Received Pronunciation

Received Pronunciation (RP) is an accent of Standard English in the United Kingdom and is defined in the Concise Oxford English Dictionary as "the standard accent of English as spoken in the south of England",[1] although it can be heard from native speakers throughout England and Wales.[2][3] Peter Trudgill estimated in 1974 that 3 per cent of people in Britain were RP speakers,[4] but this rough estimate has been questioned by the phonetician J. Windsor Lewis.[5] Clive Upton notes higher estimates of 5% (Romaine, 2000) and 10% (Wells, 1982) but refers to all these as "guestimates" that are not based on robust research.[6]

Formerly, colloquially called "the King's English", RP enjoys high social prestige in Britain,[7] being thought of as the accent of those with power, money, and influence, though it may be perceived negatively by some as being associated with undeserved privilege.[8][9] Since the 1960s, a greater permissiveness towards regional English varieties has taken hold in education.[10]

The study of RP is concerned exclusively with pronunciation, whereas Standard English, the Queen's English, Oxford English, and BBC English are also concerned with matters such as grammar, vocabulary, and style.

History

The introduction of the term Received Pronunciation is usually credited to Daniel Jones. In the first edition of the English Pronouncing Dictionary (1917), he named the accent "Public School Pronunciation", but for the second edition in 1926, he wrote, "In what follows I call it Received Pronunciation, for want of a better term."[11] However, the term had actually been used much earlier by P. S. Du Ponceau in 1818.[12] A similar term, received standard, was by Henry C. K. Wyld in 1927.[13] The early phonetician Alexander John Ellis used both terms interchangeably but with a much broader definition than Daniel Jones, having said "there is no such thing as a uniform eduction pron. of English, and rp. and rs. is a variable quantity differing from individual to individual, although all its varieties are 'received', understood and mainly unnoticed".[14]

According to Fowler's Modern English Usage (1965), the correct term is "'the Received Pronunciation'. The word 'received' conveys its original meaning of 'accepted' or 'approved', as in 'received wisdom'."[15]

RP is often believed to be based on the accents of southern England, but it actually has most in common with the Early Modern English dialects of the East Midlands. This was the most populated and most prosperous area of England during the 14th and 15th centuries. By the end of the 15th century, "Standard English" was established in the City of London.[16][17]

Alternative names

Some linguists have used the term "RP" while expressing reservations about its suitability.[18][19][20] The Cambridge-published English Pronouncing Dictionary (aimed at those learning English as a foreign language) uses the phrase "BBC Pronunciation" on the basis that the name "Received Pronunciation" is "archaic" and that BBC news presenters no longer suggest high social class and privilege to their listeners.[21] Other writers have also used the name "BBC Pronunciation".[22][23]

The phonetician Jack Windsor Lewis frequently criticises the name "Received Pronunciation" in his blog: he has called it "invidious",[24] a "ridiculously archaic, parochial and question-begging term"[25] and noted that American scholars find the term "quite curious".[26] He used the term "General British" (to parallel "General American") in his 1970s publication of A Concise Pronouncing Dictionary of American and British English and in subsequent publications.[27] Beverley Collins and Inger Mees use the term "Non-Regional Pronunciation" for what is often otherwise called RP, and reserve the term "Received Pronunciation" for the "upper-class speech of the twentieth century".[28] Received Pronunciation has sometimes been called "Oxford English", as it used to be the accent of most members of the University of Oxford. The Handbook of the International Phonetic Association uses the name "Standard Southern British". Page 4 reads:

Standard Southern British (where 'Standard' should not be taken as implying a value judgment of 'correctness') is the modern equivalent of what has been called 'Received Pronunciation' ('RP'). It is an accent of the south east of England which operates as a prestige norm there and (to varying degrees) in other parts of the British Isles and beyond.[29]

Sub-varieties

Faced with the difficulty of defining RP, some researchers have tried to distinguish between different sub-varieties:

  • Gimson (1980) proposed Conservative, General, and Advanced; Conservative RP referred to a traditional accent associated with older speakers with certain social backgrounds; General RP was considered neutral regarding age, occupation or lifestyle of the speaker; and Advanced RP referred to speech of a younger generation of speakers.[30] Later editions (e.g., Gimson 2008) use the terms General, Refined and Regional.
  • Wells (1982) refers to "mainstream RP" and "U-RP"; he suggests that Gimson's categories of Conservative and Advanced RP referred to the U-RP of the old and young respectively. However, Wells stated, "It is difficult to separate stereotype from reality" with U-RP.[31] Writing on his blog in February 2013, Wells wrote, "If only a very small percentage of English people speak RP, as Trudgill et al claim, then the percentage speaking U-RP is vanishingly small" and "If I were redoing it today, I think I'd drop all mention of 'U-RP'".[32]
  • Upton distinguishes between RP (which he equates with Wells's "mainstream RP"), Traditional RP (after Ramsaran 1990), and an even older version which he identifies with Cruttenden's "Refined RP".[33]
  • An article on the website of the British Library refers to Conservative, Mainstream and Contemporary RP.[34]

Usage

Teachers often promote the modern RP accent to non-native speakers learning British English.[35] Non-RP Britons abroad may modify their pronunciation to something closer to Received Pronunciation to allow better understanding by people unfamiliar with the diversity of British accents. They may also modify their vocabulary and grammar to approach those of Standard English for the same reason. RP serves as the standard for English in most books on general phonology and phonetics, and most dictionaries published in the United Kingdom use RP in their pronunciation schemes.

In dictionaries

Most English dictionaries published in Britain (including the Oxford English Dictionary) now give phonetically transcribed RP pronunciations for all words. Pronunciation dictionaries represent a special class of dictionary giving a wide range of possible pronunciations; British pronunciation dictionaries are all based on RP, though not necessarily using that name. Daniel Jones transcribed RP pronunciations of a large number of words and names in the English Pronouncing Dictionary.[36] Cambridge University Press continues to publish this title[37], as of 2011 edited by Peter Roach, the accent having been renamed "BBC Pronunciation". Two other pronunciation dictionaries are in common use: the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary,[38] compiled by John C. Wells (using the name "Received Pronunciation"), and the Oxford Dictionary of Pronunciation for Current English,[39] compiled by Clive Upton. This represents an accent named BR ("British English") - based on RP, but claimed to be representative of a wider group of speakers. An earlier pronunciation dictionary by J. Windsor Lewis gives both British and American pronunciations, using the terms General British (GB) for the former and General American (GA) for the latter.[40]

Status

Traditionally, Received Pronunciation was the "everyday speech in the families of Southern English persons whose men-folk [had] been educated at the great public boarding-schools"[41] and which conveyed no information about that speaker's region of origin before attending the school.

It is the business of educated people to speak so that no-one may be able to tell in what county their childhood was passed.

— A. Burrell, Recitation. A Handbook for Teachers in Public Elementary School, 1891

In the 19th century, some British prime ministers still spoke with some regional features, such as William Ewart Gladstone.[42] From the 1970s onwards, attitudes towards Received Pronunciation have been changing slowly. The BBC's use of Yorkshire-born Wilfred Pickles during the Second World War (to distinguish BBC broadcasts from German propaganda) is an earlier example of the use of non-RP accents,[43] but even then Pickles modified his speech towards RP when reading the news.[44]

Although admired in some circles, RP is disliked in others. It is common in parts of Britain to regard it as a south-eastern English accent rather than a non-regional one and as a symbol of the south-east's political power in Britain.[9] A 2007 survey found that residents of Scotland and Northern Ireland tend to dislike RP.[45] It is shunned by some with left-wing political views, who may be proud of having an accent more typical of the working classes.[46]

Phonology

Consonants

Consonant phonemes[47]
Labial Dental Alveolar Post-
alveolar
Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n ŋ
Stop p b t d k ɡ
Affricate
Fricative f v θ ð s z ʃ ʒ h
Approximant l r j w

Nasals and liquids (/m/, /n/, /ŋ/, /r/, /l/) may be syllabic in unstressed syllables.[48] The consonant in 'row', 'arrow' in RP is generally a postalveolar approximant[48], which would normally be expressed with the sign [ɹ] in the International Phonetic Alphabet, but the sign /r/ is nonetheless traditionally used for RP in most of the literature on the topic.

