Reserve power

In a parliamentary or semi-presidential system of government, a reserve power is a power that may be exercised by the head of state without the approval of another branch of the government. Unlike in a presidential system of government, the head of state is generally constrained by the cabinet or the legislature in a parliamentary system, and most reserve powers are usable only in certain exceptional circumstances. In some countries, reserve powers go by another name; for instance, the reserve powers of the President of Ireland are called discretionary powers.

Constitutional monarchies

In monarchies with either an uncodified or partly unwritten constitution (such as the United Kingdom or Canada) or a wholly written constitution that consists of a text augmented by additional conventions, traditions, letters patent, etc., the monarch generally possesses reserve powers.

Typically these powers are: to grant pardon; to dismiss a prime minister; to refuse to dissolve parliament; and to refuse or delay royal assent to legislation (to withhold royal assent amounts to a veto of a bill, while to reserve royal assent in effect amounts to a decision to neither grant nor refuse assent, but to delay taking a decision for an undetermined period). There are usually strict constitutional conventions concerning when these powers may be used, and these conventions are enforced by public pressure. Using these powers in contravention of tradition would generally provoke a constitutional crisis.

Most constitutional monarchies employ a system that includes the principle of responsible government. In such an order, the reserve powers are thought to be the means by which the monarch and his or her viceregal representatives can legitimately exist as "constitutional guardians" or "umpires", tasked with guaranteeing that Cabinet and parliament adhere to the fundamental constitutional principles of the rule of law and responsible government itself.[1] Some constitutional scholars, such as George Winterton, have stated that reserve powers are a good thing in that they allow for a head of state to handle an unforeseen crisis[2] and that the use of convention to limit the use of reserve powers allows for more gradual and subtle constitutional evolution than is possible through formal amendment of a written constitution. Others, such as Herbert Evatt, believe or believed that reserve powers are vestigial and potentially open to abuse.[2][3] Evatt felt that the reserve powers could be codified and still serve their intended function in a responsible government system,[3] as they do in Sweden, Ireland, and Japan.[2]

Commonwealth realms

Within the Dominions, until the 1920s, most reserve powers were exercised by a governor-general on the advice of either the local or the British government, though the latter took precedence. After a 1926 Imperial Conference decision, the governors-general ceased to be advised in any way by the British government. For example, the first Governor-General of the Irish Free State, Tim Healy, was instructed by the British Dominions Office in 1922 to withhold the royal assent on any bill passed by the two houses of the Oireachtas (the Irish parliament) that attempted to change or abolish the Oath of Allegiance. However, no such bill was introduced during Healy's period in office. By the time the oath was abolished, some years later, the Irish governor-general was formally advised exclusively by the Irish government.

Australia

While the reserve power to dismiss a government has not been used in the United Kingdom since 1834, this power has been exercised more recently in Australia, on two occasions:

  1. On 13 May 1932, when the Governor of New South Wales Sir Philip Game dismissed the Government of New South Wales.
  2. On 11 November 1975, when the Governor-General of Australia Sir John Kerr dismissed the Commonwealth Government.

In both cases an election was held very soon afterwards and, again in both cases, the dismissed government was massively defeated by popular vote.

In Queensland in 1987, during a tense period of leadership succession, the Governor of Queensland, Sir Walter Campbell, exercised reserve power in declining to exercise vice-regal authority on the advice of the Premier, Sir Joh Bjelke-Petersen. Campbell initially refused to redistribute ministerial portfolios on the sole advice of the premier, who lacked the confidence of his cabinet. Subsequently, during a period when Queensland had a "Premier who is not leader" and the governing party had a "Leader who is not Premier",[4] there was speculation on the potential exercise of vice-regal reserve power by Campbell, in dismissing the premier in the absence of a parliamentary motion of no confidence. Ultimately, Campbell was praised for his handling of the undesirable situation.[5]

These are among several exercises of the reserve powers in Australia in the 20th century at state and federal levels.[6]

Canada

The reserve powers in Canada fall within the royal prerogative and belong specifically to the monarch, as the Constitution Act, 1867, vests all executive power in the country's sovereign. King George VI in 1947 issued Letters Patent permitting the governor general "to exercise all powers and authorities lawfully belonging to Us [the monarch] in respect of Canada."[7]

The reserve power of dismissal has never been used in Canada, although other reserve powers have been employed to force the prime minister to resign on two occasions: The first took place in 1896, when the Prime Minister, Sir Charles Tupper, refused to step down after his party did not win a majority in the House of Commons during that year's election, leading Governor General the Earl of Aberdeen to no longer recognize Tupper as prime minister and disapprove of several appointments Tupper had recommended. On the second occasion, which took place in 1925 and came to be known as the King-Byng Affair, Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King, facing a non-confidence motion in the House of Commons, advised the Governor General, the Viscount Byng of Vimy, to dissolve the new parliament, but Byng refused.

No modern governor general has disallowed a bill, though provincial lieutenant governors have.[8]

Peter Hogg, a constitutional scholar, has opined that "a system of responsible government cannot work without a formal head of state who is possessed of certain reserve powers."[9] Further, Eugene Forsey stated "the reserve power is indeed, under our Constitution, an absolutely essential safeguard of democracy. It takes the place of the legal and judicial safeguards provided in the United States by written Constitutions, enforceable in the courts."[10]

New Zealand

New Zealand's early Governors, the predecessors of today's Governors-General, exercised considerable power, with exclusive authority over some matters such as foreign and Māori affairs. They also had a real choice in selecting premiers – parliaments of the period being composed of independent members who formed loose and shifting factions – and were not always obliged to act on the advice of their ministers. As New Zealand's political system matured, the Colonial Office increasingly instructed the Governors to follow the advice of local ministers, and the powers of the office have continually shrunk. Important remnants of these early powers remain. The Governor-General has a number of reserve powers,[11] which he or she may use on behalf of Queen Elizabeth II. Sir Kenneth Keith describes the use of these powers as based on the principle that "The Queen reigns, but the government rules, so long as it has the support of the House of Representatives".[12]

The most visible reserve powers are the power to appoint a Prime Minister and the related power to accept a Prime Minister's resignation. This power is exercised every time a general election results in a change of government, most recently in 2017. It may also be exercised if a Prime Minister loses the confidence of Parliament and resigns instead of advising a dissolution of Parliament; the last such occasion was in 1912. Finally, it may happen if a Prime Minister is manoeuvred out of his position by his own party, retires or resigns for personal reasons, or dies in office. Though the power of appointment is listed among the reserve powers, in fact the Governor-General abides by strict conventions, and has always appointed the leader of the dominant party in the House of Representatives. The Governor-General retains the theoretical power to appoint as Prime Minister a member of the House of Representatives who clearly does not have the support of a majority of MPs, but no Governor-General has sought to use this power since New Zealand gained responsible government, though some cabinets in the 19th century proved extremely short-lived. In earlier times, if a Prime Minister died, became incapacitated, or resigned unexpectedly, a Governor-General might be able to choose a temporary Prime Minister from among several senior ministers, while the governing party decided on a new leader who would then be duly appointed Prime Minister. Today, however, the practice of appointing – on Prime Ministerial advice – a permanent Deputy Prime Minister, who becomes acting Prime Minister when needed, has largely removed even this discretion from the Governor-General.

