Pan-Africanism

Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of sub-Saharan African descent. Based on a common fate going back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada[1].[2] It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of sub-Saharan African descent.[3] The ideology asserts that the fate of all sub-Saharan African people and countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that “Sub-Saharan African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora; share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".[4]

The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations.[5] The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.

Overview

The National Archives UK - CO 1069-50-1
Kwame Nkrumah, an icon of Pan-Africanism

Pan-Africanism stresses the need for "collective self-reliance".[6] Pan-Africanism exists as a governmental and grassroots objective. Pan-African advocates include leaders such as Haile Selassie, Julius Nyerere, Ahmed Sékou Touré, Kwame Nkrumah, Thomas Sankara and Muammar Gaddafi, grassroots organizers such as Marcus Garvey and Malcolm X, academics such as W. E. B. Du Bois, and others in the diaspora.[7][8][9] Pan-Africanists believe that solidarity will enable the continent to fulfill its potential to independently provide for all its people. Crucially, an all-African alliance would empower African people globally.

The realization of the Pan-African objective would lead to "power consolidation in Africa", which "would compel a reallocation of global resources, as well as unleashing a fiercer psychological energy and political assertion...that would unsettle social and political (power) structures...in the Americas".[10]

Advocates of Pan-Africanism—i.e. "Pan-Africans" or "Pan-Africanists"—often champion socialist principles and tend to be opposed to external political and economic involvement on the continent. Critics accuse the ideology of homogenizing the experience of people of African descent. They also point to the difficulties of reconciling current divisions within countries on the continent and within communities in the diaspora.[10]

History

Invitation to Pan-African Conference at Westminster Town Hall July 1900
Invitation to Pan-African Conference at Westminster Town Hall, London, July 1900

As a philosophy, Pan-Africanism represents the aggregation of the historical, cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific, and philosophical legacies of Africans from past times to the present. Pan-Africanism as an ethical system traces its origins from ancient times, and promotes values that are the product of the African civilisations and the struggles against slavery, racism, colonialism, and neo-colonialism.[7]

Alongside a large number of slaves insurrections, by the end of the 18th century a political movement developed across the Americas, Europe and Africa that sought to weld disparate movements into a network of solidarity, putting an end to oppression. Another important political form of a religious Pan-Africanist worldview appeared in the form of Ethiopianism.[11] In London, the Sons of Africa was a political group addressed by Quobna Ottobah Cugoano in the 1791 edition of his book Thoughts and Sentiments on the Evil of Slavery. The group addressed meetings and organised letter-writing campaigns, published campaigning material and visited parliament. They wrote to figures such as Granville Sharp, William Pitt and other members of the white abolition movement, as well as King George III and the Prince of Wales, the future George IV.

Modern Pan-Africanism began around the start of the 20th century. The African Association, later renamed the Pan-African Association, was established around 1897 by Henry Sylvester-Williams, who organized the First Pan-African Conference in London in 1900.[12][13][14]

With the independence of Ghana in March 1957, Kwame Nkrumah was elected as the first Prime Minister and President of the State.[15] Nkrumah emerged as a major advocate for the unity of Independent Africa. The Ghanaian President embodied a political activist approach to pan-Africanism as he championed the "quest for regional integration of the whole of the African continent".[16] This period represented a "Golden Age of high pan-African ambitions"; the Continent had experienced revolution and decolonization from Western powers and the narrative of rebirth and solidarity had gained momentum within the pan-African movement.[16] Nkrumah’s pan-African principles intended for a union between the Independent African states upon a recognition of their commonality (i.e. suppression under imperialism). Pan-Africanism under Nkrumah evolved past the assumptions of a racially exclusive movement associated with black Africa, and adopted a political discourse of regional unity [17]