Voiceless plosives (/p/, /t/, /k/, /tʃ/) are aspirated at the beginning of a syllable, unless a completely unstressed vowel follows. (For example, the /p/ is aspirated in "impasse", with primary stress on "-passe", but not "compass", where "-pass" has no stress.) Aspiration does not occur when /s/ precedes in the same syllable, as in "spot" or "stop". When a sonorant /l/, /r/, /w/, or /j/ follows, this aspiration is indicated by partial devoicing of the sonorant.[49] /r/ is a fricative when devoiced.[48]

Syllable final /p/, /t/, /tʃ/, and /k/ may be either preceded by a glottal stop (glottal reinforcement) or, in the case of /t/, fully replaced by a glottal stop, especially before a syllabic nasal (bitten [ˈbɪʔn̩]).[49][50] The glottal stop may be realised as creaky voice; thus, an alternative phonetic transcription of attempt [əˈtʰemʔt] could be [əˈtʰemm̰t].[48]

As in other varieties of English, voiced plosives (/b/, /d/, /ɡ/, /dʒ/) are partly or even fully devoiced at utterance boundaries or adjacent to voiceless consonants. The voicing distinction between voiced and voiceless sounds is reinforced by a number of other differences, with the result that the two of consonants can clearly be distinguished even in the presence of devoicing of voiced sounds:

  1. Aspiration of voiceless consonants syllable-initially.
  2. Glottal reinforcement of voiceless consonants syllable-finally.
  3. Lengthening of vowels before voiced consonants.

As a result, some authors prefer to use the terms "fortis" and "lenis" in place of "voiceless" and "voiced". However, the latter are traditional and in more frequent usage.

The voiced dental fricative (/ð/) is more often a weak dental plosive; the sequence /nð/ is often realised as [n̪n̪] (a long dental nasal).[51][52][53] /l/ has velarised allophone ([ɫ]) in the syllable rhyme.[54] /h/ becomes voiced ([ɦ]) between voiced sounds.[55][56]

Vowels

RP English monophthongs chart
Monophthongs of a fairly conservative variety of RP. From Roach (2004, p. 242)
Modern General British monophthong chart
Monophthongs of modern RP. From Gimson (2014, chpt. 8.9)
Ranges of RP and GA English weak vowels
Ranges of the weak vowels in RP and GA. From Wells (2008, p. XXV)
RP English allophones on a vowel chart
Allophones of some RP monophthongs, from Collins & Mees (2003:92, 95, 101). The red ones occur before dark /l/,[57] and the blue one occurs before velars.[58]
Monophthongs (Short)
Front Central Back
Close ɪ ʊ
Mid e ə
Open æ ʌ ɒ

Examples of short vowels: /ɪ/ in kit, mirror and rabbit, /ʊ/ in foot and cook, /e/ in dress and merry, /ʌ/ in strut and curry, /æ/ in trap and marry, /ɒ/ in lot and orange, /ə/ in ago and sofa.

Monophthongs (Long)
Front Central Back
Close
Mid ɜː ɔː (listen)
Open ɑː

Examples of long vowels: /iː/ in fleece, /uː/ in goose, /ɜː/ in nurse and furry, /ɔː/ in north, force and thought, /ɑː/ in father and start.

Long and short vowels

RP's long vowels are slightly diphthongised, especially the high vowels /iː/ and /uː/, which are often narrowly transcribed in phonetic literature as diphthongs [ɪi] and [ʊu].[59]

The terms "long" and "short" are relative to each other when applied to the vowel phonemes of RP. Vowels may be phonologically long or short (i.e. belong to the long or the short group of vowel phonemes) but their length is influenced by their context: in particular, they are shortened if a voiceless (fortis) consonant follows in the syllable, so that, for example, the vowel in 'bat' [bæʔt] is shorter than the vowel in 'bad' [bæd]. The process is known as pre-fortis clipping. Thus phonologically short vowels in one context can be phonetically longer than phonologically long vowels in another context.[48] For example, the phonologically long vowel /iː/ in 'reach' /riːtʃ/ (which ends with a voiceless consonant) may be shorter than the phonologically short vowel /ɪ/ in the word 'ridge' /rɪdʒ/ (which ends with a voiced consonant). Wiik,[60] cited in Cruttenden (2014) published durations of English vowels with a mean value of 17.2 csec. for short vowels before voiced consonants but a mean value of 16.5 csec for long vowels preceding voiceless consonants.[61]

In natural speech, the plosives /t/ and /d/ often have no audible release utterance-finally, and voiced consonants are partly or completely devoiced (as in [b̥æd̥]); thus the perceptual distinction between pairs of words such as 'bad' and 'bat', or 'seed' and 'seat' rests mostly on vowel length (though the presence or absence of glottal reinforcement provides an additional cue).[62]

In addition to such length distinctions, unstressed vowels are both shorter and more centralised than stressed ones. In unstressed syllables occurring before vowels and in final position, contrasts between long and short high vowels are neutralised and short [i] and [u] occur (e.g. happy [ˈhæpi], throughout [θɹuˈaʊʔt]).[63] The neutralisation is common throughout many English dialects, though the phonetic realisation of e.g. [i] rather than [ɪ] (a phenomenon called happy-tensing) is not as universal.

Unstressed vowels vary in quality:

  • /i/ (as in HAPPY) ranges from close front [i] to close-mid retracted front [];[64]
  • /u/ (as in INFLUENCE) ranges from close advanced back [] to close-mid retracted central [ɵ̠];[64] according to the phonetician Jane Setter, the typical pronunciation of this vowel is a weakly rounded, mid-centralized close back unrounded vowel, transcribed in the IPA as [u̜̽] or simply [ʊ̜];[65]
  • /ə/ (as in COMMA) ranges from close-mid central [ɘ] to open-mid central [ɜ].[64]

Diphthongs and triphthongs

RP English diphthongs chart
Diphthongs of RP. From Roach (2004, p. 242)
Diphthong Example
Closing
/eɪ/ (listen) /beɪ/ bay
/aɪ/ (listen) /baɪ/ buy
/ɔɪ/ (listen) /bɔɪ/ boy
/əʊ/ (listen) /bəʊ/ beau
/aʊ/ /baʊ/ bough
Centring
/ɪə/ /bɪə/ beer
/eə/ /beə/ bear
/ʊə/ /bʊə/ boor
(formerly /ɔə/) /bɔə/ boar

The centring diphthongs are gradually being eliminated in RP. The vowel /ɔə/ (as in "door", "boar") had largely merged with /ɔː/ by the Second World War, and the vowel /ʊə/ (as in "poor", "tour") has more recently merged with /ɔː/ as well among most speakers,[66] although the sound /ʊə/ is still found in conservative speakers. See poor–pour merger. The remaining two centring glides /ɪə/ /eə/ are increasingly pronounced as long monophthongs [ɪː] [ɛː], although without merging with any existing vowels.[49]

The diphthong /əʊ/ is pronounced by some RP speakers in a noticeably different way when it occurs before /l/, if that consonant is syllable-final and not followed by a vowel (the context in which /l/ is pronounced as a "dark l"). The realization of /əʊ/ in this case begins with a more back, rounded and sometimes more open vowel quality; it may be transcribed as [ɔʊ] or [ɒʊ]. It is likely that the backness of the diphthong onset is the result of allophonic variation caused by the raising of the back of the tongue for the /l/. If the speaker has "l-vocalization" the /l/ is realized as a back rounded vowel, which again is likely to cause backing and rounding in a preceding vowel as coarticulation effects. This phenomenon has been discussed in several blogs by John C. Wells.[67][68][69] In the recording included in this article the phrase 'fold his cloak' contains examples of the /əʊ/ diphthong in the two different contexts. The onset of the pre-/l/ diphthong in 'fold' is slightly more back and rounded than that in 'cloak', though the allophonic transcription does not at present indicate this.

RP also possesses the triphthongs /aɪə/ as in tire, /aʊə/ as in tower, /əʊə/ as in lower, /eɪə/ as in layer and /ɔɪə/ as in loyal. There are different possible realisations of these items: in slow, careful speech they may be pronounced as a two-syllable triphthong with three distinct vowel qualities in succession, or as a monosyllabic triphthong. In more casual speech the middle vowel may be considerably reduced, by a process known as smoothing, and in an extreme form of this process the triphthong may even be reduced to a single vowel, though this is rare, and almost never found in the case of /ɔɪə/.[70] In such a case the difference between /aʊə/, /aɪə/, and /ɑː/ in tower, tire, and tar may be neutralised with all three units realised as [ɑː] or [äː]. This type of smoothing is known as the towertire, towertar and tiretar mergers.