The Governor-General has a number of other legal powers.[13]

The Governor-General may dismiss an incumbent Prime Minister and Cabinet, an individual Minister, or any other official who holds office "during the Queen's pleasure" or "during the Governor-General's pleasure".[12] Conventionally, the Governor-General follows the advice of the Prime Minister or another appropriate Minister in matters of appointment and dismissal. Likewise, by convention, the Government as a whole remains in office as long as it keeps the confidence of the House.

The Governor-General can also dissolve Parliament and call elections without Prime Ministerial advice. Dissolving Parliament and calling for elections is part of the Governor-General's normal duties; every parliamentary dissolution and subsequent general election in New Zealand's history has been called by the Governor or Governor-General. However, all elections since responsible government was introduced, including snap elections, have been requested by the incumbent Premier or Prime Minister, and are accordingly not examples of use of the reserve powers. A Prime Minister who has lost the confidence of the House will conventionally either advise a dissolution of Parliament and new elections, or tender his resignation. If a defeated Prime Minister refuses to do either of these two things, the Governor-General could use the reserve powers to either dismiss the Prime Minister (see above), or dissolve Parliament without the Prime Minister's advice. Likewise, if the Prime Minister tenders his resignation, the Governor-General could theoretically refuse to accept it, and dissolve Parliament against the Prime Minister's advice.

A Governor-General can also refuse a Prime Minister's request to dissolve Parliament and hold elections. If a Prime Minister has been defeated by a vote of no confidence, a refusal by the Governor-General to dissolve Parliament would, in effect, force the Prime Minister to resign and make way for a successor. See the Lascelles Principles for factors which might guide the Governor-General in making a decision on whether or not to grant a dissolution in those circumstances. A Governor-General could also legally refuse a request for a snap election from a Prime Minister in whom the House has confidence, but such a refusal would be extremely unlikely.

The power to withhold royal assent to Bills is controversial. Many constitutional commentators believe that the Governor-General (or the Sovereign) no longer has the power to refuse royal assent to any bill properly passed by the House of Representatives - former law professor and Prime Minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer and Professor Matthew Palmer argue any refusal of royal assent would lead to a constitutional crisis.[14] Others, such as Professor Philip Joseph, believe the Governor-General does retain the power to refuse royal assent to Bills in exceptional circumstances - such as the abolition of democracy.[15] A similar controversial power is the ability to refuse to make Orders and regulations advised by the Government or by individual Ministers.

There have been a handful of occasions when reserve powers were used, or at least considered.

In the 1890s, Premier John Ballance advised the Governor to make several new appointments to the (since abolished) Legislative Council. Two successive Governors, the Earl of Onslow and the Earl of Glasgow, refused to make the appointments, until the Colonial Office intervened in Ballance's favour. This incident markedly reduced the discretionary powers of the Governor. Though these remained the same in law for the time being, later Governors and governments considered that there would be far fewer scenarios in which their use would be appropriate.

Almost a century later, in 1984, there was a brief constitutional crisis. The outgoing Prime Minister, Sir Rob Muldoon, had just lost an election, but refused to advise the Governor-General, Sir David Beattie, to make urgent regulations desired not only by the incoming Prime Minister, David Lange, but also by many in Muldoon's own party and cabinet. At the time, the option of Beattie dismissing Muldoon and replacing him, without waiting for Muldoon's resignation, was reportedly discussed. Muldoon eventually relented under pressure from his own cabinet, making the use of Beattie's reserve powers unnecessary.

Saint Kitts and Nevis

A constitutional crisis occurred in Saint Kitts and Nevis in 1981, when the governor, Sir Probyn Inniss, used his reserve powers to refuse assent to a bill passed by the government of Sir Kennedy Simmonds, the country's premier. Inniss believed that the bill was unconstitutional, and would soon be struck down by the West Indies Associated States Supreme Court. The situation was resolved when Queen Elizabeth II, at the request of Simmonds, terminated Inniss's commission as governor.[16]

Tuvalu

The Constitution of Tuvalu provides, in article 52, that the Governor-General exercises his powers "only in accordance with the advice of (a) the Cabinet; or (b) the Prime Minister [...] except where he is required to act (c) in accordance with the advice of any other person or authority [...] or (e) in his own deliberate judgment (in which case he shall exercise an independent discretion)".

In 2013, Governor-General Iakoba Italeli was requested by the Opposition to act without (and indeed against) the Prime Minister's advice. On 28 June, Prime Minister Willy Telavi's government had lost a crucial by-election, which gave the Opposition a majority of one in Parliament. The Opposition immediately called for the government to reconvene Parliament, so that a motion of no confidence could be introduced, and a new government formed.[17] Prime Minister Telavi responded that, under the Constitution, he was only required to convene Parliament once a year (for a vote on the budget), and was thus under no obligation to summon it until December.[18] The Opposition turned to the Governor-General. On 3 July, Italeli exercised his reserve powers in ordering Parliament to convene, against the Prime Minister's wishes, on 30 July.[19]

United Kingdom

In the UK, the Monarch has numerous theoretical personal prerogatives, but beyond the appointment of a Prime Minister, there are in practice few circumstances in modern British government where these prerogatives could be justifiably exercised; they have rarely been exercised in the last century. In October 2003 the Government made public the following prerogatives but it said at the time that a comprehensive catalogue of prerogative powers could not be supplied:[20]

