Proxy war

A proxy war is an armed conflict between two states or non-state actors which act on the instigation or on behalf of other parties that are not directly involved in the hostilities.[1] In order for a conflict to be considered a proxy war, there must be a direct, long-term relationship between external actors and the belligerents involved.[2] The aforementioned relationship usually takes the form of funding, military training, arms, or other forms of material assistance which assist a belligerent party in sustaining its war effort.[2]

During classical antiquity and the Middle Ages, many non-state proxies were external parties which were introduced to an internal conflict and aligned themselves with a belligerent in order to gain influence and further their own interests in the region.[3][4] Proxies could be introduced by an external or local power and most commonly took the form of irregular armies which were used to achieve their sponsor's goals in a contested region.[4] Some medieval states such as the Byzantine Empire used proxy warfare as a foreign policy tool by deliberately cultivating intrigue among hostile rivals and then backing them when they went to war with each other.[2] Other states regarded proxy wars as merely a useful extension of a preexisting conflict, such as France and England during the Hundred Years' War, both of which initiated a longstanding practice of supporting piracy which targeted the other's merchant shipping.[5] The Ottoman Empire likewise used the Barbary pirates as proxies to harass Western European powers in the Mediterranean Sea.[6]

Since the early twentieth century, proxy wars have most commonly taken the form of states assuming the role of sponsors to non-state proxies, essentially using them as fifth columns to undermine an adversarial power.[2] This type of proxy warfare includes external support for a faction engaged in a civil war, terrorists, national liberation movements, and insurgent groups, or assistance to a national revolt against foreign occupation.[2] For example, the British partly organized and instigated the Arab Revolt to undermine the Ottoman Empire during World War I.[3] Many proxy wars began assuming a distinctive ideological dimension after the Spanish Civil War, which pitted the fascist political ideology of Italy and National Socialist ideology of Nazi Germany against the communist ideology of the Soviet Union without involving these states in open warfare with each other.[7] Sponsors of both sides also used the Spanish conflict as a proving ground for their own weapons and battlefield tactics.[7] During the Cold War, proxy warfare was motivated by fears that a conventional war between the United States and Soviet Union would result in nuclear holocaust, rendering the use of ideological proxies a safer way of exercising hostilities.[8] The Soviet government found that supporting parties antagonistic to the US and Western nations was a cost-effective way to combat NATO influence in lieu of direct military engagement.[9] In addition, the proliferation of televised media and its impact on public perception made the US public especially susceptible to war-weariness and skeptical of risking American life abroad.[10] This encouraged the American practice of arming insurgent forces, such as the funneling of supplies to the mujahideen during the Soviet–Afghan War.[11]

Soviet advisers planning military operations Angola
Soviet military advisers planning operations during the Angolan Civil War

As abstract

A significant disparity in the belligerents' conventional military strength may motivate the weaker party to begin or continue a conflict through allied nations or non-state actors. Such a situation arose during the Arab–Israeli conflict, which continued as a series of proxy wars following Israel's decisive defeat of the Arab coalitions in the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the Six-Day War and the Yom Kippur War. The coalition members, upon failing to achieve military dominance via direct conventional warfare, have since resorted to funding armed insurgent and paramilitary organizations, such as Hezbollah, to engage in irregular combat against Israel.[12][13]

Additionally, the governments of some nations, particularly liberal democracies, may choose to engage in proxy warfare (despite military superiority) when a majority of their citizens oppose declaring or entering a conventional war.[14] This featured prominently in US strategy following the Vietnam War, due to the so-called "Vietnam Syndrome" of extreme war weariness among the American population. This was also a significant factor in motivating the US to enter conflicts such as the Syrian Civil War via proxy actors, after a series of costly, drawn-out direct engagements in the Middle East spurred a recurrence of war weariness, a so-called "War on Terror syndrome".[14]

Nations may also resort to proxy warfare to avoid potential negative international reactions from allied nations, profitable trading partners, or intergovernmental organizations such as the United Nations. This is especially significant when standing peace treaties, acts of alliance, or other international agreements ostensibly forbid direct warfare: breaking such agreements could lead to a variety of negative consequences due to either negative international reaction (see above), punitive provisions listed in the prior agreement, or retaliatory action by the other parties and their allies.

Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict
     Major Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict locations

In some cases, nations may be motivated to engage in proxy warfare due to financial concerns: supporting irregular troops, insurgents, non-state actors, or less-advanced allied militaries (often with obsolete or surplus equipment) can be significantly cheaper than deploying national armed forces, and the proxies usually bear the brunt of casualties and economic damage resulting from prolonged conflict.[15]

Another common motivating factor is the existence of a security dilemma. Leaders that feel threatened by a rival nation's military power may respond aggressively to perceived efforts by the rival to strengthen their position, such as military intervention to install a more favorable government in a third-party state. They may respond by attempting to undermine such efforts, often by backing parties favorable to their own interests (such as those directly or indirectly under their control, sympathetic to their cause, or ideologically aligned). In this case, if one or both rivals come to believe that their favored faction is at a disadvantage, they will often respond by escalating military and/or financial support.[16] If their counterpart(s), perceiving a material threat or desiring to avoid the appearance of weakness or defeat, follow suit, a proxy war ensues between the two powers. This was a major factor in many of the proxy wars during the Cold War between the US and USSR,[17] as well as in the ongoing series of conflicts between Saudi Arabia and Iran, especially in Yemen and Syria.[18][19][20]

Effects

Proxy wars can have a huge impact, especially on the local area. A proxy war with significant effects occurred between the United States and the USSR during the Vietnam War. In particular, the bombing campaign Operation Rolling Thunder destroyed significant amounts of infrastructure, making life more difficult for North Vietnamese citizens. In addition, unexploded bombs dropped during the campaign have killed tens of thousands since the war ended, not only in Vietnam, but also in Cambodia and Laos.[21] Also significant was the Soviet–Afghan War, which cost thousands of lives and billions of dollars,[22] bankrupting the Soviet Union and contributing to its collapse.[9]

The proxy war in the Middle East between Saudi Arabia and Iran is another example of the destructive impact of proxy wars. This conflict has resulted in, among other things, the Syrian Civil War, the rise of ISIL, the current civil war in Yemen, and the reemergence of the Taliban. Since 2003, more than 500,000 have died in Iraq.[23] Since 2011, more than 220,000 have died in Syria.[24] In Yemen, over 1,000 have died in just one month.[25] In Afghanistan, more than 17,000 have been killed since 2009.[26] In Pakistan, more than 57,000 have been killed since 2003.[27]

In general, the lengths, intensities, and scales of armed conflicts are often greatly increased when belligerents' capabilities are augmented by external support. Belligerents are often less likely to engage in diplomatic negotiations, peace talks are less likely to bear fruit, and damage to infrastructure can be many times greater.[28][29]