In April 1958, Nkrumah hosted the first All-African Peoples' Conference (AAPC) in Accra, Ghana. The Conference invited delegates of political movements and major political leaders. With the exception of South Africa, all Independent States of the Continent attended: Egypt, Ethiopia, Ghana, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Sudan.[17] The Conference signified a monumental event in the pan-African movement, as it revealed a political and social union between those considered Arabic states and the black African regions. Further, the Conference espoused a common African Nationalist identity, among the States, of unity and anti-Imperialism. Frantz Fanon, journalist, freedom fighter and a member of the Algerian FLN party attended the conference as a delegate for Algeria.[18] Considering the armed struggle of the FLN against French colonial rule, the attendees of the Conference agreed to support the struggle of those States under colonial oppression. This encouraged the commitment of direct involvement in the "emancipation of the Continent; thus, a fight against colonial pressures on South Africa was declared and the full support of the FLN struggle in Algeria, against French colonial rule"".[19] In the years following 1958, Accra Conference also marked the establishment of a new foreign policy of non-alignment as between the US and USSR, and the will to found an "African Identity" in global affairs by advocating a unity between the African States on international relations. "This would be based on the Bandung Declaration, the Charter of the UN and on loyalty to UN decisions."[19]

In 1959, Nkrumah, President Sékou Touré of Guinea and President William Tubman of Liberia met at Sanniquellie and signed the Sanniquellie Declaration outlining the principles for the achievement of the unity of Independent African States whilst maintaining a national identity and autonomous constitutional structure.[20][21] The Declaration called for a revised understanding of pan-Africanism and the uniting of the Independent States. In 1960, the second All-African Peoples' Conference was held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.[22] The membership of the All-African Peoples' Organisation (AAPO) had increased with the inclusion of the "Algerian Provisional Government (as they had not yet won independence), Cameroun, Guinea, Nigeria, Somalia and the United Arab Republic".[23] The Conference highlighted diverging ideologies within the movement, as Nkrumah’s call for a political and economic union between the Independent African States gained little agreement. The disagreements following 1960 gave rise to two rival factions within the pan-African movement: the Casablanca Bloc and the Brazzaville Bloc.[24]

In 1962, Algeria gained independence from French colonial rule and Ahmed Ben Bella assumed Presidency. Ben Bella was a strong advocate for pan-Africanism and an African Unity. Following the FLN’s armed struggle for liberation, Ben Bella spoke at the UN and espoused for Independent Africa’s role in providing military and financial support to the African liberation movements opposing apartheid and fighting Portuguese colonialism.[25] In search of a united voice, in 1963 at an African Summit conference in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, 32 African states met and established the Organization of African Unity (OAU). The creation of the OAU Charter took place at this Summit and defines a coordinated "effort to raise the standard of living of member States and defend their sovereignty" by supporting freedom fighters and decolonisation.[26] Thus, was the formation of the African Liberation Committee (ALC), during the 1963 Summit. Championing the support of liberation movements, was Algeria’s President Ben Bella, immediately "donated 100 million francs to its finances and was one of the first countries, of the Organisation to boycott Portuguese and South African goods".[25]

In 1969, Algiers hosted the Pan-African Cultural Festival, on July 21 and it continued for eight days.[27] At this moment in history, Algeria stood as a “beacon of African and Third-World militancy,”[27] and would come to inspire fights against colonialism around the world. The festival attracted thousands from African states and the African Diaspora, including the Black Panthers. It represented the application of the tenets of the Algerian revolution to the rest of Africa, and symbolized the re-shaping of the definition of pan-African identity under the common experience of colonialism.[27] The Festival further strengthened Algeria’s President, Boumediene’s standing in Africa and the Third World.[27]

After the death of Kwame Nkrumah in 1972, Muammar Qaddafi assumed the mantle of leader of the Pan-Africanist movement and became the most outspoken advocate of African Unity, consistently calling – like Nkrumah before him – for the advent of a "United States of Africa".[28]

In the United States, the term is closely associated with Afrocentrism, an ideology of African-American identity politics that emerged during the civil rights movement of the 1960s to 1970s.[29]

Concept

Pan Africanism mural in Tanzania
A mural in Ujiji, Tanzania

As originally conceived by Henry Sylvester-Williams (although some historians credit the idea to Edward Wilmot Blyden), Pan-Africanism referred to the unity of all continental Africa.[30]

During apartheid South Africa there was a Pan Africanist Congress that dealt with the oppression of Africans in South Africa under Apartheid rule. Other pan-Africanist organisations include: Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association-African Communities League, TransAfrica and the International People's Democratic Uhuru Movement.