  • To refuse to dissolve Parliament when requested by the Prime Minister. This was last reputedly considered in 1910, but George V later changed his mind. See Lascelles Principles.
  • To appoint a Prime Minister of her [his] own choosing. This was last done in Britain in 1963 when Elizabeth II appointed Sir Alec Douglas-Home as Prime Minister, on the advice of outgoing Harold Macmillan.
  • To dismiss a Prime Minister and his or her Government on the Monarch's own authority. This was last done in Britain in 1834 by King William IV.
  • To summon and prorogue parliament
  • To command the Armed Forces
  • To dismiss and appoint Ministers
  • To commission officers in the Armed Forces
  • To appoint Queen's Counsel
  • To issue and withdraw passports
  • To create corporations via Charter
  • To appoint Bishops and Archbishops of the Church of England
  • To grant honours
  • To grant Prerogative of Mercy
  • To delay the bill's assent through the use of his or her reserve powers in near-revolutionary situations, thereby vetoing the bill[21]
  • To refuse the royal assent of a parliamentary bill on the advice of ministers,[22] last exercised by Queen Anne when she withheld royal assent from the Scottish Militia Bill 1708
  • To declare War and Peace
  • To deploy the Armed Forces overseas
  • To ratify and make treaties
  • To refuse the "Queen's [King's] Consent", where direct monarchical assent is required for a bill affecting, directly or by implication, the prerogative, hereditary revenues—including ultimus haeres, treasure trove, and bona vacantia—or the personal property or interests of the Crown to be heard in Parliament. In 1999, Queen Elizabeth II, acting on the advice of the government, refused to signify her consent to the Military Action Against Iraq (Parliamentary Approval) Bill, which sought to transfer from the monarch to Parliament the power to authorise military strikes against Iraq.

These powers could be exercised in an emergency such as a constitutional crisis (such as surrounded the People's Budget of 1909), or in wartime. They would also be very relevant in the event of a hung parliament.

For example, in the hung parliament in 1974, the serving Prime Minister Edward Heath attempted to remain in power but was unable to form a working majority. The Queen then asked Harold Wilson, leader of the Labour Party, which had the largest number of seats in the Commons but not an overall majority, to attempt to form a government. Subsequently, Wilson asked that if the government were defeated on the floor of the House of Commons, the Queen would grant a dissolution, which she agreed to.[23]

Belgium

In Belgium a constitutional provision explicitly states that no act of the Monarch is valid without the signature of (a) member(s) of the government, which thereby becomes solely responsible, hence excluding any reserve power for the crown. In legal terminology, a competence vested in 'the King' thus very often means the government, as opposed to formal laws which require a (sometimes qualified) parliamentary majority.

Constitutional precedence has even established the unwritten but binding rule that the Monarch must give assent to any parliamentary decision, regardless of any other considerations (which can only be advanced in private audience with government members, not imposed), as soon as the government presents it for royal signature and thus assumes full political responsibility.

In 1990, when a law liberalising Belgium's abortion laws was approved by parliament, King Baudouin refused to give his royal assent, only the second time in Belgium's history the monarch elected to do so. Instead, he requested that the cabinet declare him unable to reign for a day, which it did, thereby assuming the king's constitutional powers. All members of the government then signed the bill, passing it into law. The government declared that Baudouin was capable of reigning again the next day.

Japan

Unlike most other constitutional monarchs, the Emperor of Japan has no reserve powers. Following Japan's defeat in World War II, the emperor's role is defined in Chapter I of the 1947 Constitution of Japan, as decided by the foreign powers that had defeated Japan in the war. It states that the sovereignty of Japan rests with the people, not the emperor, and that the emperor is merely the symbol of the State and of the unity of the people.

Spain

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 does not specifically grant emergency powers to the government, though does state in Article 56 that the monarch "arbitrates and moderates the regular functioning of the institutions", and invests the monarch with the responsibility of overseeing that the forms of the constitution are observed.[24][25] It is through this constitutional language that wider "reserve powers" are granted to the monarch. It is through this clause and his position as Commander in Chief of the Spanish Armed Forces that King Juan Carlos undermined the attempted 23-F military coup in 1981.

Title II, Articles 56
The King is Head of State, the symbol of its unity and permanence. He arbitrates and moderates the regular functioning of the institutions, assumes the highest representation of the Spanish State in international relations, especially with the nations of its historical community, and exercises the functions expressly conferred on him by the Constitution and the laws.[24][25]

Title II, Articles 56
El Rey es el Jefe del Estado, símbolo de su unidad y permanencia, arbitra y modera el funcionamiento regular de las instituciones, asume la más alta representación del Estado español en las relaciones internacionales, especialmente con las naciones de su comunidad histórica, y ejerce las funciones que le atribuyen expresamente la Constitución y las leyes.[24][25]

The Spanish Constitution of 1978, Title II The Crown, Article 62, delineates the powers of the king, while Title IV Government and Administration, Article 99, defines the king's role in government.[24][25][26] Title VI Judicial Power, Article 117, Articles 122 through 124, outlines the king's role in the country's independent judiciary.[27] However, by constitutional convention established by Juan Carlos I, the king exercises his prerogatives having solicited government advice while maintaining a politically non-partisan and independent monarchy. Receiving government advice does not necessarily bind the monarch into executing the advice, except where prescribed by the constitution.

It is incumbent upon the King:

  • a. To Sanction and promulgate the laws
  • b. To summon and dissolve the Cortes Generales and to call for elections under the terms provided for in the Constitution.
  • c. To Call for a referendum in the cases provided for in the Constitution.
  • e. To appoint and dismiss members of the Government on the President of the Government's proposal.
  • f. To issue the decrees approved in the Council of Ministers, to confer civil and military honours and distinctions in conformity with the law.
  • g. To be informed of the affairs of State and, for this purpose, to preside over the meetings of the Council of Ministers whenever, he sees fit, at the President of the Government's request.
  • h. To exercise supreme command of the Armed Forces
  • i. To exercise the right of clemency in accordance with the law, which may not authorize general pardons.
  • j. To exercise the High Patronage of the Royal Academies.[24][25]

Once a General Election has been announced by the king, political parties nominate their candidates to stand for the presidency of the government.

Following the General Election of the Cortes Generales (Cortes), and other circumstances provided for in the constitution, the king meets with and interviews the political party leaders represented in the Congress of Deputies, and then consults with the Speaker of the Congress of Deputies (officially, Presidente de Congreso de los Diputados de España, who, in this instance, represents the whole of the Cortes Generales) before nominating his candidate for the presidency, according to Section 99 of Title IV.[26] Often minor parties form part of a larger major party, and through that membership it can be said that the king fulfills his constitutional mandate of consulting with party representatives with Congressional representation.

Title IV Government and Administration Section 99(1) & (2)

  • (1) After each renewal of the Congress and the other cases provided for under the Constitution, the King shall, after consultation with the representatives appointed by the political groups with parliamentary representation, and through the Speaker of the Congress, nominate for the Presidency of the Government.
  • (2) The candidate nominated in accordance with the provisions of the foregoing subsection shall submit to the Congress the political program of the Government he or she intends to form and shall seek the confidence of the House.[26]

Artículo 99.