See also

Examples

References

  1. ^ Osmańczyk, Jan Edmund (2002). Encyclopedia of the United Nations and International Agreements. Abingdon: Routledge Books. p. 1869. ISBN 978-0415939201.
  2. ^ a b c d e Hughes, Geraint (2014). My Enemy's Enemy: Proxy Warfare in International Politics. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press. pp. 5, 12–13. ISBN 978-1845196271.
  3. ^ a b Williams, Brian Glyn (2012). Innes, Michael (ed.). Making Sense of Proxy Wars: States, Surrogates & the Use of Force. Washington DC: Potomac Books. pp. 61–63. ISBN 978-1-59797-230-7.
  4. ^ a b Carr, Mike (2016). France, John; Rogers, Clifford; De Vries, Kelly (eds.). Journal of Medieval Military History, Volume 10. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. pp. 163–166. ISBN 978-1-78327-130-6.
  5. ^ Heebøll-Holm, Thomas (2013). Ports, Piracy and Maritime War: Piracy in the English Channel and the Atlantic, c. 1280-c. 1330. Leiden: Brill. p. 8. ISBN 978-9004235700.
  6. ^ Watson, William (2003). Tricolor and Crescent: France and the Islamic World. Westport, Connecticut: Praeger Books. pp. 17–19. ISBN 978-0275974701.
  7. ^ a b Axelrod, Alan (1997). The Real History of the Cold War: A New Look at the Past. New York: Sterling Publishers. p. 20. ISBN 978-1402763021.
  8. ^ Wilde, Robert. "Mutually Assured Destruction." About Education. About.com, n.d. Web. 23 April 2015. [1].
  9. ^ a b Prof CJ. "Ep. 0014: Fall of the Soviet Empire." Prof CJ, 21 July 2014. MP3 file.
  10. ^ Curtis, Anthony R. "Mass Media Influence on Society." University of North Carolina at Pembroke, 23 June 2012. PDF file.
  11. ^ The Editors of Encyclopædia Britannica. "Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan." Encyclopædia Britannica. Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc., n.d. Web. 23 April 2015. <http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/1499983/Soviet-invasion-of-Afghanistan>.
  12. ^ Masters, Jonathan, and Zachary Laub. "Hezbollah (a.k.a. Hizbollah, Hizbu'llah)." Council on Foreign Relations. Council on Foreign Relations, 3 January 2014. Web. 28 April 2015. [2].
  13. ^ Laub, Zachary. "Hamas." Council on Foreign Relations. Council on Foreign Relations, 1 August 2014. Web. 28 April 2015. <http://www.cfr.org/israel/hamas/p8968>.
  14. ^ a b Mumford, Andrew (1 April 2013). "Proxy Warfare and the Future of Conflict". The RUSI Journal. 158 (2): 40–46. doi:10.1080/03071847.2013.787733. ISSN 0307-1847.
  15. ^ "War on the cheap?: assessing the costs and benefits of proxy war". repository.library.georgetown.edu. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  16. ^ Jervis, Robert (January 1978). "Cooperation Under the Security Dilemma" (PDF). World Politics. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  17. ^ "How to stop the fighting, sometimes". The Economist. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  18. ^ "Iran and Saudi Arabia's cold war is making the Middle East even more dangerous". Vox. 30 March 2015. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  19. ^ Bednarz, Dieter; Reuter, Christoph; Zand, Bernhard (3 April 2015). "Proxy War in Yemen: Saudi Arabia and Iran Vie for Regional Supremacy". Spiegel Online. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  20. ^ "Saudi Arabia, Iran and the 'Great Game' in Yemen". Al Jazeera. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  21. ^ "Operation Rolling Thunder." History. A&E Television Networks, LLC., n.d. Web. 28 April 2015. [3].
  22. ^ "The Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan and the U.S. Response, 1978–1980." U.S. Department of State Office of the Historian. U.S. Department of State, 31 October 2013. Web. 28 April 2015. [4].
  23. ^ Sheridan, Kerry. "War-related deaths near 500,000 in Iraq." Your Middle East. Your Middle East, 16 October 2013. Web. 28 April 2015. [5].
  24. ^ "Syria Civil War Fast Facts." CNN. Turner Broadcasting System, Inc., 13 April 2015. Web. 27 April 2015. [6].
  25. ^ "More than 115 children killed in Yemen war." Aljazeera. Al Jazeera Media Network, 24 April 2015. Web. 28 April 2015. [7].
  26. ^ "Afghanistan sees record high of civilians casualties in five years." English.news.cn. Xinhua, english.news.cn., 19 February 2015. Web. 28 April 2015. [8].
  27. ^ "Fatalities in Terrorist Violence in Pakistan 2003–2015." SATP. SATP, 26 April 2015. Web. 28 April 2015. [9].
  28. ^ "Why Proxy Wars in the Middle East Are (Probably) Here to Stay". Political Violence @ a Glance. 27 August 2015. Retrieved 28 September 2015.
  29. ^ Balcells, L.; Kalyvas, S. N. (1 January 2014). "Does Warfare Matter? Severity, Duration, and Outcomes of Civil Wars". Journal of Conflict Resolution. 58 (8): 1390–1418. doi:10.1177/0022002714547903.
  30. ^ "Syria: The story of the conflict". BBC News. 9 October 2015. Retrieved 23 November 2015.
Binnya U