Additionally, Pan-Africanism is seen as an endeavor to return to what are deemed by its proponents as singular, traditional African concepts about culture, society, and values. Examples of this include Léopold Sédar Senghor's Négritude movement, and Mobutu Sese Seko's view of Authenticité.

An important theme running through much pan-Africanist literature concerns the historical links between different countries on the continent, and the benefits of cooperation as a way of resisting imperialism and colonialism.

In the 21st century, some Pan-Africanists aim to address globalisation and the problems of environmental justice. For instance, at the conference "Pan-Africanism for a New Generation"[31] held at the University of Oxford, June 2011, Ledum Mittee, the current president of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), argued that environmental justice movements across the African continent should create horizontal linkages in order to better protect the interests of threatened peoples and the ecological systems in which they are embedded, and upon which their survival depends.

Some universities went as far as creating "Departments of Pan-African Studies" in the late 1960s. This includes the California State University, where that department was founded in 1969 as a direct reaction to the civil rights movement, and is today dedicated to "teaching students about the African World Experience", to "demonstrate to the campus and the community the richness, vibrance, diversity, and vitality of African, African American, and Caribbean cultures" and to "presenting students and the community with an Afrocentric analysis" of anti-black racism.[32] Syracuse University also offers a master's degree in "Pan African Studies".[33]

Pan-African colors

Flag of the UNIA
The red, black, and green Black Nationalist flag designed by the UNIA in 1920

The flags of numerous states in Africa and of Pan-African groups use green, yellow and red. This colour combination was originally adopted from the 1897 flag of Ethiopia, and was inspired by the fact that Ethiopia is the continent's oldest independent nation,[34] thus making the Ethiopian green, yellow and red the closest visual representation of Pan-Africanism. This is in comparison to the Black Nationalist flag, representing political theory centred around the eugenicist caste-stratified colonial Americas.[35]

The UNIA (Universal Negro Improvement Association) flag, is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The UNIA formally adopted it on August 13, 1920,[36] during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York.[37][38]

Variations of the flag have been used in various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Black Nationalist ideologies. Among these are the flags of Malawi, Kenya and Saint Kitts and Nevis. Several Pan-African organizations and movements have also often employed the emblematic red, black and green tri-color scheme in variety of contexts.

Maafa studies

Maafa is an aspect of Pan-African studies. The term collectively refers to 500 years of suffering (including the present) of people of African heritage through slavery, imperialism, colonialism, and other forms of oppression.[39][40] In this area of study, both the actual history and the legacy of that history are studied as a single discourse. The emphasis in the historical narrative is on African agents, as opposed to non-African agents.

Political parties and organizations

Muammar al-Gaddafi-6-30112006
Muammar Gaddafi at the first Africa-Latin America summit in 2006 in Abuja, Nigeria