  • 1. Después de cada renovación del Congreso de los Diputados, y en los demás supuestos constitucionales en que así proceda, el Rey, previa consulta con los representantes designados por los grupos políticos con representación parlamentaria, y a través del Presidente del Congreso, propondrá un candidato a la Presidencia del Gobierno.
  • 2. El candidato propuesto conforme a lo previsto en el apartado anterior expondrá ante el Congreso de los Diputados el programa político del Gobierno que pretenda formar y solicitará la confianza de la Cámara.[26]

The Spanish Constitution of 1978 explicitly says[28] the king is not subject to any responsibility but his acts to be valid must be endorsed by the Government and will not be valid without such an endorsement. The only exception[29] is that the king is free to appoint and remove the members of his private and military advisors (Casa Real).

Title IV of the Constitution invests the sanction (Royal Assent) and promulgation (publication) of the laws with the king, while Title III The Cortes Generals, Chapter 2 Drafting of Bills outlines the method bills are passed. According to Article 91, within fifteen days that a bill has been passed by the Cortes Generales, the king shall give his assent and publish the new law. Article 92 invests the king with the right to call for referendum on the advice of the president and the previous authorization of Congress.

No provision within the constitution invests the king with the ability to veto legislation directly, however no provision prohibits the king from withholding royal assent, effectively a veto. When the media asked King Juan Carlos if he would endorse the bill legalizing gay marriages, he answered "Soy el Rey de España y no el de Bélgica" ("I am the King of Spain, not of Belgium") – a reference to King Baudouin I of Belgium who had refused to sign the Belgian law legalising abortion.[30] The King gave his royal assent to Law 13/2005 on 1 July 2005; the law was gazetted in the Boletín Oficial del Estado on 2 July, and came into effect on 3 July 2005.[31]

Sweden

Much like the Emperor of Japan, the King of Sweden does not have any constitutional responsibility for the governance of the Realm, with strictly ceremonial and representative functions remaining. Under the 1974 Instrument of Government, the supreme executive authority is the Government (composed of the Prime Minister and other cabinet ministers), which is responsible to the Riksdag. The King, however, is not subordinate to the Government and thus could play an independent role as moral authority, but the prevailing convention, expressed in the preparatory works of the 1974 Instrument of Government, is that the King should stay away from anything which could reasonably be interpreted as partisan politics or criticism of the Government in office.

Republics

Reserve powers can also be written into a republican constitution that separates the offices of Head of State and Head of Government. This was the case in Germany under the Weimar Republic, and is still the case in the French Fifth Republic, the Italian republic, and the Republic of Ireland. Reserve powers may include, for instance, the right to issue emergency legislation or regulation bypassing the normal processes. In most states, the head of state's ability to exercise reserve powers is explicitly defined and regulated by the text of the constitution.

Bangladesh

The President of Bangladesh must consult with the Prime Minister for all decisions except the appointment of the Prime Minister and the Chief Justice.[32] However, the President has the authority to dissolve the government or parliament, grant pardon to criminals,[32] block bills/budgets by the legislature[32] or declare an emergency.[33]

During the regime of the caretaker government, the President's power expanded dramatically;[33] effectively (s)he is no longer a ceremonial head of state.

France

Article 16 of the Constitution of France allows the President of the Republic to exercise exceptional powers in case of a national emergency. During this time, the President may not use his prerogative to dissolve the National Assembly and call early elections. He must still consult the Prime Minister, the leaders of both houses of Parliament and the Constitutional Council.

The inspiration for this disposition in the Constitution was the institutional chaos and lack of government authority which contributed to the French debacle in the Battle of France in 1940. On a larger scale, this is consistent with a tradition of the Roman Republic (which has always been an inspiration for the successive French Republics), to give six months of dictatorial power to a citizen in case of an imminent danger of invasion.

Article 16 rule has only been exercised once, in 1961, during a crisis related to the Algerian War in which Charles de Gaulle needed those emergency powers to foil a military plot to take over the government.[34] In 1962, the Council of State ruled itself incompetent to judge measures of a legislative nature issued by the President under Article 16.

In his book, Le Coup d'État permanent (The Permanent Coup), François Mitterrand criticized Article 16 for allowing an ambitious politician the opportunity to become a dictator. However, he made no move to put away his reserve powers after he himself became President.

Germany

The German constitution limits the powers available to the President to prevent a situation in which the executive could effectively rule without legislative approval, which was the case in the Weimar Republic. In particular, he cannot rule by decree. However, in case of a "legislative emergency" the German President can accept legislature without approval of the "Bundestag" (parliament). Article 81 of the German constitution states the possibility that the President can by this means keep a government capable of action even in case of loss of a constructive majority in the Bundestag.

Furthermore, the German President can dissolve the Bundestag (parliament) if the Chancellor loses a motion of confidence and asks the President to do so. The German President has exercised this right three times since the founding of the Federal Republic in 1949. President Gustav Heinemann dissolved the Bundestag at the request of Chancellor Willy Brandt in 1972, and in 1982 President Karl Carstens did so at the request of Chancellor Helmut Kohl. Both Brandt and Kohl were reelected with larger majorities. Most recently, on 1 July 2005, President Horst Köhler dissolved the Bundestag at the request of Chancellor Gerhard Schröder. Schröder unexpectedly lost the election that followed.

The President has the right to refuse his signature to laws passed by the parliament (veto) in certain circumstances. These may be formal errors in the law-making process or violations of the Basic Law inherent to the new law. This reserve power has been used 8 times as of May 2013.[35]

The President nominates the first candidate for Chancellor put to vote in the Bundestag. He can also dissolve the Bundestag if no candidate won the absolute majority of the members of parliament after three votes.

The President has the right to pardon criminals for federal crimes with the countersignature of a member of the cabinet. The refusal of a pardon does not need a countersignature.

India

See President of India#Powers and duties

Italy

The President of the Italian Republic's powers are defined by articles 87 through 90 of the Constitution of Italy. The President of the Republic:

The President of the Republic can refuse to sign laws he deems clearly against the Constitution, while less obvious cases are dealt with later on by the Constitutional Court. If the rejected law is passed again by a majority in the Parliament, however, the President must sign it.

Given his monocratic nature, this organ joins in itself prerogatives that in all other collegial organs are attributed collectively.[36]

Ireland

The President of Ireland does not possess executive powers: executive powers are held by the Government, which is headed by a Taoiseach (Prime Minister), who is chosen by and accountable to Dáil Éireann (House of Representatives).

The President's powers are principally defined by Article 13 of the Constitution of Ireland. For the most part, these ceremonial duties may be performed only on the authority, and with the binding advice, of the Government.