Binnya U (Mon: ဗညာဥူ; Burmese: ဗညားဦး, pronounced [bəɲá ʔú]; also known as Hsinbyushin; 1323–1384) was king of Martaban–Hanthawaddy from 1348 to 1384. His reign was marked by several internal rebellions and external conflicts. He survived the initial rebellions and an invasion by Lan Na by 1353. But from 1364 onwards, his effective rule covered only the Pegu province, albeit the most strategic and powerful of the kingdom's three provinces. Constantly plagued by poor health, U increasingly relied on his sister Maha Dewi to govern. He formally handed her all his powers in 1383 while facing an open rebellion by his eldest son Binnya Nwe, who succeeded him as King Razadarit.

King Binnya U is best remembered in Burmese history as the father of King Razadarit. One enduring legacy of his reign was Pegu's (Bago's) emergence as the new power center in Lower Burma. The city would remain the capital of the Mon-speaking kingdom until the mid-16th century.

Black Lizard (film)

Black Lizard (黒蜥蝪, Kurotokage) is a 1968 Japanese film directed by Kinji Fukasaku. The film is based on a play by Yukio Mishima which in turn is based on a novel by Rampo Edogawa.

Foreign relations of Chad

The foreign relations of Chad are significantly influenced by the desire for oil revenue and investment in Chadian oil industry and support for Chadian President Idriss Déby. Chad is officially non-aligned but has close relations with France, the former colonial power. Relations with neighbouring Libya, and Sudan vary periodically. Lately, the Idris Déby regime has been waging an intermittent proxy war with Sudan. Aside from those two countries, Chad generally enjoys good relations with its neighbouring states.

Hokuriku Proxy War

Hokuriku Proxy War (北陸代理戦争, Hokuriku dairi sensō) is a 1977 film directed by Kinji Fukasaku and starring Sonny Chiba and Hiroki Matsukata

House on Fire (film)

House on Fire (火宅の人, Kataku no hito) is a 1986 Japanese film directed by Kinji Fukasaku. It was chosen as Best Film at the Japan Academy Prize ceremony. The film grossed ¥1.010 billion in Japan.