Triphthongs[50]
As two syllables Triphthong Loss of mid-element Further simplified as Example
[aɪ.ə] [aɪə] [aːə] [aː] tire
[ɑʊ.ə] [ɑʊə] [ɑːə] [ɑː] tower
[əʊ.ə] [əʊə] [əːə] [ɜː] lower
[eɪ.ə] [eɪə] [ɛːə] [ɛː] layer
[ɔɪ.ə] [ɔɪə] [ɔːə] [ɔː] loyal

BATH vowel

There are differing opinions as regards whether /æ/ in the BATH lexical set can be considered RP. The pronunciations with /ɑː/ are invariably accepted as RP.[71] The English Pronouncing Dictionary does not admit /æ/ in BATH words and the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary lists them with a § marker of non-RP status.[72] John Wells wrote in a blog entry on 16 March 2012 that, when growing up in the north of England, he used /ɑː/ in "bath" and "glass", and considers this the only acceptable phoneme in RP.[73] Others have argued that /æ/ is too categorical in the north of England to be excluded. Clive Upton believes that /æ/ in these words must be considered within RP and has called the opposing view "south-centric".[74] Upton's Oxford Dictionary of Pronunciation for Current English gives both variants for BATH words. A. F. Gupta's survey of mostly middle-class students found that /æ/ was used by almost everyone who was from clearly north of the isogloss for BATH words. She wrote, "There is no justification for the claims by Wells and Mugglestone that this is a sociolinguistic variable in the north, though it is a sociolinguistic variable on the areas on the border [the isogloss between north and south]".[75] In a study of speech in West Yorkshire, K. M. Petyt wrote that "the amount of /ɑː/ usage is too low to correlate meaningfully with the usual factors", having found only two speakers (both having attended boarding schools in the south) who consistently used /ɑː/.[76]

Jack Windsor Lewis has noted that the Oxford Dictionary's position has changed several times on whether to include short /æ/ within its prescribed pronunciation.[77] The BBC Pronouncing Dictionary of British Names uses only /ɑː/, but its author, Graham Pointon, has stated on his blog that he finds both variants to be acceptable in place names.[78]

Some research has concluded that many people in the North of England have a dislike of the /ɑː/ vowel in BATH words. A. F. Gupta wrote, "Many of the northerners were noticeably hostile to /ɡrɑːs/, describing it as 'comical', 'snobbish', 'pompous' or even 'for morons'."[75] On the subject, K. M. Petyt wrote that several respondents "positively said that they did not prefer the long-vowel form or that they really detested it or even that it was incorrect".[79] Mark Newbrook has assigned this phenomenon the name "conscious rejection", and has cited the BATH vowel as "the main instance of conscious rejection of RP" in his research in West Wirral.[80]

French words

John Wells has argued that, as educated British speakers often attempt to pronounce French names in a French way, there is a case for including /ɒ̃/ (as in bon), and /æ̃/ and /ɜ̃:/ (as in vingt-et-un), as marginal members of the RP vowel system.[81] He also argues against including other French vowels on the grounds that very few British speakers succeed in distinguishing the vowels in bon and banc, or in rue and roue.[81]

Alternative notation

Not all reference sources use the same system of transcription. In particular:

  • /æ/ as in trap is also written /a/.[82]
  • /e/ as in dress is also written /ɛ/.[82][83]
  • /ʌ/ as in cup is also written /ɐ/.[82]
  • /ʊ/ as in foot is also written /ɵ/.[82]
  • /ɜː/ as in nurse is also written /əː/.[82]
  • /aɪ/ as in price is also written /ʌɪ/.[82]
  • /aʊ/ as in mouse is also written /ɑʊ/[82]
  • /eə/ as in square is also written /ɛə/, and is also sometimes treated as a long monophthong /ɛː/.[82]
  • /eɪ/ as in face is also written /ɛɪ/.[82]
  • /ɪə/ as in near is also written /ɪː/.[82]
  • /əʊ/ before /l/ in a closed syllable as in goal is also written /ɔʊ/.[82]
  • /uː/ as in goose is also written /ʉː/.[82]

Most of these variants are used in the transcription devised by Clive Upton for the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary (1993) and now used in many other Oxford University Press dictionaries.

The linguist Geoff Lindsey has argued that the system of transcription for RP has become outdated and has proposed a new system as a replacement.[84][85]

Historical variation

Like all accents, RP has changed with time. For example, sound recordings and films from the first half of the 20th century demonstrate that it was usual for speakers of RP to pronounce the /æ/ sound, as in land, with a vowel close to [ɛ], so that land would sound similar to a present-day pronunciation of lend. RP is sometimes known as the Queen's English, but recordings show that even Queen Elizabeth II has changed her pronunciation over the past 50 years, no longer using an [ɛ]-like vowel in words like land.[86]

RP vowel movement
A comparison of the formant values of /iː æ ɑː ɔː ʊ uː/ for older (black) and younger (light blue) RP speakers. From de Jong et al. (2007, p. 1814)

Some changes in RP during the 20th century include:

  • Words such as CLOTH, gone, off, often were pronounced with /ɔː/ instead of /ɒ/, so that often and orphan were homophones (see lotcloth split). The Queen still uses the older pronunciations,[87] but it is rare to hear them on the BBC any more.
  • There was a distinction between horse and hoarse with an extra diphthong /ɔə/ appearing in words like hoarse, FORCE, and pour.[88]. The symbols used are slightly different. Wright classifies the sound in fall, law, saw' as /oː/ and that in more, soar, etc. as /oə/.
  • The DRESS vowel and the first element of the diphthong in FACE was lowered from mid [e̞] to open-mid [ɛ].[89]
  • Any final y on a word is now represented as an /i/ – a symbol to cover either the traditional /ɪ/ or the more modern /iː/, the latter of which has been common in the south of England for some time.[90]
  • Before the Second World War, the vowel of cup was a back vowel close to cardinal [ʌ] but has since shifted forward to a central position so that [ɐ] is more accurate; phonetic transcription of this vowel as ⟨ʌ⟩ is common partly for historical reasons.[91]
  • In the 1960s, the transcription /əʊ/ started to be used for the GOAT vowel instead of Daniel Jones's /oʊ/, reflecting a change in pronunciation since the beginning of the century.[92]

The change in RP may be observed in the home of "BBC English". The BBC accent of the 1950s is distinctly different from today's: a news report from the 1950s is recognisable as such, and a mock-1950s BBC voice is used for comic effect in programmes wishing to satirise 1950s social attitudes such as the Harry Enfield Show and its "Mr. Cholmondley-Warner" sketches.

More recently, in speakers born between 1981 and 1993, the vowel /ɒ/ shifted up approaching [ɔ] in quality.[93] The vowels /ʊ/ and /uː/ have undergone fronting and reduction in the amount of lip-rounding[94] (phonetically, this can be transcribed [ʊ̜̈] and [ʉ̜ː], respectively), while /æ/ has become more open [a].[95][96][97]