However, the President has certain reserve powers, also known as "discretionary powers" in Ireland, which can be exercised by the President at his or her discretion – without, or even contrary to, the Government's advice.

The two most politically important discretionary powers are:

(i) Refusing to dissolve the Dáil on the advice of a Taoiseach who has lost the confidence of the Dáil.

(ii) Referring legislation to the Supreme Court.

The first of these means that a Taoiseach who has been defeated by a vote of no-confidence cannot automatically expect to appeal to the people by calling a general election. The question of whether or not the Taoiseach has lost the confidence of the Dáil could be a discretionary matter for the President to decide – in principle, the President could refuse to dissolve the Dáil on the advice of a Taoiseach who has not yet been defeated in a vote of no-confidence, but who appears likely to be defeated were such a vote to be held. This power has not so far been used, but it could be a crucial power in the event of the collapse of a governing coalition.

By the second of these powers, the President may refuse to assent to legislation passed by Parliament when he or she considers it to be unconstitutional. The President refers the matter to the Supreme Court, which makes the final decision. This power has been used several times by various Presidents.

In addition to these powers, the President has various other discretionary powers in the Constitution, which are of lesser political significance (in normal circumstances). The President may decide to call a referendum on legislation "of great national significance". This power, granted by Article 27 of the Constitution, has not so far been used. The President cannot initiate a referendum, but must wait for an application by a majority of the Seanad (Senate) and one-third of the Dáil. Generally, owing to the way in which the Seanad is elected, the Government's coalition controls a majority of the seats, and strong party discipline means that Senators rarely go against their own party, so getting Seanad support for a referendum is difficult. If the Seanad were to be reformed, this power could potentially become much more significant. Similarly, the President has a latent role in resolving disputes between the Dáil and the Seanad. The President may convene a special committee to resolve questions of privilege between the Dáil and the Seanad with regard to Money Bills, and with regard to speeding the passage of urgent bills through the Seanad. Again, owing to the method by which the Seanad is elected, disputes of this nature tend not to emerge in practice.

The exercise of these powers is entirely at the President's discretion, for which the President is neither legally nor politically responsible. However, prior to their exercise, the President is bound, in most cases, to consult the Council of State, an advisory body consisting of a mixture of senior ex-officio and nominated members.

See also

Notes and references

  1. ^ Winterton, George (1993), "Reserve Powers in an Australian Republic", University of Tasmania Law Review, 12 (2): 252
  2. ^ a b c Winterton 1993, p. 252
  3. ^ a b Evatt, Herbert (1967), The King and His Dominion Governors (2 ed.), London: Frank Cass, p. 306, ISBN 978-0714614717
  4. ^ Peter Bowers and Greg Roberts, ‘Ahern leads, but Joh rules’, Sydney Morning Herald, 27 November 1987. Cited in Geoff Barlow & JF Corkery, "Sir Walter Campbell Queensland Governor and his role in Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen's resignation, 1987", 23. Owen Dixon Society eJournal (Gold Coast, Queensland: Bond University, 2007)
  5. ^ Barlow & Corkery "Sir Walter Campbell", 28-29
  6. ^ H. V. Evatt, The King and His Dominion Governors, 1936; 2nd ed., introduction by Zelman Cowen, 1967; 3rd ed., introduction by Eugene Forsey, in Evatt and Forsey on the reserve powers, ed. by George Winterton, 1990. Donald Markwell, The Crown and Australia, University of London, 1987 - "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2009-02-25. Retrieved 2009-02-25.CS1 maint: Archived copy as title (link). Donald Markwell, "Griffith, Barton and the early governor-generals: aspects of Australia's constitutional development", Public Law Review, 1999.
  7. ^ George VI (1 October 1947). "Letters Patent Constituting the Office of Governor General of Canada". I. Ottawa: King's Printer for Canada. Retrieved 29 May 2009.
  8. ^ "The Honourable John C. Bowen, 1937–50 Archived 2008-12-20 at the Wayback Machine". Legislative Assembly of Alberta. Retrieved on 22 April 2007.
  9. ^ Hogg, Peter (1999), Constitutional Law of Canada, Toronto: Carswell, p. 253, ISBN 978-0459239251
  10. ^ Forsey, Eugene (1974), Freedom and Order, Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, p. 48, ASIN B005JL56TA
  11. ^ "The Reserve Powers". The Governor-General of New Zealand. Retrieved 9 July 2009.
  12. ^ a b Sir Kenneth Keith (2008). "On the Constitution of New Zealand: An Introduction to the Foundations of the Current Form of Government". Archived from the original on 9 October 1999. Retrieved 12 September 2011.
  13. ^ Sir Kenneth Keith (2008). "On the Constitution of New Zealand: An Introduction to the Foundations of the Current Form of Government". Retrieved 5 April 2014.
  14. ^ Sir Geoffrey Palmer and Matthew Palmer (2004). Bridled Power: New Zealand's Constitution and Government (Fourth ed.). Oxford University Press. ISBN 0-19-558463-5.
  15. ^ Philip Joseph (2002). Constitutional and Administrative Law in New Zealand (Second ed.). Brookers. ISBN 978-0-86472-399-4.
  16. ^ Phillips, Fred (2013). Commonwealth Caribbean Constitutional Law. p. 331.
  17. ^ "Tuvalu’s Opposition waiting to hear from GG" Archived 2014-01-08 at the Wayback Machine, Islands Business, 1 July 2013
  18. ^ "Parliament needs one yearly meeting only says defiant Tuvalu PM", Radio New Zealand International, 2 July 2013
  19. ^ "Tuvalu’s parliament convenes July 30" Archived 2013-09-21 at the Wayback Machine, Islands Business, 3 July 2013
  20. ^ Dyer, Clare (21 October 2003). "Mystery lifted on Queen's powers". the Guardian.
  21. ^ Francis Bennion, [1], page 138.
  22. ^ Thomas Erskine May's Parliamentary Practice, page 373, 2nd edition, 1851
  23. ^ Letter 10 February 1999 from Joe Haines (Harold Wilson's press secretary) to Alan Clark; reproduced in Alan Clark, The Tories: Conservatives and the Nation State 1922-1997 (Phoenix Paperback 1999 Edition) page 580 ISBN 978-0-7538-0765-1
  24. ^ a b c d e "Constitución española de 1978: 04 - Wikisource". es.wikisource.org.
  25. ^ a b c d e "Casa de Su Majestad el Rey de España - Castellano - Error 404". www.casareal.es.
  26. ^ a b c d "Constitución española de 1978: 06 - Wikisource". es.wikisource.org.
  27. ^ "Constitución española de 1978: 08 - Wikisource". es.wikisource.org.
  28. ^ article 53.3
  29. ^ article 65.2
  30. ^ "Don Juan Carlos, sobre el matrimonio gay: 'Soy el Rey de España y no el de Bélgica'" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 13 May 2006. Retrieved 8 January 2007.
  31. ^ "Disposiciones Generales" (PDF) (in Spanish). Boletin Oficial del Estado. 2 June 2005. Retrieved 8 January 2007.
  32. ^ a b c Musa, ABM (4 August 2011). "Rashtropotir Boiplobic Khoma". Dainik Prothom Alo.
  33. ^ a b "Bangladesh". U.S. State Department. Retrieved 4 August 2011.
  34. ^ Martin Harrison, The French Experience of Exceptional Powers: 1961, The Journal of Politics, Vol. 25, No. 1 (Feb., 1963), pp. 139-158
  35. ^ see the German Wikipedia entry de:Bundespräsident (Deutschland)
  36. ^ In the Constitution, as interpreted by the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court (judgment no. 9 of 1970 ), parliamentary immunity is not a subjective right of the individual member of Parliament, but a prerogative of the Parliament as a whole: Buonomo, Giampiero (2013). "Onorevoli intercettazioni". Golem informazione.  – via Questia (subscription required)
1920 in Denmark

