Plínio Salgado

Plínio Salgado (Portuguese: [ˈplĩɲu sawˈɡadu]; January 22, 1895 – December 8, 1975) was a Brazilian politician, writer, journalist, and theologian. He founded and led Brazilian Integralist Action, a political party inspired by the Fascist regimes of Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler.

Initially a supporter of the dictatorship led by Getúlio Vargas, he was later persecuted and exiled in Portugal for promoting uprisings against the government. After his return, he launched the Party of Popular Representation, and was elected to represent Paraná in the Chamber of Deputies in 1958, being re-elected in 1962, this time to represent São Paulo. He was also a candidate in the 1955 presidential election, securing 8.28% of the votes. After the 1964 coup d'état, which led to the extinction of political parties, he joined the National Renewal Alliance political party, obtaining two terms in the Chamber of Deputies. He retired from politics in 1974, just a year before his death.

Plínio Salgado
Plinio Salgado
Plínio Salgado
BornJanuary 22, 1895
DiedDecember 8, 1975 (aged 80)
OccupationAuthor, politician, journalist, and theologian
TitleFederal deputy
Political partyBrazilian Integralist Action
Spouse(s)Maria Amélia Pereira (1918–1919) (her death)
Carmela Patti Salgado (1934–1975) (his death)


Early life

Born in the small conservative town of São Bento do Sapucaí in the São Paulo state, Plínio Salgado was the son of Colonel Francisco das Chagas Salgado, a local political leader, and Ana Francisca Rennó Cortez, a teacher. A very active child at school, he had special interest for mathematics and geometry. After the loss of his father, at the age of 16 – a fact that is said to have made him a bitter young man –, his interests shifted towards psychology and philosophy.

At the age of 20, Salgado founded and directed the weekly newspaper Correio de São Bento.[1] In 1918, he began his political life by taking part in the foundation of a party called Partido Municipalista.[1] This party congregated town leaders from municipalities in the Paraíba Valley region, and advocated municipal autonomy.

Also in that year, Salgado married Maria Amélia Pereira, and on July 6, 1919, his only daughter Maria Amélia Salgado was born. Fifteen days after giving birth to the couple's daughter, Maria Amélia died. Filled with sorrow, Plínio turned down the study of materialist philosophers, and found comfort in the Roman Catholic theology, and began to study the works of Brazilian Catholic thinkers, such as Raimundo Farias Brito and Jackson Figueiredo.[1] Again, the death of a loved one had a great impact on the course of Salgado's life. He would only marry again 17 years later, with Carmela Patti.

Through his articles in Correio de São Bento, Salgado became known by fellow journalists in São Paulo, and in 1920 was invited to work there in Correio Paulistano, the official newspaper of the Republican Party of São Paulo, where he became a friend of poet Menotti del Picchia.[1] He was a discrete member of the Modern Art Week in 1922.[1] He published his first novel, The Stranger in 1926.[1] After that, alongside Cassiano Ricardo, del Picchia and Cândido Mota Filho, he launched the Green-Yellow movement, a nationalistic group inside Modernist movement.[1] The following year, also alongside del Picchia and Ricardo, Salgado launched the Anta movement, which exalted the indigenous peoples, particularly the Tupi, as the true carriers of the Brazilian identity.[1]

That same year, he published his book Literature and Politics, in which he defends nationalistic ideas with a strong anti-liberal and pro-latifundia stance, inspired by Alberto Torres and Oliveira Viana.[1] His shift to far right-wing politics, made Ricardo launch the Flag movement, a social-democratic dissidence of the Green-Yellow and Anta movements.[2][3][4]


In 1930, Salgado supported the presidential candidacy of Júlio Prestes against Getúlio Vargas.[1] At that time, during a trip to Europe, he became impressed with Benito Mussolini's Fascist movement in Italy.[1] After his return to Brazil, on October 4, 1930, a day after the beginning of the 1930 Revolution which deposed President Washington Luís, Salgado wrote two articles in Correio Paulistano defending his administration.[1] Nevertheless, with the victory of the revolutionaries, he began to support the Vargas regime.[1]

In the newspaper A Razão, founded by Alfredo Egidio de Souza Aranha, Salgado developed an intense campaign against the constitutionalization of Brazil.[1] As such, he drew the ire of anti-dictatorship activists, which burned down the newspaper's office just before the outbreak of the Constitutionalist Revolution.[1]

At the height of the Vargas dictatorship, Salgado created the Society for Political Studies, which congregated intellectuals sympathetic to Fascism.[1] Months later, he launched the October Manifesto, which provided the guidelines of a new political party, the Brazilian Integralist Action.[1]

Salgado adapted virtually all Fascist symbolism – although publicly rejecting racism – such as a paramilitary organization with green-shirted uniformed ranks,[1] highly regimented street demonstrations, and aggressive rhetoric. The movement was directly financed, in part, by the Italian embassy. The Roman salute was accompanied by the screaming of the Tupi word Anauê, which means "you are my brother", while the Greek letter sigma (Σ) served as the movement's official symbol.[1] Even though Salgado himself was never an anti-semite, many of the party members adopted anti-semitic views.