Iran–Israel proxy conflict

The Iran–Israel proxy conflict, or Iran–Israel proxy war and Iran–Israel Cold War, is the ongoing proxy war between Iran and Israel. The conflict is bound in the political struggle of Iranian leadership against Israel and its declared aim to destroy the Jewish state, with the counter aim of Israel to prevent nuclear weapons being acquired by the Iranian government and downgrading its allies and proxies such as the Lebanese Hezbollah party. Iranian forces are operating in Syria in support of Bashar al-Assad's government. The conflict gradually emerged from the declared hostility of post-revolutionary Islamic Republic of Iran towards Israel since 1979, into covert Iranian support of Hezbollah during the South Lebanon conflict (1985–2000) and essentially developed into a proxy regional conflict from 2005. With increasing Iranian involvement in Syria from 2011, the conflict had shifted from proxy warfare into direct confrontation by early 2018.Israel suspects Tehran is pursuing the goal of forming a continuous land transport route from Iran via Iraq and Syria to Lebanon, and if Tehran succeeds "it would be a strategic game-changer." According to Mossad chief Yossi Cohen, "As long as the current regime exists, with the nuclear agreement or without it, Iran will continue to serve as the main threat to Israel's security". In the Syrian Civil War, hoping to bolster its logistics and force projection capabilities in the area, Tehran aims to clear a path from the Iranian capital to Damascus and the Mediterranean coast. Israeli government is convinced that Iran is interested in creating territorial contiguity from Iran to the Mediterranean and in transferring military forces – including naval vessels, fighter planes and thousands of troops – to permanent bases in Syria and is trying to "Lebanonize" Syria and take over using Shi'ite militias, as it had done with Hezbollah in Lebanon. As Israeli Defence Minister Avigdor Lieberman has warned, "everything possible will be done to prevent the existence of a Shi'ite corridor from Tehran to Damascus". In 2017, Israeli intelligence discovered an Iranian base being built in Syria just 50 km from the Israeli border.Israel and Syria have observed a truce since Israel reaffirmed its control over most of the Golan Heights in the 1973 Yom Kippur War, but the Syrian Civil War, which began in 2011, has led to several incidents of fire exchange across the once-peaceful borders. The Israeli military is reportedly preparing itself for potential threats should there be a power vacuum in Syria. "After Assad and after establishing or strengthening their foothold in Syria they are going to move and deflect their effort and attack Israel," an Israeli official told The Associated Press in January 2014. Some experts say that while the encroaching militant forces on Israel's border will heighten security measures, the advancements are not likely to create significant changes to Israel's policy disengagement in the Syria crisis.In a number of incidents over the course of the Syrian Civil War, Israel has clashed with Hezbollah and Iranian forces in the region. On several occasions, Israel was suspected of perpetrating or supporting attacks on Hezbollah and Iranian targets within Syrian territories or Lebanon. The first incident of this kind took place on 30 January 2013, when Israeli aircraft were accused of allegedly striking a Syrian convoy transporting Iranian weapons to Hezbollah. More incidents were attributed to IAF on May 2013, December 2014, April 2015. Some of those reports were confirmed by the Syrian Arab Republic, whereas others denied. Israel systematically refused to comment on alleged targeting of Hezbollah and Ba'athist Syrian targets in Syrian territory. In 2015, suspected Hezbollah militants launched an attack on Israeli forces in Shebaa farms. In March 2017, Syria launched anti-aircraft missiles towards Israeli-controlled part of the Golan Heights, allegedly targeting Israeli IAF aircraft, which Syria claimed were on their way to attack targets in Palmyra (Syria). After the incident, the State of Israel has stated it was targeting weapons shipments headed toward anti-Israeli forces, specifically Hezbollah, located in Lebanon. Israel denied Syria's claim that one jet fighter was shot down and another damaged. Israel has not reported any pilots or aircraft missing in Syria, or anywhere else in the Middle East following the incident. According to some sources, the incident was the first time Israeli officials clearly confirmed an Israeli strike on a Hezbollah convoy during the Syrian Civil War. As of September 2017, this was the only time such confirmation was issued.

Iran claims its foreign policy is based on aiding the oppressed vulnerables around the world–not for material gains, but as a humanitarian religious positive action. In Iran's foreign policy Israel is conceptualized as a Zionist regime that threatens vulnerable people and Islamic religion itself. It is known as ideological enemy for Iran. Iran, in contact with the U.S. over the fight against Islamic State in Iraq and Syria has said that Israel would be at risk if the U.S. and its coalition sought to topple Assad. Hezbollah's 7 October 2014 attack on Israeli forces, its first declared such operation since 2006, proved the seriousness of the threat. Though the Islamic Republic of Iran has been known for its anti-Israeli stance from the very beginning, its continuous support for Hezbollah evolved into almost a direct confrontation with Israel, as Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps have allegedly infiltrated Lebanon and directly supported Hezbollah during the past decade. The Hamas-dominated Gaza had also been considered a proxy of Iran.

Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict

The Iran–Saudi Arabia proxy conflict, sometimes also referred to as the Iran–Saudi Arabia Cold War, Middle East Cold War or Middle East Conflict, is the ongoing struggle for influence in the Middle East and surrounding regions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The two countries have provided varying degrees of support to opposing sides in nearby conflicts, including the civil wars in Syria, Yemen, and Iraq. The rivalry also extends to disputes in Bahrain, Lebanon, Qatar, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nigeria, and Morocco, as well as broader competition in North and East Africa, parts of South Asia, Central Asia, and the Caucasus.In what has been described as a cold war, the conflict is waged on multiple levels over geopolitical, economic, and sectarian influence in pursuit of regional hegemony. American support for Saudi Arabia and its allies as well as Russian and Chinese support for Iran and its allies have drawn comparisons to the dynamics of the Cold War era, and the proxy conflict has been characterized as a front in what Russian Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev has referred to as the "New Cold War".

Kinji Fukasaku

Kinji Fukasaku (深作 欣二, Fukasaku Kinji, 3 July 1930 – 12 January 2003) was a Japanese film director and screenwriter who rose to prominence for his association with the Japanese New Wave.He is known for directing the Japanese portion of the Hollywood war film Tora! Tora! Tora! (1970), yakuza films including the seminal Battles Without Honor and Humanity (1973), samurai period pieces such as Shogun's Samurai (1978), the space opera Message from Space (1978), the fantasy film Samurai Reincarnation (1981), and his controversial final film Battle Royale (2000). He was also known for his trademark, cinema verite-inspired shaky camera technique, which he used extensively in many of his films from the early 1970s.In 1997, he received the Purple Medal of Honor from the Japanese government for his work in film.

Naseerullah Babar

Major-General Naseerullah Khan Babar (Urdu: نصيرالله خان بابر; born 1928—10 January 2011) was Minister of Internal Security of Pakistan. He was a retired 2-star general officer in the Pakistan Army, and later career military officer-turned statesman from, the Pakistan Peoples Party. In 1975, Babar took early voluntary retirement from the Pakistan Army to become Governor of NWFP (now Khyber Pukhtoonkhwa). He joined the Pakistan Peoples Party after Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government was dismissed in 1977.

During 1974, Babar was tasked to fund and train Tajik rebels, by the order of Bhutto, to stage uprising against the government of Sardar Mohammed Daoud Khan. It was in retaliation of Daoud Khan decade long proxy war against Pakistan. The operation was a huge success for Pakistan as Daoud Khan was forced to change his way and end his support to Anti-Pakistani militants. Babar then proceeded to retire from the army, in order to start his career in politics. He became Governor of the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa from 1975 to 1977 under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto's government until the term was cut short due to Operation Fair Play— a clandestine operation undertaken to remove Bhutto. In 1988, Babar was the "Special Advisor/Assistant on Internal Affairs" in Benazir Bhutto's first government and between 1993 and 1996, Babar was appointed and tenured as the Interior Minister during Benazir Bhutto's second government where he supervised and successfully contended Operation Blue Fox.

Babar is also credited for successfully curbing down on targeted killings and criminal activities in Karachi in 1990s. He took the charge of Sindh police and effectively dealt with criminal activities, which were at that time rampant in Karachi, by 1996.

Outline of the Vietnam War

The following outline is provided as an overview of and topical guide to the Vietnam War:

Vietnam War – Cold War-era proxy war that occurred in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia from 1 November 1955 to the fall of Saigon on 30 April 1975. This war followed the First Indochina War (1946–54) and was fought between North Vietnam—supported by the Soviet Union, China and other communist allies—and the government of South Vietnam—supported by the United States, Philippines and other anti-communist allies. The Viet Cong (also known as the National Liberation Front, or NLF), a South Vietnamese communist common front aided by the North, fought a guerrilla war against anti-communist forces in the region. The People's Army of Vietnam, also known as the North Vietnamese Army (NVA), engaged in a more conventional war, at times committing large units to battle.

Polish–Cossack–Tatar War (1666–1671)

Polish-Cossack-Tatar War was the war between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Ottoman Empire (in practice, a proxy war between the Cossack Hetmanate and Crimean Khanate) over Ukraine. It was one of the aftermaths of the Russo-Polish War (1654–67) and a prelude to the Polish–Ottoman War (1672–76).

