothing new about this phenomenon. For at least two millennia, there have been two orthographies in China: the one formally sanctioned by lexicographers and the state, and a popular tradition used informally by people in their everyday lives.()
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Major Wu varieties include those of Shanghai, Suzhou, Wuxi, Changzhou, Ningbo, Hangzhou, Shaoxing, Wenzhou/Oujiang, Jinhua and Yongkang. Wu speakers, such as Chiang Kai-shek, Lu Xun and Cai Yuanpei, occupied positions of great importance in modern Chinese culture and politics. Wu can also be found being used in Pingtan, Yue opera, and Shanghai opera, the former which is second only in national popularity to Peking opera; as well as in the performances of the popular entertainer and comedian Zhou Libo. Wu is also spoken in a large number of diaspora communities, with significant centers of immigration originating from Shanghai, Ningbo, Qingtian and Wenzhou.
Suzhou has traditionally been the linguistic center of Wu and was likely the first place the distinct variety of Sinitic known as Wu developed. Suzhou dialect is widely considered to be the most linguistically representative of the family. It was mostly the basis of the Wu lingua franca that developed in Shanghai leading to the formation of standard Shanghainese, which as a center of economic power and possessing the largest population of Wu speakers, has attracted the most attention. Due to the influence of Shanghainese, Wu as a whole is incorrectly labelled in English as simply, "Shanghainese", when introducing the language family to non-specialists. Wu is the more accurate terminology for the greater grouping that the Shanghainese variety is part of; other less precise terms include "Jiangnan speech" (江南話), "Jiangzhe (Jiangsu–Zhejiang) speech" (江浙話), and less commonly "Wuyue speech" (吳越語).
The Wu group (Southern Wu in particular) is well-known among linguists and sinologists as being one of the most internally diverse among the Sinitic groups, with very little mutual intelligibility between varieties across subgroups. Among speakers of other Sinitic languages, Wu is often subjectively judged to be soft, light, and flowing. There is an idiom in Mandarin that specifically describes these qualities of Wu speech: 吴侬软语, which literally means "the tender speech of Wu". On the other hand, some Wu varieties like Wenzhounese have gained notoriety for their high incomprehensibility to both Wu and non-Wu speakers alike, so much so that Wenzhounese was used during the Second World War to avoid Japanese interception.Wu dialects are typified linguistically as having preserved the voiced initials of Middle Chinese, having a majority of Middle Chinese tones undergo a register split, and preserving a checked tone typically terminating in a glottal stop, although some dialects maintain the tone without the stop and certain dialects of Southern Wu have undergone or are starting to undergo a process of devoicing. The historical relations which determine Wu classification primarily consist in two main factors: firstly, geography, both in terms of physical geography and distance south or away from Mandarin, that is, Wu varieties are part of a Wu–Min dialect continuum from southern Jiangsu to Fujian and Chaoshan. The second factor is the drawing of historical administrative boundaries, which, in addition to physical barriers, limit mobility and in the majority of cases more or less determine the boundary of a Wu dialect.
Wu Chinese, along with Min, is also of great significance to historical linguists due to their retention of many ancient features. These two languages have proven pivotal in determining the phonetic history of the Chinese languages.
More pressing concerns of the present are those of language preservation. Many within and outside of China fear that the increased usage of Mandarin may eventually altogether supplant the languages that have no written form, legal protection, or official status and are officially barred from use in public discourse. However, many analysts believe that a stable state of diglossia will endure for at least several generations if not indefinitely.Xiaolongbao
Xiaolongbao is a type of Chinese steamed bun (baozi) from the Jiangnan region, especially associated with Shanghai and Wuxi. It is traditionally prepared in Xiaolong, which is a kind of small bamboo steaming basket, which give them their name. Xiaolongbao is often referred to as a kind of "dumpling", but should not be confused with British or American-style dumplings, nor with Chinese jiaozi.
They are also called a "soup dumpling" because they are filled with hot soup and must be eaten carefully. In Shanghainese, they are also sometimes known as siaulon moedeu or xiaolong-style mantous as Wu Chinese speaking peoples use the traditional definition of "mantou" which refers to both filled and unfilled buns.Xintiandi
Xintiandi (Chinese: 新天地; pinyin: Xīntiāndì, Shanghainese: Shintidi lit. "New Heaven and Earth", fig. "New World") is an affluent car-free shopping, eating and entertainment district of Shanghai. Xintiandi now refers to the wider area centered around Madang Road which includes both pedestrian-only and motor traffic roads.
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