The Integralist Action drew its support from lower middle class Italian immigrants, a large part of the Portuguese community, lower middle class Brazilians, and military officers, especially in the Navy. As the party grew, Vargas turned to Integralism as his only mobilized base of support on the right-wing, which was elated by his Fascist-style crackdown against the Brazilian left. In 1934, Salgado's movement targeted the Communist Party – then under the leadership of Luiz Carlos Prestes, as an underground party – mobilizing a conservative support base mass to engage in street brawls and urban terrorism.

Congresso Integralista 1935
Closing session of the Integralist Congress. Salgado is seated at the center. Blumenau, 1935.

On 1937, Salgado launched his presidential candidacy for the general elections scheduled to take place in January 1938.[1] Aware of Vargas' intention to cancel the election and remain in power, he supported his Estado Novo coup, hoping to make Integralism the doctrinal basis of the new regime,[1] as Vargas had promised him to take office as the Minister of Education.[5] The President, however, banned the Integralist party, treating it the same way he had treated other political parties after transforming Brazil into a one-party state.[1]

On 1939, Integralist militants tried twice, in the months of March and May, to promote uprisings against Vargas.[1] Despite denying involvement in the events,[5] Salgado was arrested after the May uprising – being imprisoned in the 17th century Santa Cruz Fortress in Niterói, Rio de Janeiro –, and about a month later sent to a six-year exile in Portugal.[1] During that period, he persistently sought to rehabilitate himself with the regime, praising it in several manifestos, including its decision to declare war against Germany and Italy.[5]

Late career

Salgado returned to Brazil in 1945, with the end of the Estado Novo regime, and then founded the Party of Popular Representation, reformulating the integralist doctrine.[1] Still driven by the ambition of becoming president, Salgado ran for presidency under his new party in 1955, but finished last, obtaining just 8% of the votes (around 714,000 votes).[1] Following that, he supported the inauguration of President-elect Juscelino Kubitschek, contested by the National Democratic Union, and was named to the head of the National Institute for Immigration and Colonization.[5]

Salgado was elected to represent Paraná in the Chamber of Deputies in 1958.[1] He would be re-elected in 1962, this time to represent the São Paulo state.[1]

In 1964, he was one of the speakers at the March of Family with God for Freedom rally in São Paulo against President João Goulart.[1] Salgado supported the 1964 coup d'état which overthrew Goulart, and with the introduction of the two-party system, he joined the National Renewal Alliance Party, obtaining two terms as a São Paulo deputy.

Salgado died in São Paulo on 9 December 1975, aged 80.[6] He is buried at Morumbi Cemetery.[7]


  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ‹See Tfd›(in Portuguese) Plínio Salgado biography at UOL Educação.
  2. ^ GONÇALVES, Leandro Pereira. Plínio Salgado: um católico integralista entre Portugal e o Brasil (1895-1975). Rio de Janeiro: FGV Publishing, 2018.
  3. ^ Plínio Salgado. Dicionário Histórico Biográfico Brasileiro pós 1930. 2ª ed. Rio de Janeiro: Ed. FGV, 2001.
  4. ^ "O integralismo brasileiro nunca deixou de existir". 3 May 2019.
  5. ^ a b c d ‹See Tfd›(in Portuguese) Plínio Salgado biography at Fundação Getúlio Vargas' Centre for Research and Documentation on the Contemporary History of Brazil.
  6. ^ "Plinio Salgado, Led Brazilian Fascists". The New York Times. 9 December 1975. Retrieved 24 January 2019.
  7. ^ Vilela Barbuy, Victor Emanuel (22 January 2015). "Cento e vinte anos de Plínio Salgado" [One hundred and twenty years of Plínio Salgado]. Frente Integralista Brasiliera (in Portuguese). Retrieved 24 January 2019.
1932 in Brazil

Events in the year 1932 in Brazil.

1934 Brazilian presidential election

Indirect presidential elections were held in Brazil on 17 July 1934. Unlike previous elections which had been public, this election was carried out by the Constituent Assembly. The result was a predictable victory for Getúlio Vargas, who received 175 of the 248 votes.

1955 Brazilian presidential election

Presidential elections were held in Brazil on 3 October 1955. The result was a victory for Juscelino Kubitschek, who received 35.7% of the vote. Voter turnout was 59.7%.