In Africa

In the Caribbean

In the United Kingdom

In the United States

  • The Council on African Affairs (CAA): founded in 1937 by Max Yergan and Paul Robeson, the CAA was the first major U.S. organization whose focus was on providing pertinent and up-to-date information about Pan-Africanism across the United States, particularly to African Americans. Probably the most successful campaign of the Council was for South African famine relief in 1946. The CAA was hopeful that, following World War II, there would be a move towards Third World independence under the trusteeship of the United Nations.[43] To the CAA's dismay, the proposals introduced by the U.S. government to the conference in April/May 1945 set no clear limits on the duration of colonialism and no motions towards allowing territorial possessions to move towards self-government.[43] Liberal supporters abandoned the CAA, and the federal government cracked down on its operations. In 1953 the CAA was charged with subversion under the McCarran Internal Security Act. Its principal leaders, including Robeson, W. E. B. Du Bois, and Alphaeus Hunton (1903–70), were subjected to harassment, indictments, and in the case of Hunton, imprisonment. Under the weight of internal disputes, government repression, and financial hardships, the Council on African Affairs disbanded in 1955.[44]
  • The US Organization was founded in 1965 by Maulana Karenga, following the Watts riots. It is based on the synthetic African philosophy of kawaida, and is perhaps best known for creating Kwanzaa and the Nguzo Saba ("seven principles"). In the words of its founder and chair, Karenga, "the essential task of our organization Us has been and remains to provide a philosophy, a set of principles and a program which inspires a personal and social practice that not only satisfies human need but transforms people in the process, making them self-conscious agents of their own life and liberation".[45]

Pan-African concepts and philosophies

Afrocentric Pan-Africanism

Afrocentric Pan-Africanism is espoused by Kwabena Faheem Ashanti in his book The Psychotechnology of Brainwashing: Crucifying Willie Lynch. Another newer movement that has evolved from the early Afrocentric school is the Afrisecal movement or Afrisecaism of Francis Ohanyido, a Nigerian philosopher-poet.[46] Black Nationalism is sometimes associated with this form of pan-Africanism.

Hip hop

Since the late 1970s, hip hop has emerged as a powerful force that has partly shaped black identity worldwide. In his 2005 article "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Greg Tate describes hip-hop culture as the product of a Pan-African state of mind. It is an "ethnic enclave/empowerment zone that has served as a foothold for the poorest among us to get a grip on the land of the prosperous".[47] Hip-hop unifies those of African descent globally in its movement towards greater economic, social and political power. Andreana Clay in her article "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity" states that hip-hop provides the world with "vivid illustrations of Black lived experience", creating bonds of black identity across the globe.[48] From a Pan-African perspective, Hip-Hop Culture can be a conduit to authenticate a black identity, and in doing so, creates a unifying and uplifting force among Africans that Pan-Africanism sets out to achieve.

See also

Literature

  • Hakim Adi & Marika Sherwood, Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledgem 2003.
  • Imanuel Geiss, Panafrikanismus. Zur Geschichte der Dekolonisation. Habilitation, EVA, Frankfurt am Main, 1968, English as: The Pan-African Movement, London: Methuen, 1974, ISBN 0-416-16710-1, and as: The Pan-African Movement. A history of Pan-Africanism in America, Europe and Africa, New York: Africana Publ., 1974, ISBN 0-8419-0161-9.
  • Colin Legum, Pan-Africanism: A Short Political Guide, revised edition, New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1965.
  • Tony Martin, Pan-African Connection: From Slavery to Garvey and Beyond, Dover: The Majority Press, 1985.