Comparison with other varieties of English

  • Like most other varieties of English outside Northern England, RP has undergone the footstrut split (pairs nut/put differ).[98]
  • RP is a non-rhotic accent, so /r/ does not occur unless followed immediately by a vowel (pairs such as caught/court and formally/formerly are homophones, save that formerly may be said with a hint of /r/ to help to differentiate it, particularly where stressed for reasons of emphasising past status e.g. "He was FORMERLY in charge here.").[99]
  • Unlike most North American accents of English, RP has not undergone the Marymarrymerry, nearermirror, or hurryfurry mergers: all these words are distinct from each other.[100]
  • Unlike many North American accents, RP has not undergone the fatherbother or cotcaught mergers.
  • RP does not have yod-dropping after /n/, /t/, /d/, /z/ and /θ/, but most speakers of RP variably or consistently yod-drop after /s/ and /l/new, tune, dune, resume and enthusiasm are pronounced /njuː/, /tjuːn/, /djuːn/, /rɪˈzjuːm/ and /ɪnˈθjuːziæzm/ rather than /nuː/, /tuːn/, /duːn/, /rɪˈzuːm/ and /ɪnˈθuːziæzm/. This contrasts with many East Anglian and East Midland varieties of English language in England and with many forms of American English, including General American. Hence also pursuit is commonly heard with /j/ and revolutionary less so but more commonly than evolution. For a subset of these, a yod has been lost over time: for example, in all of the words beginning suit, however the yod is sometimes deliberately reinserted in historical or stressed contexts such as "a suit in chancery" or "suitable for an aristocrat".
  • The flapped variant of /t/ and /d/ (as in much of the West Country, Ulster, most North American varieties including General American, Australian English, and the Cape Coloured dialect of South Africa) is not used very often.
  • RP has undergone winewhine merger (so the sequence /hw/ is not present except among those who have acquired this distinction as the result of speech training).[101] The Royal Academy of Dramatic Art, based in London, still teaches these two sounds for international breadth as distinct phonemes. They are also distinct from one another in most of Scotland and Ireland, in the northeast of England, and in the southeastern United States.[101]
  • Unlike some other varieties of English language in England, there is no h-dropping in words like head or horse.[102] As shown in the spoken specimen below, in hurried phrases such as "as hard as he could" h-dropping commonly applies to the word he.
  • Unlike most Southern Hemisphere English accents, RP has not undergone the weak-vowel merger, meaning that pairs such as Lenin/Lennon are distinct.[103]
  • In traditional RP [ɾ] is an allophone of /r/ (it is used intervocalically, after , ð/ and sometimes even after /b, ɡ/).[104][105]

Conservative RP

Conservative Received Pronunciation is a conservative standard of pronunciation of British English. Formerly the prestige model of pronunciation, it has declined in favour of other, less-conservative dialects, primarily Contemporary Received Pronunciation (Contemporary RP) also known as Modern RP. Conservative RP is the standard adhered to in the First and Second Editions of the Oxford English Dictionary, which, starting with the Third edition, has been modelled on Contemporary RP. Other terms for Conservative RP are Traditional RP and Upper RP (the latter in reference to the association of the standard to the upper class and aristocracy). Notable speakers of Conservative RP include Queen Elizabeth II and other older members of the Royal Family, Sir Winston Churchill and commentators of Pathé News and, prior to the 1960s, the BBC.

The phonological features of Conservative RP which are distinct from Contemporary RP, include:

Vowels and diphthongs

  • Happy tensing: this feature concerns the vowel at the end of words ending in ⟨y⟩, ⟨ie⟩, ⟨ee⟩, etc., which is normally transcribed with the symbol ⟨i⟩. In Conservative RP, this vowel can be assigned to the /ɪ/ phoneme, whereas in Contemporary RP it can be assigned to the /iː/ phoneme, as it is more tense.[106]
  • The phonetic realization of the /e/ phoneme is more close ([e]) than in Contemporary RP, in which it is more open [ɛ]. The more closed realization is also found in Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.[106]
  • Similarly, the quality of the /æ/ phoneme is [æ], akin to General American and General Australian. However, the majority of Contemporary RP speakers realize this vowel as fully open [a], as do speakers from Northern England and Scotland.[106]
  • The quality of the NURSE vowel /ɜː/ is realised as [ɐː] by some conservative speakers, and [ɜː ~ əː] by others. In Contemporary RP, the [ɐː] realization is not heard.
  • Many terms have /ɔː/ in Conservative RP, yet /ɒ/ in the speech of Contemporary RP speakers, including cross, often, cloth, salt, because, gone, etc. Similarly, the term mass (with reference to the Catholic ritual) may be pronounced as /mɑːs/ by conservative speakers, with data also possessing this vowel, /ˈdɑːtə/. For Contemporary RP speakers, the former tends to have the short /æ/ vowel, whereas the latter has a diphthong /eɪ/.[106]
  • In some cases, where Contemporary RP has the schwa /ə/, Conservative RP preserves /ɪ/, for instance, the final vowel in the following: devil, kindness, witness, private, toilet, fortunate.[106]
  • Contemporary RP speakers realize /əʊ/ as [ɔʊ] before the dark l ([ɫ]), so that goal has a different vowel from goat. This allophone is not used by conservative speakers.[106]
  • Two diphthongs which exist in Conservative RP may not in Contemporary RP. The first has disappeared in the speech of all but the most conservative British speakers and some speakers of Southern American English, the hoarse-horse distinction. For speakers who differentiate, hoarse is realised as /hɔəs/ and horse is /hɔːs/. The vowel in words such as tour, moor, sure is /ʊə/ for all Conservative RP speakers, but has merged with /ɔː/ for many Contemporary speakers. Taking the two mergers into account, results in a number of three-way mergers, which were hitherto distinct, such as poor, paw and pore (/pʊə/, /pɔː/, /pɔə/) all becoming /pɔː/.
  • The /ɛə/ phoneme (as in fair, care, there) is realized as a true centring diphthong [ɛə] in the conservative variety, whereas speakers of Contemporary RP tend to realise it as a long monophthong [ɛː].[106]
  • The /eɪ/ phoneme has a somewhat different starting point in the conservative variety, namely [eɪ]. For Contemporary speakers, this vowel tends to be realised as [ɛɪ].[106]

Consonants

  • Unlike with vowels and diphthongs, consonantal phonemes have not undergone change, with one exception. For speakers of Conservative Received Pronunciation in the mid-19th century until the end of the 19th century, it was standard for the consonant combination ⟨wh⟩ to realised as /ʍ/ (also transcribed /hw/), as can still be heard in the 21st century in the speech of many speakers in Ireland and Scotland and a large minority in the Southern United States. Since the beginning of the 20th century, however, the /ʍ/ phoneme ceased to be a feature of Conservative RP, except by the most precise speakers who have learnt to differentiate, meaning it has ceased to be a native feature of English outside Ireland, Scotland and the Southern United States.

Spoken specimen

The Journal of the International Phonetic Association regularly publishes "Illustrations of the IPA" which present an outline of the phonetics of a particular language or accent. It is usual to base the description on a recording of the traditional story of the North Wind and the Sun. There is an IPA illustration of British English (Received Pronunciation).

The speaker (female) is described as having been born in 1953, and educated at Oxford University. To accompany the recording there are three transcriptions: orthographic, phonemic and allophonic.

Phonemic

ðə ˈnɔːθ ˈwɪnd ən ðə ˈsʌn wə dɪˈspjuːtɪŋ ˈwɪtʃ wəz ðə ˈstrɒŋɡə, wen ə ˈtrævl̩ə ˌkeɪm əˌlɒŋ ˈræpt ɪn ə ˈwɔːm ˈkləʊk. ðeɪ əˈɡriːd ðət ðə ˈwʌn hu ˈfɜːst səkˈsiːdɪd ɪn ˈmeɪkɪŋ ðə ˈtrævlə ˌteɪk hɪz ˈkləʊk ɒf ʃʊd bi kənˌsɪdəd ˈstrɒŋɡə ðən ði ˈʌðə. ˈðen ðə ˌnɔːθ wɪnd ˈbluː əz ˈhɑːd əz i ˈkʊd, bət ðə ˈmɔː hi ˈbluː ðə ˌmɔː ˈkləʊsli dɪd ðə ˈtrævlə ˈfəʊld hɪz ˌkləʊk əˈraʊnd hɪm, ænd ət ˈlɑːst ðə ˈnɔ:θ wɪnd ˌɡeɪv ˈʌp ði əˈtempt. ˈðen ðə ˈsʌn ˌʃɒn aʊt ˈwɔːmli, ænd əˈmiːdiətli ðə ˈtrævlə ˈtʊk ɒf ɪz ˈkləʊk. n̩ ˌsəʊ ðə ˈnɔːθ ˈwɪn wəz əˈblaɪdʒd tʊ kənˈfes ðət ðə ˈsʌn wəz ðə ˈstrɒŋɡr̩ əv ðə ˈtuː.