Argentine Patriotic League

The Argentine Patriotic League (Liga Patriótica Argentina) was a Nacionalista paramilitary group, officially created in Buenos Aires on January 16, 1919, during the Tragic week events. Presided over by Manuel Carlés, a professor at the Military College and the Escuela Superior de Guerra, it also counted among its members the deputy Santiago G. O'Farrell (1861-1926). The League was merged into the Argentine Civic Legion in 1931. The Argentine Patriotic League formed part of a larger movement of patriotic leagues active in Chile and Argentina during the early 20th century.

Blueshirts (Falange)

The Blueshirts (Spanish: Camisas Azules) was the Falangist paramilitary militia in Spain. The name refers to the blue uniform worn by members of the militia. The colour blue was chosen for the uniforms in 1934 by the FE de las JONS because it was, according to José Antonio Primo de Rivera, "clear, whole, and proletarian," and is the colour typically worn by mechanics, as the Falange sought to gain support among the Spanish working class. In Francoist Spain the Blueshirts were officially reorganized and officially renamed the Falange Militia of the FET y de las JONS in 1940.

Brazilian Integralism

Brazilian integralism (Portuguese: integralismo) was a fascist and nationalist political movement in Brazil, created in October 1932. Founded and led by Plínio Salgado, a literary figure who was somewhat famous for his participation in the 1922 Modern Art Week, the movement had adopted some characteristics of European mass movements of those times, specifically of Italian Fascism, but distancing itself from Nazism because Salgado himself did not support racism. Despite the movement's slogan "Union of all races and all peoples", some militants held anti-Semitic views. The name of the party created to support its doctrine was Brazilian Integralist Action (Portuguese: Ação Integralista Brasileira, AIB). The reference to Integralism mirrored a traditionalist movement in Portugal, the Lusitanian Integralism. For its symbol, the AIB used a flag with a white disk on a royal blue background, with an uppercase sigma (Σ) in its center.

Brazilian Integralist Action

Brazilian Integralist Action (Portuguese: Ação Integralista Brasileira, AIB) was an integralist/fascist political party in Brazil. It was based upon the ideology of Brazilian Integralism as developed by its leader Plínio Salgado. Brazilian Integralism supported a revival of spirituality in Brazil in the form of Brazilian nationalism to form a shared identity between Brazilians. It denounced materialism, liberalism, and Marxism. It was violently opposed to the Brazilian Communist Party (then still called Communist Party of Brazil) and competed with the Communists for the working class vote.

Cemitério do Morumbi

Cemitério do Morumbi (Morumbi Cemetery) is a cemetery in São Paulo, Brazil. It is located in the affluent neighborhood of Morumbi.


Crypto-fascism is the secret support for, or admiration of, fascism. The term is used to imply that an individual or group keeps this support or admiration hidden to avoid political persecution or political suicide. The common usage is "crypto-fascist", one who practices this support.


Fascio (pronounced [ˈfaʃʃo]; plural fasci) is an Italian word literally meaning "a bundle" or "a sheaf", and figuratively "league", and which was used in the late 19th century to refer to political groups of many different (and sometimes opposing) orientations. A number of nationalist fasci later evolved into the 20th century Fasci movement, which became known as fascism.

Heroic capitalism

Heroic capitalism or dynamic capitalism was a concept that Italian Fascism took from Werner Sombart's explanations of capitalist development. This phase was known by Sombart as early capitalism. In 1933, Benito Mussolini claimed that capitalism began with dynamic or heroic capitalism (1830-1870) followed by static capitalism (1870-1914) and then reached its final form of decadent capitalism, known also as supercapitalism, which began in 1914.Mussolini argued that although he did not support this type of capitalism he considered it at least a dynamic and heroic form. Some Fascists, including Mussolini, considered it a contribution to the industrialism and technical developments, but they claimed not to favour the creation of supercapitalism in Italy due to its strong agricultural sector.Mussolini claimed that dynamic or heroic capitalism inevitably degenerates into static capitalism and then supercapitalism due to the concepts of bourgeois economic individualism. Instead, he proposed a state supervised economy, although he contrasted it to Russian state supercapitalism. Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private initiatives and property while allowing the state and the syndicalist movement to intervene in the economy in the matters where private initiative intervenes in public affairs. This system would lead also to some nationalizations when necessary and the greatest participation of the employees in all the aspects of the company and in the utility given by the company.

List of fascist movements by country

This is a list of political parties, organizations, and movements that have been claimed to follow some form of fascist ideology. Since definitions of fascism vary, entries in this list may be controversial. For a discussion of the various debates surrounding the nature of fascism, see fascism and ideology and definitions of fascism.