References

  1. ^ Austin, David (Fall 2007). "All Roads Led to Montreal: Black Power, the Caribbean and the Black Radical Tradition in Canada". Journal of African American History. 92 (4): 516–539. Retrieved March 30, 2019.
  2. ^ Oloruntoba-Oju, Omotayo (December 2012). "Pan Africanism, Myth and History in African and Caribbean Drama". Journal of Pan African Studies. 5 (8): 190 ff.
  3. ^ Frick, Janari, et al. (2006), History: Learner's Book, p. 235, South Africa: New Africa Books.
  4. ^ Makalani, Minkah (2011), "Pan-Africanism". Africana Age.
  5. ^ About the African Union Archived January 29, 2011, at the Wayback Machine.
  6. ^ "The objectives of the PAP", The Pan-African Parliament – 2014 and beyond.
  7. ^ a b Falola, Toyin; Essien, Kwame (2013). Pan-Africanism, and the Politics of African Citizenship and Identity. London: Routledge. pp. 71–72. ISBN 1135005192. Retrieved September 26, 2015.
  8. ^ Goebel, Anti-Imperial Metropolis, pp. 250–278.
  9. ^ Maguire, K., "Ghana re-evaluates Nkrumah", GlobalPost, October 21, 2009. Retrieved September 13, 2012.
  10. ^ a b Agyeman, O., Pan-Africanism and Its Detractors: A Response to Harvard's Race Effacing Universalists, Harvard University Press (1998), cited in Mawere, Munyaradzi; Tapuwa R. Mubaya, African Philosophy and Thought Systems: A Search for a Culture and Philosophy of Belonging, Langaa RPCIG (2016), p. 89. ISBN 9789956763016. Retrieved August 23, 2018.
  11. ^ "Pan-Africanism". exhibitions.nypl.org. Retrieved February 16, 2017.
  12. ^ "A history of Pan-Africanism", New Internationalist, 326, August 2000.
  13. ^ The History of Pan Africanism, PADEAP (Pan African Development Education and Advocacy Programme).
  14. ^ Lubin, Alex, "The Contingencies of Pan-Africanism", Geographies of Liberation: The Making of an Afro-Arab Political Imaginary, Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014, p. 71.
  15. ^ Smith-Asante, E., "Biography of Ghana’s first President, Dr Kwame Nkrumah", Graphic Online, March 8, 2016. Retrieved March 23, 2017.
  16. ^ a b Mkandawire, P. (2005). African Intellectuals: Rethinking Politics, Language, Gender and Development, Dakar: Codesria/London: Zed Books, p. 58. Retrieved March 23, 2017.
  17. ^ a b Legum, C. (1965). Pan-Africanism: a short political guide, New York, etc.: Frederick A. Praeger, p. 41.
  18. ^ Adi, H., & M. Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History: Political Figures from Africa and the Diaspora Since 1787, London: Routledge, p. 66.
  19. ^ a b Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 42.
  20. ^ Adi & Sherwood (2003). Pan-African History, p. 179.
  21. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 45.
  22. ^ Legum (1965). Pan-Africanism, p. 46.
  23. ^ Legum (1965), Pan-Africanism, p. 47.
  24. ^ Martin, G. (2012). African Political Thought, New York: Palgrave Macmillan.
  25. ^ a b Adi & Sherwood (2003), Pan-African History, p. 10.
  26. ^ "African states unite against white rule", ON THIS DAY | May25. BBC News. Retrieved March 23, 2017.
  27. ^ a b c d Evans, M., & J. Phillips (2008). Algeria: Anger of the Dispossessed, Yale University Press, pp. 97–98.
  28. ^ Martin, G. (December 23, 2012). African Political Thought. Springer. ISBN 9781137062055.
  29. ^ See e.g. Ronald W. Walters, Pan Africanism in the African Diaspora: An Analysis of Modern Afrocentric Political Movements, African American Life Series, Wayne State University Press, 1997, p. 68.
  30. ^ Campbell, Crystal Z. (December 2006). "Sculpting a Pan-African Culture in the Art of Négritude: A Model for African Artist" (PDF). The Journal of Pan African Studies. Archived from the original on June 1, 2015.CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link)
  31. ^ Oxford University African Society Conference, Corpus Christi College, Oxford University, May 5, 2012.
  32. ^ "About Us". Csus.edu. Retrieved October 15, 2015.
  33. ^ The M.A. in Pan African Studies Archived October 25, 2014, at the Wayback Machine, African American Studies at Syracuse University.
  34. ^ Smith, Whitney (2001). Flag Lore of All Nations. Millbrook Press. p. 36. ISBN 0761317538. Retrieved October 7, 2014.
  35. ^ Lionel K., McPherson; Shelby, Tommie (Spring 2004). "Blackness and Blood: Interpreting African American Identity" (PDF). Philosophy and Public Affairs. 32: 171–192.
  36. ^ Wikisource contributors, "The Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World", Wikisource, The Free Library. (Retrieved October 6, 2007).
  37. ^ "25,000 Negroes Convene: International Gathering Will Prepare Own Bill of Rights", The New York Times, August 2, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007.
  38. ^ "Negroes Adopt Bill Of Rights: Convention Approves Plan for African Republic and Sets to Work on Preparation of Constitution of the Colored Race Negro Complaints Aggression Condemned Recognition Demanded". The Christian Science Monitor, August 17, 1920. Proquest. Retrieved October 5, 2007.
  39. ^ "What Holocaust". "Glenn Reitz". Archived from the original on October 18, 2007.
  40. ^ "The Maafa, African Holocaust". Swagga.
  41. ^ "Pan-African Renaissance".
  42. ^ Rodney Worrell (2005). Pan-Africanism in Barbados: An Analysis of the Activities of the Major 20th-century Pan-African Formations in Barbados. New Academia Publishing, LLC. pp. 99–102. ISBN 978-0-9744934-6-6.
  43. ^ a b Duberman, Martin. Paul Robeson, 1989, pp. 296–97.
  44. ^ "Council on African Affairs", African Activist Archive.
  45. ^ "Philosophy, Principles, and Program". The Organization Us.
  46. ^ "Francis Okechukwu Ohanyido". African Resource.
  47. ^ Tate, Greg, "Hip-hop Turns 30: Whatcha Celebratin' For?", Village Voice, January 4, 2005.
  48. ^ Clay, Andreana. "Keepin' it Real: Black Youth, Hip-Hop Culture, and Black Identity". In American Behavioral Scientist, Vol. 46.10 (2003): 1346–58.