Events from the year 1920 in Denmark.

Easter Crisis of 1920

The Easter Crisis of 1920 was a constitutional crisis and a significant event in the development of constitutional monarchy in Denmark during the Easter in March–April that year. It began with the dismissal of the elected government by the reigning monarch, King Christian X, a reserve power which was granted to him by the Danish constitution.

EnerSys

EnerSys (formerly Yuasa Inc., a division of GS Yuasa) is an American manufacturer of batteries for multiple applications such as motive power, reserve power, aerospace, and defense.

Formateur

A formateur (French for someone who forms, who constitutes) is a politician who is appointed to lead the formation of a coalition government, after either a general election or the collapse of a previous government. The role of the formateur is especially important in the politics of Belgium, the Netherlands, Luxembourg, Italy, Israel and the Czech Republic. These countries have a parliamentary system, where the executive is elected by the legislature. They also use proportional representation for elections to parliament, and have a multiparty system that makes it improbable for one party to win an outright majority. There may be several combinations of parties which might form a coalition. The Formateur is traditionally appointed by the head of state but in the Netherlands that became the right of the Speaker of the Lower house ('president of the Second Chamber') in the early 21st century.

The formateur most often comes from the largest party in the future coalition (although an even larger party may remain in the opposition) and generally becomes the new head of government if the formation succeeds. In a constitutional monarchy this appointment is an exercise of reserve power, and remains one of the rare moments when a mostly ceremonial monarch may play a significant political role.

In game theory and political science, the term formateur party is used to describe the party that makes a proposal in a bargaining process, most often when modeling a government formation.

Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan

The Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan (Urdu: آئین پاکستان میں چودہویں ترمیم) was an amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan passed in 1997, during the government of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, leader of the Pakistan Muslim League party. It subjected Members of Parliament to very strict party discipline. Party leaders received unlimited power to dismiss any of their legislators from Parliament if they spoke or voted against their party.Since Nawaz' party had an overwhelming majority in Parliament, the Fourteenth Amendment effectively prevented the Prime Minister from being dismissed by a no confidence vote. A few months earlier, the Thirteenth Amendment took away the President's reserve power to remove a Prime Minister by dissolving Parliament and calling new elections. The amendments removed nearly all checks and balances on the Prime Minister's power, since there was virtually no way he could be legally dismissed.

In Pakistan, once legislators are elected to national or provincial assemblies, there is no way for the people to recall them before the end of their five-year terms. In the past, this has contributed to a sense of immunity on the part of members of the ruling party, and to rampant corruption among leading politicians. The Fourteenth Amendment increased this perception, and contributed to the overwhelming popular support for General Pervez Musharraf's coup in 1999. The Supreme Court subsequently validated the coup on the grounds that the Thirteenth and Fourteenth amendments created a situation for which there was no constitutional remedy.

Kiisa

Kiisa is a small town (Estonian: alevik) in Saku Parish, Harju County, Estonia. As of 2011 Census, the settlement's population was 713.It has a railway station on the Tallinn - Viljandi railway line operated by Elron (rail transit).

Kiisa is the location of a currently under construction Kiisa Emergency Reserve Power Plant.

Kiisa Power Plant

The Kiisa Power Plant is an emergency reserve power plant, based on the engine power plant technology, located in Kiisa, Estonia, about 25 kilometres (16 mi) from Tallinn. As an emergency plant, it operates only in the case of a network failure or capacity shortfall, and it does not participate in the everyday electricity market. The power plant is owned and operated by the Estonian transmission system operator Elering.The plant is supplied by Wärtsilä and it is based on Wärtsilä 20V34DF engines fuelled by natural gas as a primary fuel and light fuel oil as a back-up fuel. It consist of two generation units with capacity of 110 MW and 140 MW accordingly. Each of units is a set of 10-MW generators. Construction started in 2011 and the first unit was commissioned in January 2014 and the second unit was commissioned in July 2014. Its total capacity 250 MW is equal to one sixth of the maximum consumption of Estonia.The power plant is located next to the Kiisa 110/330 kV substation, which is connected to the Estonia's main transmission lines. As an emergency reserve power plant, it should reach full output within 10 minutes. It will be fully automatic without permanent personnel on site. The plant is connected with the natural gas grid. In addition, it has an oil terminal with tanks' capacity up to 14,000 cubic metres (490,000 cu ft) of diesel.Satellite picture

Lang ministry (1930–32)

The Lang ministry (1930–1932) or Third Lang ministry was the 45th ministry of the New South Wales Government, and was led by the 23rd Premier, the Honourable Jack Lang, MLA. This ministry was the third and final time of three occasions where Lang was Premier.

Lang was first elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1913 and served continuously until 1946. In 1923 Lang was elected NSW Parliamentary Leader of the Labor Party by Labor caucus, and became Opposition Leader. At the 1925 state election, Lang led Labor to victory, defeating the Nationalist Party led by Sir George Fuller.

Lang's initial ministry was confronted with extended cabinet strife, centred on the Hon. Albert Willis, MLC. Lang gained the approval of the Governor to reconstruct the ministry, his second as Lang Labor, subject to an early election, held in October 1927. Defeated by a Nationalist/Country coalition led by Thomas Bavin and Ernest Buttenshaw at the 1927 election, Lang again won government at the 1930 election, in the middle of the Great Depression.