This list has been divided into four sections for reasons of length:

List of fascist movements by country A–F

List of fascist movements by country G–M

List of fascist movements by country N–T

List of fascist movements by country U–Z

List of fascist movements by country A–F

A list of political parties, organizations, and movements adhering to various forms of fascist ideology, part of the list of fascist movements by country.

Modern Art Week

The Modern Art Week (or Semana de Arte Moderna, in Portuguese) was an arts festival in São Paulo, Brazil, that ran from February 10 to February 17, 1922. Historically, the Week marked the start of Brazilian Modernism; though a number of individual Brazilian artists were doing modernist work before the week, it coalesced and defined the movement and introduced it to Brazilian society at large. For Brazil, it was as important as the International Exhibition of Modern Art (also known as the Armory Show), held in New York City in 1913, which became a legendary watershed date in the history of American art.

The Week took place at the Municipal Theater in São Paulo, and included plastic arts exhibitions, lectures, concerts, and reading of poems. In its breadth it differed significantly from the Armory Show, with which it is often compared, but which featured only visual art. It was organized chiefly by painter Emiliano Di Cavalcanti and poet Mário de Andrade, in an attempt to bring to a head a long-running conflict between the young modernists and the cultural establishment, headed by the Brazilian Academy of Letters, which adhered strictly to academicism. The event was controversial at best and divisive at worst, with one member of the Academy, Graça Aranha, ostracized for attending. He had opened the week with a conference titled "The aesthetic emotion in modern art". Due to the radicalism (for the times) of some of their poems and music, the artists were vigorously booed and pelted by the audience, and the press and art critics in general were strong in their condemnation (such as in a famous episode by editor, writer and art critic Monteiro Lobato).The group that took part in the Week, contrary to their initial intentions, did not remain a unified movement. A number of separate groups split off, and the original core members had separated by 1929. Two divisions predominated: the Anthropophagics (cannibalists), led by Oswald de Andrade, wanted to make use of the influence of European and American artists but freely create their own art out of the regurgitations of what they had taken from abroad (thus the term anthropophagy: they would "eat" all influences, digest it, and throw out new things). The Nationalists wanted no foreign influences, and sought a "purely Brazilian" form of art. This group was led by writer Plínio Salgado, who later became a fascist political leader (Brazilian Integralism) and was arrested by dictator Getúlio Vargas after a failed coup.

Before the events leading up to 1922, São Paulo was a prosperous but relatively culturally unimportant city. However, the Week established São Paulo as the seat of the new modernist movement, against the far more culturally conservative Rio de Janeiro.

National Fascist Party (Argentina)

The National Fascist Party of Argentina (Partido Nacional Fascista) was a fascist political party formed in 1923. In 1932, a group broke away from the party to form the Argentine Fascist Party, which eventually became a mass movement in the Córdoba region of Argentina.

Party of Popular Representation

The Party of Popular Representation (Portuguese: Partido de Representação Popular, PRP) was a political party in Brazil. The PRP was founded by Plínio Salgado on September 26, 1945. He reassembled the former members of the Brazilian Integralism, and was ideologically aligned with the nationalist right. It always obtained representation in the Brazilian Congress and had a greater presence in the south. Salgado ran for President of Brazil in the 1955 election, won by Juscelino Kubitschek. He won around 8% of the vote.

Like all parties of that era, it was abolished by the military regime in 1965. Most of its members joined the party of the military junta, the ARENA.

Presidential elections in Brazil

Direct presidential elections are held in Brazil as part of the general elections every four years, typically in October. The current electoral law provides for a two-round system in which a candidate must receive more than 50% of the vote to win in the first round; if no candidate passes the 50% threshold, a run-off is held between the top two candidates. Every candidate has a running mate who disputes the post of vice-president; prior to 1966, the vice-president was elected separately.

The country has held presidential elections since 1891, spanning over a period of several different republican governments and national constitutions.

This list shows the winner of the elections and the runner-up.

Tropical fascism

In African political science, tropical fascism is a type of post-colonial state which is either considered fascist or is seen to have strong fascist tendencies. Gnassingbé Eyadéma dictator of Togo and leader of the Rally of the Togolese People, Mobutu Sese Seko dictator of Zaire and leader of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and Idi Amin dictator of Uganda have all been considered an example of tropical fascism in Africa. The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic and larger Hutu Power movement, a Hutu ultranationalist and supremacist movement that organized and committed the Rwandan Genocide aimed at exterminating the Tutsi people of Rwanda, has been regarded as a prominent example of tropical fascism in Africa. Pol Pot and The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia has been called a tropical fascist regime, as they officially renounced communism in 1981.

Young Egypt Party (1933)

The Young Egypt Party (Arabic: حزب مصر الفتاة‎, Misr El-Fatah) was an Egyptian political party.

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