External links

African People's Convention

The African People's Convention is a South African political party formed by Themba Godi, former deputy leader of the Pan-Africanist Congress of Azania via floor-crossing legislation, on 4 September 2007. Godi defected along with the PAC's only two provincial representatives, Eastern Cape MPL Zingisa Mkabile and Gauteng MPL Malesela Ledwaba. Godi is the current leader of the APC in parliament. The party retained its seat in the National Assembly in the 2009 elections, although it lost both of its representatives in the provincial legislatures of Gauteng and Eastern Cape.

It retained its seat in the 2014 election.

Like the PAC, the party's ideology officially appeals to "Africanists, Pan Africanists and socialists".

African People's Socialist Party

The African Peoples Socialist Party (APSP) is a far-left pan-Africanist—socialist (or communist) organization working towards reparations for slavery in the United States, identifying ideologically with African internationalism. The party was formed in May 1972 by the merger of three black power organizations based in Florida and Kentucky. Omali Yeshitela, one of the original co-founders, leads the APSP as of 2019.The APSP's stated goals are "to keep the Black Power Movement alive, defend the countless Africans locked up by the counterinsurgency, and develop relationships with Africa and Africans worldwide".

African century

African century is the belief or hope that the 21st century will bring peace, prosperity and cultural revival to Africa. Among those who have spoken of an African century are South African politicians Thabo Mbeki and Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Chevron CEO David J. O'Reilly, US Treasury Secretary Paul O'Neill and celebrity campaigner Bono.

It has also inspired a radical policy journal - African Century Journal founded in 1999.

Africanization

Africanization or Africanisation (lit., making something African) has been applied in various contexts, notably in geographic and personal naming and in the composition of the civil service e.g. via processes such as indigenization.

All-African People's Revolutionary Party

The All-African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP) is a socialist political party founded by Kwame Nkrumah and organized in Conakry, Guinea in 1968. The party expanded to the United States in 1972 and at present has chapters in 33 countries.Nkrumah's goal in founding the party was to create and manage the political economic conditions necessary for the emergence of an All-African People's Revolutionary Army that would lead the military struggle against "settler colonialism, Zionism, neo-colonialism, imperialism and all other forms of capitalist oppression and exploitation."

Basutoland Congress Party

The Basutoland Congress Party is a pan-africanist and left-wing political party in Lesotho.