Allophonic

ðə ˈnɔːθ ˈw̥ɪnd ən̪n̪ə ˈsʌn wə dɪˈspj̊u̟ːtɪŋ ˈwɪʔtʃ wəz ðə ˈstɹ̥ɒŋɡə, wen ə ˈtɹ̥ævl̩ə ˌkʰeɪm əˌlɒŋ ˈɹæptʰ ɪn ə ˈwɔːm ˈkl̥əʊkˣ. ðeɪ əˈɡɹ̥iːd̥ ð̥əʔ ðə ˈwʌn ɦu ˈfɜːs səkˈsiːdɪd ɪmˈmeɪxɪŋ ðə ˈtɹ̥ævlə ˌtʰeɪk̟x̟ɪs ˈkl̥əʊk ɒf ʃʊbbi kʰənˌsɪdəd̥ ˈstɹɒŋɡə ð̥ən̪n̪i ˈʌðə. ˈðen̪n̪ə ˌnɔːθ w̥ɪnd ˈbluː əz̥ ˈhɑːd̥ əs i ˈkʊd, bət̬ ð̥ə ˈmɔː hi ˈblu̟ː ðə ˌmɔ ˈkl̥əʊsl̥i d̥ɨd ð̥ə ˈtɹ̥æv̥lə ˈfəʊld̥ hɪz̥ ˌkl̥əʊkʰ əˈɹaʊnd hɪm, ænd ət ˈl̥ɑːst ð̥ə ˈnɔ:θ w̥ɪnd ˌɡ̊eɪv̥ ˈʌp ði̥ əˈtʰemʔt. ˈðen̪n̪ə ˈsʌn ˌʃɒn aʊt ˈwɔːmli, ænd əˈmiːdiətl̥i ð̥ə ˈtɹ̥ævlə ˈtʰʊk ɒf ɪz̥ ˈkl̥əʊkˣ. n̩ ˌsəʊ ðə ˈnɔːθ ˈw̥ɪn wəz̥ əˈblaɪdʒ̊ tʰɵ kʰənˈfes ð̥əʔ ð̥ə ˈsʌn wəz̥z̥ə ˈstɹ̥ɒŋɡɹ̩ əv̥ ð̥ə ˈtʰu̟ː.

Orthographic

The North Wind and the Sun were disputing which was the stronger, when a traveller came along wrapped in a warm cloak. They agreed that the one who first succeeded in making the traveller take his cloak off should be considered stronger than the other. Then the North Wind blew as hard as he could, but the more he blew the more closely did the traveller fold his cloak around him, and at last the North Wind gave up the attempt. Then the Sun shone out warmly, and immediately the traveller took off his cloak. And so the North Wind was obliged to confess that the Sun was the stronger of the two.[107]

Notable speakers

The following people have been described as RP speakers:

See also

Notes and references

  1. ^ Pearsall (1999), p. xiv.
  2. ^ Jack Windsor Lewis (15 July 2008). "General British Pronunciation". Yek.me.uk – PhonetiBlog.
  3. ^ Wells (2008), p. xiv.
  4. ^ Trudgill, Peter (8 December 2000). "Sociolinguistics of Modern RP". University College London. Retrieved 3 October 2012.
  5. ^ Windsor Lewis, Jack. "A Notorious Estimate". JWL's Blogs. Retrieved 17 January 2017.
  6. ^ Upton, Clive (2019-01-21). "Chapter 14: British English". In Reed, Marnie; Levis, John. The Handbook of English Pronunciation. John Wiley & Son. p. 251. ISBN 978-1119055266.
  7. ^ Hudson (1981), p. 337.
  8. ^ Crystal, David (March 2007). "Language and Time". BBC voices. BBC. Retrieved 18 April 2011.
  9. ^ a b McArthur (2002), p. 43.
  10. ^ Fishman (1977), p. 319.
  11. ^ Jones (1926), p. ix.
  12. ^ DuPonceau (1818), p. 259.
  13. ^ Wyld (1927), p. 23.
  14. ^ Ellis (1869), p. 3.
  15. ^ "Regional Voices – Received Pronunciation". British Library.
  16. ^ Crystal (2003), pp. 54–55.
  17. ^ Crystal (2005), pp. 243–244.
  18. ^ Cruttenden (2008), pp. 77–80.
  19. ^ Jenkins (2000), pp. 13–16.
  20. ^ Wells (1982), p. 117.
  21. ^ Jones (2011), p. vi.
  22. ^ Ladefoged (2004).
  23. ^ Trudgill (1999).
  24. ^ Jack Windsor Lewis. "Review of the Daniel Jones English Pronouncing Dictionary 15th edition 1997". Yek.me.uk. Retrieved 24 August 2011.
  25. ^ Jack Windsor Lewis. "Ovvissly not one of us – Review of the Longman Pronunciation Dictionary". Yek.me.uk. Retrieved 24 August 2011.
  26. ^ Jack Windsor Lewis (19 February 1972). "British non-dialectal accents". Yek.me.uk. Retrieved 24 August 2011.
  27. ^ Jack Windsor Lewis. "Review of CPD in ELTJ". Yek.me.uk. Retrieved 24 August 2011.
  28. ^ Collins & Mees (2003), pp. 3–4.
  29. ^ International Phonetic Association (1999), p. 4.
  30. ^ Schmitt (2007), p. 323.
  31. ^ Wells (1982).
  32. ^ exotic spices, John Wells's phonetic blog, 28 February 2013
  33. ^ Bernd Kortmann (2004). Handbook of Varieties of English: Phonology; Morphology, Syntax - edit edition. Mouton de Gruyter. pp. 217–230. ISBN 978-3110175325. Retrieved 29 March 2017.
  34. ^ British Library. "Sounds Familiar". Retrieved 29 March 2017.
  35. ^ "Case Studies – Received Pronunciation". British Library. 13 March 2007. Retrieved 27 January 2019. As well as being a living accent, RP is also a theoretical linguistic concept. It is the accent on which phonemic transcriptions in dictionaries are based, and it is widely used (in competition with General American) for teaching English as a foreign language.
  36. ^ Jones (1917).
  37. ^ Jones (2011).
  38. ^ Wells (2008).
  39. ^ Upton, Kretzschmar & Konopka (2001).
  40. ^ Windsor Lewis, J. (1972). A Concise Pronouncing Dictionary of British and American English. Oxford.
  41. ^ Jones (1917), p. viii.
  42. ^ Gladstone's speech was the subject of a book The Best English. A claim for the superiority of Received Standard English, together with notes on Mr. Gladstone's pronunciation, H.C. Kennedy, Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1934.
  43. ^ Discussed in Mugglestone (2003, pp. 277–278).
  44. ^ Zoe Thornton, The Pickles Experiment – a Yorkshire man reading the news, Transactions of the Yorkshire Dialect Society 2012, pp. 4–19.
  45. ^ "Scottish and Irish accents top list of favourites". The Independent. 13 May 2007.
  46. ^ McArthur (2002), p. 49.
  47. ^ Roach (2004), pp. 240–241.
  48. ^ a b c d e Roach (2004), p. 241.
  49. ^ a b c Roach (2004), p. 240.
  50. ^ a b Gimson (1970).
  51. ^ Lodge (2009), pp. 148–49.
  52. ^ Shockey (2003), pp. 43–44.
  53. ^ Roach (2009), p. 112.
  54. ^ Halle & Mohanan (1985), p. 65.
  55. ^ Jones (1967), p. 201.
  56. ^ Cruttenden (2008), p. 204.
  57. ^ Collins & Mees (2003:95, 101)
  58. ^ Collins & Mees (2003:92)
  59. ^ Roach (2009), p. 24.
  60. ^ Wiik (1965).
  61. ^ Cruttenden, Alan (2014). Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.). Routledge. p. 101. ISBN 9781444183092.
  62. ^ Cruttenden, Alan (2014). Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.). Routledge. p. 165. ISBN 9781444183092.
  63. ^ Roach (2004), pp. 241, 243.
  64. ^ a b c Wells (2008:XXV)
  65. ^ "A World of Englishes: Is /ə/ "real"?". Retrieved 5 March 2016.
  66. ^ Roca & Johnson (1999), p. 200.
  67. ^ Wells, John. "Blog July 2006". Retrieved 24 March 2014.
  68. ^ Wells, John. "Blog July 2009". Retrieved 24 March 2014.
  69. ^ Wells, John. "Blog Nov 2009". Retrieved 24 March 2014.
  70. ^ Roach (2009), pp. 18–19.
  71. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 203 ff.
  72. ^ Jack Windsor Lewis (1990). "Review of Longman Pronunciation Dictionary". The Times.
  73. ^ Wells, John (16 March 2012). "English places". John Wells's phonetic blog.
  74. ^ Upton (2004), pp. 222–223.
  75. ^ a b Gupta (2005), p. 25.
  76. ^ Petyt (1985), pp. 166–167.
  77. ^ Point 18 in Jack Windsor Lewis. "The General Central Northern Non-Dialectal Pronunciation of England". Retrieved 4 July 2011.
  78. ^ Pointon, Graham (20 April 2010). "Olivia O'Leary". Linguism: Language in a word.
  79. ^ Petyt (1985), p. 286.
  80. ^ Newbrook (1999), p. 101.
  81. ^ a b Wells (2008), p. xxix.
  82. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l "Case Studies – Received Pronunciation Phonology – RP Vowel Sounds". British Library.
  83. ^ Schmitt (2007), pp. 322–323.
  84. ^ Lindsey, Geoff (8 March 2012). "The British English vowel system". speech talk.
  85. ^ Wells, John (12 March 2012). "the Lindsey system". John Wells's phonetic blog.
  86. ^ Language Log (5 December 2006). "Happy-tensing and coal in sex".
  87. ^ The Queen's speech to President Sarkozy, "often" pronounced at 4:44.
  88. ^ Wright (1905), p. 5, §12
  89. ^ Lindsey, Geoff (3 June 2012). "Funny old vowels". Retrieved 2 October 2016.
  90. ^ Trudgill (1999), p. 62.
  91. ^ Roca & Johnson (1999), pp. 135, 186.
  92. ^ Wells, John (27 January 1994). "Whatever happened to Received Pronunciation?". Retrieved 24 August 2011.
  93. ^ Wikström (2013), p. 45. "It seems to be the case that younger RP or near-RP speakers typically use a closer quality, possibly approaching Cardinal 6 considering that the quality appears to be roughly intermediate between that used by older speakers for the LOT vowel and that used for the THOUGHT vowel, while older speakers use a more open quality, between Cardinal Vowels 13 and 6."
  94. ^ Collins & Mees (2013), p. 207.
  95. ^ de Jong et al. (2007), pp. 1814–1815.
  96. ^ Roach (2011).
  97. ^ "Wells: Whatever happened to Received Pronunciation?". 1997. Retrieved 10 February 2015.
  98. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 196 ff.
  99. ^ Wells (1982), p. 76.
  100. ^ Wells (1982), p. 245.
  101. ^ a b Wells (1982), pp. 228 ff.
  102. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 253 ff.
  103. ^ Wells (1982), pp. 167 ff.
  104. ^ Wise (1957).
  105. ^ Cruttenden (2008), pp. 221.
  106. ^ a b c d e f g h "Received Pronunciation". Bl.uk. 2007-03-13. Retrieved 2016-04-13.
  107. ^ Roach (2004).
  108. ^ Wells, John (8 November 2010). "David Attenborough". John Wells's phonetic blog.
  109. ^ a b c Wells, John (3 May 2011). "the evidence of the vows". John Wells's phonetic blog.
  110. ^ Wells, John (11 July 2007). "Any young U-RP speakers?".
  111. ^ Wells, John (8 April 2010). "EE, yet again". John Wells's phonetic blog.
  112. ^ a b c Woods, Vicki (5 August 2011). "When I didn't know owt about posh speak". The Daily Telegraph.
  113. ^ a b c Lawson, Lindsey (14 October 2013). "A popular British accent with very few native speakers". The Voice Cafe. Retrieved 12 December 2017.
  114. ^ a b Wells, John (12 June 2008). "RP back in fashion?".
  115. ^ "British Accents". dialectblog.com. 25 January 2011.
  116. ^ Klaus J. Kohler (2017) "Communicative Functions and Linguistic Forms in Speech Interaction", published by CUP (page 268)
  117. ^ Cooper, Glenda (4 October 2014). "A 'posh' RP voice can break down barriers". The Daily Telegraph.
  118. ^ "Has Beckham started talking posh?". BBC News.