Proxy

Proxy may refer to:

Proxy or agent (law), a substitute authorized to act for another entity or a document which authorizes the agent so to act

Proxy (climate), a measured variable used to infer the value of a variable of interest in climate research

Proxy (statistics), a measured variable used to infer the value of a variable of interest

Healthcare proxy, a document used to specify an agent to make medical decisions for a patient in case they are incapacitated

Proxy abuse (or vicarious abuse), abuse committed on behalf of somebody else

Proxy bullying (or vicarious bullying), bullying committed on behalf of somebody else

Proxy fight, attempting to influence how company shareholders use their proxy votes

Proxy marriage, common amongst European monarchs, where one party is not present in person to their marriage to the other

Proxy murder, a murder committed on behalf of somebody else

Proxy statement, information published related to a U.S. stockholders' meeting

Proxy voting, a vote cast on behalf of an absent person

Proxy war, a war where two powers use third parties as a substitute for fighting each other directly

Torture by proxy, torturing someone on somebody else's behalf

Proxy fight

A proxy fight, proxy contest or proxy battle, sometimes also called a proxy war, is an unfriendly contest for the control over an organization. The event usually occurs when corporation's stockholders develop opposition to some aspect of the corporate governance, often focusing on directorial and management positions. Corporate activists may attempt to persuade shareholders to use their proxy votes (i.e., votes by one individual or institution as the authorized representative of another) to install new management for any of a variety of reasons. Shareholders of a public corporation may appoint an agent to attend shareholder meetings and vote on their behalf. That agent is the shareholder's proxy.In a proxy fight, incumbent directors and management have the odds stacked in their favor over those trying to force the corporate change. These incumbents use various corporate governance tactics to stay in power, including: staggering the boards (i.e., having different election years for different directors), controlling access to the corporation's money, and creating restrictive requirements in the bylaws. As a result, most proxy fights are unsuccessful. However, it has been recently noted that proxy fights waged by hedge funds are successful more than 60% of the time.

Second Afar insurgency

The Second Afar insurgency is an ongoing insurgency in the Afar Region of Ethiopia and the Southern Red Sea Region of Eritrea (also known as Dankalia), waged by various Afar rebel groups. Both Ethiopia and Eritrea have supported different rebel groups in the region in a proxy war, and have occasionally engaged in border skirmishes with each other, as well as with opposing rebel groups.

Shanghai Rhapsody

Shanghai Rhapsody (上海バンスキング, Shanghai bansu kingu) is a 1984 Japanese film directed by Kinji Fukasaku.

The Gate of Youth (1981 film)

The Gate of Youth (青春の門, Seishun no mon) is a 1981 Japanese film directed by Kinji Fukasaku and Koreyoshi Kurahara.

It is based on a story by Hiroyuki Itsuki that was originally serialized in the magazine Shukan Gendai in 1969-70. The same story inspired a 1975 film, also titled Seishun no mon (青春の門), as well as three separate television productions in 1976-77 (TBS), 1991 (TV Tokyo), and 2005 (TBS).

The Triple Cross

The Triple Cross (いつかギラギラする日, Itsuka giragira suru hi) (a.k.a. The Day's Too Bright) is a 1992 Japanese film directed by Kinji Fukasaku.

Yemen Cyber Army

The Yemen Cyber Army (الجيش اليمني الالكتروني) is a pro-Shia hacker group that has claimed responsibility for the defacement of the London based pro-Saudi Al-Hayat website in April 2015 as well as the exfiltration of data from the Saudi Arabia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs in May subsequently listed on WikiLeaks.

Associated with the 2015 Yemeni Civil War, the group claims to be based in Yemen itself, but there is speculation from security experts they are in fact Iranian backed based on IP address information and use of the Persian language. Experts suggest the organisation is a manifestation of the ongoing proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, Saudi-based Anonymous-affiliated hackers contribute to the ongoing #protest against the Saudi regime.

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