The Basutoland African Congress (BAC) was founded in 1952 by Ntsu Mokhehle and Potlako Leballo. The party was renamed the Basutoland Congress Party (BCP) in 1957 and retained this name after independence in 1966, stating that Lesotho was not truly independent. Leballo left the party in 1959 to form the Pan Africanist Congress of South Africa (PAC).

The BCP lost the 1965 election but won in 1970. It was denied power by a military coup in support of the defeated prime minister Leabua Jonathan Molapo.

In 1974, following an unsuccessful rising, the BCP sent 178 men for military training by the PAC in Libya. In 1979 they began a guerrilla war as the Lesotho Liberation Army (LLA).

The party won a landslide victory at the 1993 legislative elections, and its leader Ntsu Mokhehle became prime minister. Mokhehle left the party in 1997 with his faction to form the Lesotho Congress for Democracy. The BCP was led by Tseliso Makhakhe, Qhobela Molapo, Ntsukunyane Mphanya and (currently) Thulo Mahlakeng.

At the last elections for the National Assembly, 25 May 2002, the party won 2.6% of the vote and 3 out of 120 seats.

Black Star of Africa

The Black Star of Africa is a black five-pointed star (★) symbolizing Africa in general and Ghana in particular. The Black Star Line, founded in 1919 by Marcus Garvey as part of the Back-to-Africa movement, modelled its name on that of the White Star Line, changing the colour from white to black to symbolise ownership by black people rather than white people. The black star became a symbol of Pan-Africanism and anti-colonialism. Described as the "Lodestar of African Freedom", the black star was used in 1957 by Theodosia Okoh in the design of the Flag of Ghana.

Conseil de l'Entente

The Conseil de l'Entente ("Council of Accord" or "Council of Understanding") is a West African regional co-operation forum established in May 1959 by Ivory Coast, Niger, Upper Volta (now Burkina Faso) and Dahomey (now Benin), and joined in 1966 by Togo.

The body grew out of the short-lived Sahel-Benin Union, itself created by the four original Council members as a partial successor to the dissolved French regional colonial federation of French West Africa.

Since 1966 the Council has possessed a permanent administrative Secretariat based in Abidjan, the largest city of Ivory Coast. A Mutual Aid and Loan Guarantee Fund exists to assist poorer members from a common pool.

International African Service Bureau

The International African Service Bureau (IASB) was a pan-African organisation founded in London in 1937 by West Indians George Padmore, C. L. R. James, Amy Ashwood Garvey, T. Ras Makonnen and Kenyan nationalist Jomo Kenyatta and Sierra Leonean labour activist and agitator I. T. A. Wallace-Johnson. Chris Braithwaite (also known as Jones), was Secretary of this organisation.The bureau emerged from the International African Friends of Abyssinia (Ethiopia) and intended to address issues relating to Africa and the African diaspora to the British general public. Similar in design and organization to the West African Youth League, the IASB also sought to inform the public about the grievances faced by those in colonial Africa and created a list of desired reforms and freedoms that would help the colonies. The bureau also hoped to encourage new African trade unions to affiliate themselves with the British labour movement. To further its interest, it held weekly meetings at Hyde Park, where members discussed labor strikes in the Caribbean and Ethiopia. It also supplied speakers to branches of the Labour Party, trade unions and the League of Nations Union and provided questions to be asked in front of Parliament regarding legislation, working conditions and trade union regulations.The IASB journal, International African Opinion, was edited by C. L. R. James.The organisation lasted until about 1945.

Maafa

Maafa, African Holocaust, Holocaust of Enslavement, or Black Holocaust are political neologisms popularized from 1998 onwards and used to describe the history and ongoing effects of atrocities inflicted on African people, particularly when committed by non-Africans (Europeans and Arabs to be exact, specifically in the context of the history of slavery, including the Arab slave trade and Atlantic slave trade) and argued as "continued to the present day" through imperialism, colonialism and other forms of oppression. For example, Maulana Karenga (2001) puts slavery in the broader context of the Maafa, suggesting that its effects exceed mere physical persecution and legal disenfranchisement: the "destruction of human possibility involved redefining African humanity to the world, poisoning past, present and future relations with others who only know us through this stereotyping and thus damaging the truly human relations among peoples".