Bibliography

  • Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger M. (2003) [First published 1981], The Phonetics of English and Dutch (PDF) (5th ed.), Leiden: Brill Publishers, ISBN 9004103406
  • Collins, Beverley; Mees, Inger (2013) [First published 2003], Practical Phonetics and Phonology: A Resource Book for Students (3rd ed.), Routledge, ISBN 978-0-415-50650-2
  • Cruttenden, Alan, ed. (2008), Gimson's Pronunciation of English (7th ed.), London: Hodder, ISBN 0340958774
  • Crystal, David (2003), The Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language (2 ed.), Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-53033-4
  • Crystal, David (2005), The Stories of English, Penguin
  • DuPonceau, Peter S. (1818), "English phonology; or, An essay towards an analysis and description of the component sounds of the English language.", Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, 1, pp. 259–264
  • Ellis, Alexander J. (1869), On early English pronunciation, New York, (1968): Greenwood Press
  • Elmes, Simon (2005), Talking for Britain: A journey through the voices of our nation, Penguin, ISBN 0-14-051562-3
  • Fishman, Joshua (1977), ""Standard" versus "Dialect" in Bilingual Education: An Old Problem in a New Context", The Modern Language Journal, 61 (7): 315–325, doi:10.2307/324550, JSTOR 324550
  • Gimson, Alfred C. (1970), An Introduction to the pronunciation of English, London: Edward Arnold
  • Gimson, Alfred C. (1980), Pronunciation of English (3rd ed.)
  • Gimson, Alfred Charles (2014), Cruttenden, Alan, ed., Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.), Routledge, ISBN 9781444183092
  • Gupta, Anthea Fraser (2005), "Baths and becks" (PDF), English Today, 21 (1): 21–27, doi:10.1017/S0266078405001069, ISSN 0266-0784
  • Halle, Morris; Mohanan, K. P. (1985), "Segmental Phonology of Modern English", Linguistic Inquiry, The MIT Press, 16 (1): 57–116, JSTOR 4178420
  • Hudson, Richard (1981), "Some Issues on Which Linguists Can Agree", Journal of Linguistics, 17 (2): 333–343, doi:10.1017/S0022226700007052
  • International Phonetic Association (1999), Handbook of the International Phonetic Association: A guide to the use of the International Phonetic Alphabet, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0521637510
  • Jenkins, Jennifer (2000), The Phonology of English as an International Language, Oxford
  • Jones, Daniel (1917), English Pronouncing Dictionary (1st ed.), London: Dent
  • Jones, Daniel (1926), English Pronouncing Dictionary (2nd ed.)
  • Jones, Daniel (1967), An Outline of English Phonetics (9th ed.), Heffer
  • Jones, Daniel (2011), Roach, Peter; Setter, Jane; Esling, John, eds., Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (18 ed.), Cambridge University Press
  • de Jong, Gea; McDougall, Kirsty; Hudson, Toby; Nolan, Francis (2007), "The speaker discriminating power of sounds undergoing historical change: A formant-based study", the Proceedings of ICPhS Saarbrücken, pp. 1813–1816
  • Ladefoged, Peter (2004), Vowels and Consonants, Thomson
  • Lodge, Ken (2009), A Critical Introduction to Phonetics, Continuum
  • McArthur, Tom (2002), The Oxford Guide to World English, Oxford University Press
  • McDavid, Raven I. (1965), "American Social Dialects", College English, 26 (4): 254–260, doi:10.2307/373636, JSTOR 373636
  • Mugglestone, Lynda (2003), 'Talking Proper': The Rise of Accent as Social Symbol (2nd ed.), Oxford University Press
  • Newbrook, Mark (1999), "West Wirral: norms, self-reports and usage", in Foulkes, Paul; Docherty, Gerald J., Urban Voices, pp. 90–106
  • Pearce, Michael (2007), The Routledge Dictionary of English Language Studies, Routledge
  • Pearsall, Judy, ed. (1999), The Concise Oxford English Dictionary (10th ed.)
  • Petyt, K. M. (1985), Dialect and Accent in Industrial West Yorkshire, John Benjamins Publishing
  • Ramsaran, Susan (1990), "RP: fact and fiction", Studies in the Pronunciation of English: A commemorative volume in honour of A. C. Gimson, Routledge, pp. 178–190
  • Roach, Peter (2004), "British English: Received Pronunciation" (PDF), Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 34 (2): 239–245, doi:10.1017/S0025100304001768
  • Roach, Peter (2009), English Phonetics and Phonology (4th ed.), Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-40718-4
  • Roach, Peter (2011), Cambridge English Pronouncing Dictionary (18th ed.), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 9780521152532
  • Roca, Iggy; Johnson, Wyn (1999), A Course in Phonology, Blackwell Publishing
  • Rogaliński, Paweł (2011), British Accents: Cockney, RP, Estuary English, Łódź, ISBN 978-83-272-3282-3
  • Schmitt, Holger (2007), "The case for the epsilon symbol (ɛ) in RP DRESS", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 37 (3): 321–328, doi:10.1017/S0025100307003131
  • Shockey, Linda (2003), Sound Patterns of Spoken English, Blackwell
  • Trudgill, Peter (1999), The Dialects of England, Blackwell
  • Upton, Clive (2004), "Received Pronunciation", A Handbook of Varieties of English, Walter de Gruyter, pp. 217–230
  • Upton, Clive; Kretzschmar, William A.; Konopka, Rafal (2001), Oxford Dictionary of Pronunciation for Current English, Oxford: Oxford University Press
  • Wells, John C. (1970), "Local accents in England and Wales", Journal of Linguistics, 6 (2): 231–252, doi:10.1017/S0022226700002632
  • Wells, John C. (1982), Accents of English I: An Introduction, Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0-521-29719-2
  • Wells, John C. (2008), Longman Pronunciation Dictionary (3rd ed.), Longman, ISBN 9781405881180
  • Wiik, K. (1965), Finnish and English Vowels, B, 94, Annales Universitatis Turkensis
  • Wikström, Jussi (2013), "An acoustic study of the RP English LOT and THOUGHT vowels", Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 43 (1): 37–47, doi:10.1017/S0025100312000345
  • Wise, Claude Merton (1957), Introduction to phonetics, Englewood Cliffs
  • Wright, Joseph (1905), English Dialect Grammar
  • Wyld, Henry C. K. (1927), A short history of English (3rd ed.), London: Murray