This ministry covers the period from 4 November 1930 until 13 May 1932 when the Governor of New South Wales, Philip Game used the reserve power of The Crown to remove Lang as Premier (see Lang Dismissal Crisis), and appointed Bertram Stevens as Premier.

Lego Rock Raiders

Lego Rock Raiders was a Lego theme introduced 1999, and discontinued in 2000. Rock Raiders was the only theme in the Lego Underground series before Lego Power Miners. The theme, while short-lived, featured sixteen sets and was backed-up by numerous story-related media, including several comic books and video games.

The premise of the story involves the crew of the LMS Explorer. The vessel is damaged after wandering into an asteroid field and is sucked into a wormhole, the wormhole exits in an alien galaxy, parallel to the Milky Way. The LMS Explorer’s captain orders the ship to use its reserve power and head for the nearest planet. The planet is abundant in the mysterious but powerful energy crystals. There the Rock Raiders, whilst repairing the ship, must venture inside the dangerous caverns of the planet to collect the precious energy crystals to power the ship.

List of power stations in Norway

The following page lists some power stations in Norway. Norway produces a total of 13,570 MW for power consumption. For traction current, see Electric power supply system of railways in Norway.

Operating reserve

In electricity networks, the operating reserve is the generating capacity available to the system operator within a short interval of time to meet demand in case a generator goes down or there is another disruption to the supply. Most power systems are designed so that, under normal conditions, the operating reserve is always at least the capacity of the largest generator plus a fraction of the peak load.The operating reserve is made up of the spinning reserve as well as the non-spinning or supplemental reserve:

The spinning reserve is the extra generating capacity that is available by increasing the power output of generators that are already connected to the power system. For most generators, this increase in power output is achieved by increasing the torque applied to the turbine's rotor.

The non-spinning reserve or supplemental reserve is the extra generating capacity that is not currently connected to the system but can be brought online after a short delay. In isolated power systems, this typically equates to the power available from fast-start generators. However, in interconnected power systems, this may include the power available on short notice by importing power from other systems or retracting power that is currently being exported to other systems.Generators that intend to provide either spinning and non-spinning reserve should be able to reach their promised capacity within roughly ten minutes. Most power system guidelines require a significant fraction of their operating reserve to come from spinning reserve. This is because the spinning reserve is slightly more reliable (it doesn't suffer from start-up issues) and can respond immediately whereas with non-spinning reserve generators there is a delay as the generator starts-up offline.In addition, there are two other kinds of reserve power that are often discussed in combination with the operating reserve: the frequency-response reserve and the replacement reserve.

The frequency-response reserve (also known as regulating reserve) is provided as an automatic reaction to a loss in supply. It occurs because immediately following a loss of supply, the generators slow down due to the increased load. To combat this slowing, many generators have a governor. By helping the generators to speed up, these governors provide a small boost to both the output frequency and the power of each generator. However, because the frequency-response reserve is often small and not at the discretion of the system operator it is not considered part of the operating reserve.

The replacement reserve (also known as contingency reserve) is reserve power provided by generators that require a longer start-up time (typically thirty to sixty minutes). It is used to relieve the generators providing the spinning or non-spinning reserve and thus restore the operating reserve (confusingly the replacement reserve is sometimes known as the 30 or 60-minute operating reserve).Operating reserve is a crucial concept for ensuring that the day-ahead planning of generators' schedule can withstand the uncertainty due to unforeseen variations in the load profile or equipment (generators, transformers, transmission links) faults.

The California System Operator has an operating reserve at 6% of the metered load. Included in that is a spinning reserve at 3% of the metered load.

Parliament of Morocco

The Parliament of Morocco is the bicameral legislature located in Rabat, the capital of Morocco.

Royal prerogative

The royal prerogative is a body of customary authority, privilege, and immunity, recognized in common law and, sometimes, in civil law jurisdictions possessing a monarchy, as belonging to the sovereign and which have become widely vested in the government. It is the means by which some of the executive powers of government, possessed by and vested in a monarch with regard to the process of governance of the state, are carried out.

Stevens–Bruxner ministry (1932–35)

The Stevens–Bruxner ministry (1932–1935) or First Stevens–Bruxner ministry or First Stevens ministry was the 46th ministry of the New South Wales Government, and was led by the 25th Premier, the Honourable Bertram Stevens, MLA, in a United Australia Party coalition with the Country Party, that was led by the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Bruxner, DSO, MLA. The ministry was one of three occasions when the Government was led by Stevens, as Premier; and one of four occasions where Bruxner served as Deputy Premier.

Stevens was first elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1927 and served continuously until 1940. Having served as a senior minister in the Bavin ministry, following the defeat of the Nationalist coalition led by Bavin, who was in poor health, at the 1932 state election, Stevens was elected leader of the newly formed United Australia Party (UAP) in New South Wales and became Opposition Leader. Bruxner was first elected to the Assembly in 1920 and served continuously until 1962. Initially a member of the Progressive Party, he served as party leader in opposition between 1922 and 1925; and resumed leadership in 1932, following the resignation of his successor, Ernest Buttenshaw. By this stage, the party was renamed as the Country Party.

This ministry covers the period from 13 May 1932 when, as a result of the Lang Dismissal Crisis, the Governor of New South Wales, Philip Game used the reserve power of The Crown to remove Jack Lang as Premier. The ministry served until 10 February 1935 when the 1935 state election saw the Stevens–Bruxner coalition re-elected for a subsequent term.

Stevens–Bruxner ministry (1935–38)

The Stevens–Bruxner ministry (1935–1938) or Second Stevens–Bruxner ministry or Second Stevens ministry was the 47th ministry of the New South Wales Government, and was led by the 25th Premier, the Honourable Bertram Stevens, MLA, in a United Australia Party coalition with the Country Party, that was led by the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Bruxner, DSO, MLA. The ministry was the second one of three occasions when the Government was led by Stevens, as Premier; and second of four occasions where Bruxner served as Deputy Premier.

Stevens was first elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1927 and served continuously until 1940. Having served as a senior minister in the Bavin ministry, following the defeat of the Nationalist coalition led by Bavin, who was in poor health, at the 1932 state election, Stevens was elected leader of the newly formed United Australia Party (UAP) in New South Wales and became Opposition Leader. Bruxner was first elected to the Assembly in 1920 and served continuously until 1962. Initially a member of the Progressive Party, he served as party leader in opposition between 1922 and 1925; and resumed leadership in 1932, following the resignation of his successor, Ernest Buttenshaw. By this stage, the party was renamed as the Country Party.