External links

Sources of regular comment on RP

Audio files

A. C. Gimson

Alfred Charles "Gim" Gimson (; 7 June 1917 – 22 April 1985) was an English phonetician. He was known to generations of students and colleagues simply as 'Gim'.

Gimson was educated at Emanuel School London, and University College London, where later in 1966 he became Professor of Phonetics, and in 1971 head of the Department of Phonetics and Linguistics.

He was a pupil and colleague of Daniel Jones, and is known for having updated and extended Jones’s description of standard British English pronunciation (Received Pronunciation, or RP). Through his Introduction to the Pronunciation of English, first published in 1962, Gimson became an authority on Received Pronunciation. He succeeded Jones as editor of the English Pronouncing Dictionary, making significant changes to its content and presentation.

British English

British English is the standard dialect of English language as spoken and written in the United Kingdom. Variations exist in formal, written English in the United Kingdom. For example, the adjective wee is almost exclusively used in parts of Scotland and Ireland, and occasionally Yorkshire, whereas little is predominant elsewhere. Nevertheless, there is a meaningful degree of uniformity in written English within the United Kingdom, and this could be described by the term British English. The forms of spoken English, however, vary considerably more than in most other areas of the world where English is spoken, so a uniform concept of British English is more difficult to apply to the spoken language. According to Tom McArthur in the Oxford Guide to World English, British English shares "all the ambiguities and tensions in the word 'British' and as a result can be used and interpreted in two ways, more broadly or more narrowly, within a range of blurring and ambiguity".When distinguished from American English, the term "British English" is sometimes used broadly as a synonym for the various varieties of English spoken in some member states of the Commonwealth of Nations.

Cardiff English

The Cardiff accent, also known as Cardiff English, is the regional accent of English, and a variety of Welsh English, as spoken in and around the city of Cardiff, and is somewhat distinctive in Wales, compared with other Welsh accents. Its pitch is described as somewhat lower than that of Received Pronunciation, whereas its intonation is closer to dialects of England rather than Wales.It is estimated that around 500,000 people speak Cardiff English. The accent is generally limited to inside the city's northern boundary, rather than extending to the nearby South Wales Valleys where the spoken variety of English is different. However, the accent area spreads east and west of the city's political borders, covering much of the former counties of South Glamorgan and south-west Gwent, including Newport and coastal Monmouthshire.The dialect developed distinctively as the city grew in the nineteenth century, with an influx of migrants from different parts of Britain and further afield. The Cardiff accent and vocabulary has been influenced in particular by those who moved there from the English Midlands, the West Country, other parts of Wales, and Ireland. The Survey of English Dialects did not cover Cardiff but it did survey nearby Newport and six small villages in Monmouthshire.

Comparison of General American and Received Pronunciation

One aspect of the differences between American and British English is that of pronunciation, as described in American and British English pronunciation differences. The General American (GA) and the British Received Pronunciation (RP) accents have some significant points of difference, described in this article. However, other regional accents in each country also show differences, for which see regional accents of English speakers.

Received Pronunciation has been the subject of many academic studies, and is frequently used as a model for teaching English to foreign learners. The widely repeated claim that only about two percent of Britons speak RP is no more than a rough estimate and has been questioned by several writers, most notably by the phonetician J. Windsor Lewis.

English language in England

The English language spoken and written in England encompasses a diverse range of accents and dialects. The dialect forms part of the broader British English, along with other varieties in the United Kingdom. Terms used to refer to the English language spoken and written in England include: English English, Anglo-English and British English in England.

The related term 'British English' (which in American English is often used to mean English English and Anglo-English) has many ambiguities and tensions in the word "British" and as a result can be used and interpreted multiple ways, but is usually reserved to describe the features common to English English, Welsh English and Scottish English (England, Wales and Scotland are the three traditional countries on the island of Great Britain; the main dialect of the fourth country of the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland, is Ulster English, which is generally considered a sub-dialect of Hiberno-English).

English language in southern England

English in southern England (also, rarely, Southern English English, or in the UK, simply, Southern English) is the collective set of different dialects and accents of the English spoken in Southern England.

English phonology

Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar (but not identical) phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants (stops, affricates, and fricatives). Most dialects of English preserve the consonant /w/ (spelled ⟨w⟩) and many preserve /θ, ð/ (spelled ⟨th⟩), while most other Germanic languages have shifted them to /v/ and /t, d/: compare English will (listen) and then (listen) with German will [vɪl] (listen) ('want') and denn [dɛn] (listen) ('because').

Phonological analysis of English often concentrates on or uses, as a reference point, one or more of the prestige or standard accents, such as Received Pronunciation for England, General American for the United States, and General Australian for Australia. Nevertheless, many other dialects of English are spoken, which have developed independently from these standardized accents, particularly regional dialects. Information about these standardized accents functions only as a limited guide to all of English phonology, which one can later expand upon once one becomes more familiar with some of the many other dialects of English that are spoken.

Estuary English

Estuary English is an English accent associated with the area along the River Thames and its estuary. Phonetician John C. Wells proposed a definition of Estuary English as "Standard English spoken with the accent of the southeast of England". Estuary English may be compared with Cockney, and there is some debate among linguists as to where Cockney speech ends and Estuary English begins. In October 1984, David Rosewarne in the Times Educational Supplement suggested that it may eventually replace Received Pronunciation in the southeast.

Flapping

Flapping or tapping, also known as alveolar flapping, intervocalic flapping, or t-voicing, is a phonological process found in many dialects of English, especially North American English, Australian English and New Zealand English, by which the consonant phoneme /t/ or /d/ placed between vowels is pronounced as a voiced flap under certain conditions. In some cases, the effect is perceived by some listeners as the replacement of a /t/ sound with a /d/ sound; for example, the word butter pronounced with flapping may be heard as "budder". In fact, /t/ and sometimes /d/ are pronounced in such positions as an alveolar flap [ɾ], a sound produced by briefly tapping the alveolar ridge with the tongue. Also, in similar positions, the combination /nt/ may be pronounced with a nasalized flap, making winter sound similar or identical to winner.

The flap is also a variant of /r/ in other varieties such as South African English, Scottish English, and older varieties of Received Pronunciation (see Pronunciation of English /r/).

General American

General American (abbreviated as GA or GenAm) is the umbrella variety of American English—the continuum of accents—spoken by a majority of Americans and popularly perceived, among Americans, as lacking any distinctly regional, ethnic, or socioeconomic characteristics. Americans with high education, or from the North Midland, Western New England, and Western regions of the country, are the most likely to be perceived as having "General American" accents. The precise definition and usefulness of the term continues to be debated, and the scholars who use it today admittedly do so as a convenient basis for comparison rather than for exactness. Some scholars, despite controversy, prefer the term Standard American English.Standard Canadian English is sometimes considered to fall under the phonological spectrum of General American, especially rather than the United Kingdom's Received Pronunciation; in fact, spoken Canadian English aligns with General American in nearly every situation where British and American English differ.

International Phonetic Alphabet chart for English dialects

This chart shows the most common applications of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) to represent English language pronunciations.

See Pronunciation respelling for English for phonetic transcriptions used in different dictionaries.

AuE, Australian English

CaE, Canadian English

GA, General American

InE, Indian English

IrE, Irish English

NZE, New Zealand English

RP, Received Pronunciation (Standard in the United Kingdom)

ScE, Scottish English

SAE, South African English

SSE, Standard Singapore English

WaE, Welsh English

Mid-Atlantic accent

The Mid-Atlantic accent, or Transatlantic accent, is an accent of English, blending together prestigious American and British English (Received Pronunciation) ways of speaking. Adopted in the early 20th century mostly by American aristocrats and actors, it is not a native vernacular or regional American accent. Instead, according to voice and drama professor Dudley Knight, it is an affected set of speech patterns whose "chief quality was that no Americans actually spoke it unless educated to do so". Primarily fashionable in the 1930s and 1940s, the accent was embraced in private independent preparatory schools, especially by members of the Northeastern upper class, as well as in schools for film and stage acting. The accent's overall use sharply declined following the Second World War.A similar accent, known as Canadian dainty, was also known in Canada in the same era, although it resulted from different historical processes.More generically, the term "mid-Atlantic accent" refers to any accent with a mixture of American and British characteristics.

Regional accents of English

Spoken English shows great variation across regions where it is the predominant language. This article provides an overview of the numerous identifiable variations in pronunciation; such distinctions usually derive from the phonetic inventory of local dialects, as well as from broader differences in the Standard English of different primary-speaking populations.

Accent is the part of dialect concerning local pronunciation. Vocabulary and grammar are described elsewhere; see List of dialects of the English language.

Secondary English speakers tend to carry over the intonation and phonetics of their mother tongue in English speech. For more details, see Non-native pronunciations of English.

Primary English-speakers show great variability in terms of regional accents. Some, such as Pennsylvania Dutch English, are easily identified by key characteristics; others are more obscure or easily confused. Broad regions can possess sub-forms as identified below; for instance, towns located less than 10 miles (16 km) from the city of Manchester, such as Bolton, Rochdale, Oldham and Salford, each have distinct accents, all of which together comprise the broader accent of Lancashire county; while these sub-dialects are very similar to each other, non-local listeners can identify firm differences.

English accents can differ enough to create room for misunderstandings. For example, the pronunciation of pearl in some variants of Scottish English can sound like the entirely unrelated word petal to an American ear.

For a summary of the differences between accents, see International Phonetic Alphabet chart for English dialects.

Social class in the United Kingdom

The social structure of the United Kingdom has historically been highly influenced by the concept of social class, which continues to affect British society today.British society, like its European neighbours and most societies in world history, was traditionally (before the Industrial Revolution) divided hierarchically within a system that involved the hereditary transmission of occupation, social status and political influence. Since the advent of industrialisation, this system has been in a constant state of revision, and new factors other than birth (for example, education) are now a greater part of creating identity in Britain.

Although definitions of social class in the United Kingdom vary and are highly controversial, most are influenced by factors of wealth, occupation and education. Until recently, the Parliament of the United Kingdom was organised on a class basis, with the House of Lords representing the hereditary upper-class and the House of Commons representing everybody else. The British monarch is usually viewed as being at the top of the social class structure.

British society has experienced significant change since the Second World War, including an expansion of higher education and home ownership, a shift towards a service-dominated economy, mass immigration, a changing role for women and a more individualistic culture, and these changes have had a considerable impact on the social landscape. However, claims that the UK has become a classless society have frequently been met with scepticism. Research has shown that social status in the United Kingdom is influenced by, although separate from, social class.The biggest current study of social class in the United Kingdom is the Great British Class Survey.

South African English

South African English (SAfrE, SAfrEng, SAE, en-ZA) is the set of English dialects native to South Africans.

Standard English

Standard English (SE, also standardized English) is the dialect of English language that is used as the national norm—the standard language—in an English-speaking country, especially as the language for public and formal usage. In England and Wales, the term standard English is associated with British English, the Received Pronunciation accent, and the United Kingdom Standard English (UKSE) grammar and vocabulary. In Scotland, the standard dialect is Scottish Standard English; in the United States, General American is the standard variety spoken in that country; and in Australia, the national standard is called General Australian English.

Sulcalization

Sulcalization (from Latin sulcus, "groove"), in phonetics, is the pronunciation of a sound, typically a sibilant consonant, such as English /s/ and /z/, with a deep groove running along the back of the tongue that focuses the airstream on the teeth, producing a more intense sound. That is accomplished by raising the sides of the back of the tongue ("lateral contraction") and leaving a hollow along the mid-line. It is not clear if all sibilants are so grooved: Catford (1977) observed that the degree of sulcalization differs between places of articulation as well as between languages, but no language is known to contrast a grooved and non-grooved sibilant.

English [ɹ], which allows various tongue positions without apparent distinction, may also receive its characteristic quality from being sulcal.

In phonology and historical linguistics, sulcalization is the development of such a groove in a non-sulcal consonant. For example, close vowels trigger the effect in Japanese, in which historic *tu and *ti have become [tsu] and [tɕi], respectively. A similar sound changes as operated in the Senufo languages. (The palatalization of *tsi to [tɕi] in Japanese is a different process and does not occur in Senufo.)

Vowels may also be sulcalized, which has been described as giving them a "throaty" sound (Jones 1967:82). The /ɒ/ vowel of Received Pronunciation, which is normally described as a rounded, is pronounced by some speakers without rounded lips for whom the characteristic quality is rather one of sulcality (Lass 1984:124).

One scholar has also suggested that the vowel in the RP pronunciation of words like bird, typically transcribed [ɜ], is actually a sulcal schwa, retaining the sulcality of the original rhotic consonant. Accordingly, the realization of the /ə/-element of the centering diphthongs /ɪə/, /ʊə/, /ɛə/ in words such as near, pure and scare, is interpreted as the product of a loss of sulcality (Erickson 2003:197).

Trap-bath split

The trap–bath split (also TRAP–BATH split) is a vowel split that occurs mainly in mainstream and southeastern accents of English in England (including Received Pronunciation), in New Zealand English and South African English, and also to a lesser extent in Australian English as well as older Northeastern New England English (notably, older Boston accents), by which the Early Modern English phoneme /æ/ was lengthened in certain environments and ultimately merged with the long /ɑː/ of father. In this context, the lengthened vowel in words such as bath, laugh, grass, chance in accents affected by the split is referred to as a broad A (also, in the UK, long A). Phonetically, the vowel is [ɑː] (listen) in Received Pronunciation (RP); in some other accents, including Australian and New Zealand accents, it is a fronter vowel ([ɐː] (listen) or [aː] (listen)), and it tends to be a rounded and shortened [ɒ~ɔ] in Broad South African English. A TRAP–BATH split also occurs in the accents of the Middle Atlantic United States (New York, Baltimore, and Philadelphia accents), but it results in very different vowel qualities to the aforementioned British-type split and so, to avoid confusion, is usually referred to in American linguistics as a "short-a split".

In accents unaffected by the split, words like bath, laugh, etc. usually have the same vowel as words like cat, trap, man: the short A or flat A. Similar changes took place in words with ⟨o⟩; see lot–cloth split.

The sound change originally occurred in southern England, and ultimately changed the sound of /æ/ (listen) to /ɑː/ (listen) in some words in which the former sound appeared before /f, s, θ, ns, nt, ntʃ, mpəl/, leading to RP /pɑːθ/ for path and /ˈsɑːmpəl/ for sample, etc. The sound change did not occur before other consonants; thus accents affected by the split preserve /æ/ in words like cat. (See the section below for more details on the words affected.) The lengthening of the bath vowel began in the 17th century but was "stigmatised as a Cockneyism until well into the 19th century".

Dialects and accents of Modern English by continent
Europe
North and
South
America
Oceania
Other
continents

This page is based on a Wikipedia article written by authors (here).
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 3.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.