The Stevens–Bruxner coalition came to power as a result of the Lang Dismissal Crisis, when the Governor of New South Wales, Philip Game used the reserve power of The Crown to remove Jack Lang as Premier, asking Stevens to form government. Going to the pollls a month later, Stevens/Bruxner won a landslide victory at the 1932 state election and were re-elected at the 1935 state election, albeit with a reduced margin.

This ministry covers the period from 11 February 1935 until 13 April 1938 when the 1938 state election saw the Stevens–Bruxner coalition re-elected for a subsequent and third term.

Stevens–Bruxner ministry (1938–39)

The Stevens–Bruxner ministry (1938–1939) or Third Stevens–Bruxner ministry or Third Stevens ministry was the 48th ministry of the New South Wales Government, and was led by the 25th Premier, the Honourable Bertram Stevens, MLA, in a United Australia Party coalition with the Country Party, that was led by the Honourable Lieutenant-Colonel Michael Bruxner, DSO, MLA. The ministry was the third of three occasions when the Government was led by Stevens, as Premier; and third of four occasions where Bruxner served as Deputy Premier.

Stevens was first elected to the New South Wales Legislative Assembly in 1927 and served continuously until 1940. Having served as a senior minister in the Bavin ministry, following the defeat of the Nationalist coalition led by Bavin, who was in poor health, at the 1932 state election, Stevens was elected leader of the newly formed United Australia Party (UAP) in New South Wales and became Opposition Leader. Bruxner was first elected to the Assembly in 1920 and served continuously until 1962. Initially a member of the Progressive Party, he served as party leader in opposition between 1922 and 1925; and resumed leadership in 1932, following the resignation of his successor, Ernest Buttenshaw. By this stage, the party was renamed as the Country Party.

The Stevens–Bruxner coalition came to power as a result of the Lang Dismissal Crisis, when the Governor of New South Wales, Philip Game used the reserve power of The Crown to remove Jack Lang as Premier, asking Stevens to form government. Going to the pollls a month later, Stevens/Bruxner won a landslide victory at the 1932 state election and were re-elected at the 1935 and 1938 state elections, albeit with reduced margins.

This ministry covers the period from 13 April 1938 until 5 August 1939 when the deputy leader of the UAP, Eric Spooner resigned from cabinet and on 1 August 1939, moved a no confidence motion against Stevens for not running a balanced budget. Stevens resigned as Premier and Leader of the UAP, and was succeeded by Alexander Mair, who formed a coalition with Bruxner.

Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan

The Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan (Urdu: آئین پاکستان میں تیرہویں ترمیم) was a short-time amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan, adopted by the elected Parliament of Pakistan in 1997 by the government of people elected Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. It stripped the President of Pakistan of his reserve power to dissolve the National Assembly, and thereby triggering new elections and dismissing the Prime Minister. The Constitutional Amendment was supported by both the government and the opposition, and was thus passed unanimously. With the enforcing of this amendment, Pakistan's system of government was shifted from Semi-presidential system to Parliamentary democratic republic system.

The amendment removed Article 58(2)(b) of the Constitution, which gave the President the power to

dissolve the National Assembly in his discretion where, in his opinion ... a situation has arisen in which the Government of the Federation cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution and an appeal to the electorate is necessary.In Pakistan, once legislators are elected to national or provincial assemblies, the people cannot recall them before the end of their five-year terms. In the past, this has contributed to a sense of immunity on the part of members of the ruling party, and to a public perception of rampant corruption among leading politicians – in 1997, Pakistan received the second-worst score in the world on Transparency International's Corruption Perceptions Index.

A few months later, the Fourteenth Amendment was passed, which subjected Members of Parliament to very strict party discipline by giving party leaders unlimited power to dismiss legislators who failed to vote as directed. This virtually eliminated any chance of a Prime Minister of being thrown out of office by a motion of no confidence. The amendments removed nearly all institutional checks and balances on the Prime Minister's power, by effectively removing the legal remedies by which he could be dismissed.

Nawaz Sharif's government became increasingly unpopular after the passage of these amendments, even though it was the election of his Pakistan Muslim League by a heavy majority that enabled him to alter the Constitution in the first place. A few months later, Nawaz Sharif's partisan stormed the Supreme Court of Pakistan and forced the resignation of the Chief Justice. This strengthened the perception that the country was becoming a civilian dictatorship.

In 1999, the Pakistan Army General Pervez Musharraf assumed power in a military-led bloodless coup. Among the reasons he gave for doing so were the destruction of institutional checks and balances, and the prevailing corruption in the political leadership. The coup was widely welcomed in Pakistan. Amongst the Opposition, ex-Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto was one of the first leaders to congratulate General Pervez Musharraf for removing Nawaz Sharif. The Supreme Court later validated the removal on the grounds that the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments resulted in a situation for which there was no constitutional remedy.

In October 2002, elections were held in Pakistan. In December 2003, Parliament passed the Seventeenth Amendment, which partially restored the President's reserve power to dissolve Parliament and thus remove the Prime Minister from office, but made it subject to Supreme Court approval.

Tjeldbergodden Reserve Power Station

Tjeldbergodden Reserve Power Station is a natural gas-fired thermal power plant located at the industrial site Tjeldbergodden in the northeastern part of the municipality of Aure in Møre og Romsdal county, Norway. It is operated by Statnett. The station has installed one gas turbine with 150 megawatts (200,000 hp) effect. The power station was installed in 2006, but by 2015 it had not been in use. Together with the similar power plant at Nyhamna, they cost 2.1 billion NOK. A new power line has made them unnecessary.The power station is only to be operated when there is acute need for extra effect, to hinder having to ration electricity. Statnett must receive permission from the Norwegian Water Resources and Energy Directorate every time the station is to be used. Due to the mobility of the power station, its emissions of carbon dioxide exceed that of a coal powered station.

Veto

A veto (Latin for "I forbid") is the power (used by an officer of the state, for example) to unilaterally stop an official action, especially the enactment of legislation. A veto can be absolute, as for instance in the United Nations Security Council, whose permanent members (China, France, Russia, United Kingdom, and the United States of America) can block any resolution, or it can be limited, as in the legislative process of the United States, where a two-thirds vote in both the House and Senate will override a Presidential veto of legislation. A veto may give power only to stop changes (thus allowing its holder to protect the status quo), like the US legislative veto, or to also adopt them (an "amendatory veto"), like the legislative veto of the Indian President, which allows him to propose amendments to bills returned to the Parliament for reconsideration.

The concept of a veto body originated with the Roman consuls and tribunes. Either of the two consuls holding office in a given year could block a military or civil decision by the other; any tribune had the power to unilaterally block legislation passed by the Roman Senate.

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