Monrovia Group

The Monrovia Group, sometimes known as the Monrovia bloc, officially the Conference of Independent African States, was a short-lived, informal association of African states with a shared vision of the future of Africa and of Pan-Africanism in the early 1960s. Its members believed that Africa's independent states should co-operate and exist in harmony, but without political federation and deep integration as supported by its main rival, the so-called Casablanca Group. In 1963, the two groups united to establish a formal, continent-wide organisation, the Organisation for African Unity.

The alliance first met on 8–12 May 1961 in Monrovia, the capital of Liberia, one of its leading countries. Other members included Nigeria and most of Francophone Africa, including Senegal and Cameroon. Their approach was more moderate and less radical than that of the Casablanca Group. Its leaders stressed the importance of Africa's newly independent states retaining their autonomy and strengthening their own bureaucracies, militaries and economies. They promoted nationalism, the creed that each nation of Africa should be self-governing, over Pan-Africanism, the belief that the whole continent should seek ever closer union and integration of their politics, society, economy and so on.

The Monrovia Group's ideas ultimately prevailed. In 1963, states from both groups joined to create the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). Its Charter places the principles of independent statehood, non-interference and national sovereignty at its heart. The OAU's pursuit of integration was minimal and its opposition to continental federation unequivocal. The OAU, like its successor the African Union (AU), is a reflection of the more nationalist values of the Monrovia Group and a repudiation of the more supra-national ideas of the Casablanca Group.

Movement for Justice in Africa

Movement for Justice in Africa (MOJA) is a leftist pan-African political organization that is mostly active in Liberia, with chapters in Ghana and The Gambia. It was founded in 1973 by Togba Nah Tipoteh, who is to this day its president. Early members included Henry Boimah Fahnbulleh, Dew Tuan-Wreh Mason, Amb. Conmany B. Wesseh Sr currently a senator representing River Gee County. Amos Sawyer, who served as President of the Interim Government of National Unity (IGNU) in 1990-94, and Kukoi Samba Sanyang, a Gambian revolutionary who had been one of the leaders of a coup attempt in Banjul in 1981.

MOJA played a pivotal role in the struggle for social justice and democracy in Liberia. Through its sensitization work in the 1970s, it raised national political consciousness to an unprecedentedly high level, radicalizing the mass of urban and rural poor and sections of the military. The heightened political consciousness and the agitation it precipitated led to the collapse of the settler oligarchy which had ruled Liberia in a manner not unlike colonialism for over a century.

MOJA has waned in significance in recent years. But in early 2007, efforts aimed at reviving the movement were initiated.

MOJA participates in elections under the name Liberian People's Party.

Pan-African colours

The Pan-African colours are: green, gold (not yellow, despite its appearance), and red (inspired by the flag of Ethiopia).

Red, black, and green are the colours of Black Nationalism, which should not be taken for a symbol of Pan-Africanism. It is often confused as such, given the political tendency’s support of Black self-determination.They are used in flags and other emblems of various countries and territories in Africa and the Americas to represent Pan-Africanist ideology. The Rastafarian movement and many Pan-African organisations also often employ the colours for their activities.

Pan African Film Festival

Pan African Film Festival (PAFF) is a non-profit corporation in Los Angeles, California, that states its goal to promote "cultural understanding among peoples of African descent" through exhibiting art and film. It hosts a film festival and an arts festival in Los Angeles in February of each year. The Los Angeles Times in 2013 called the film festival "the largest black film festival" in the United States.

People's National Convention (Ghana)

The People's National Convention is a political party in Ghana.

At the elections held on 7 December 2004, the party was part of the Grand Coalition, which won four out of 230 seats. Edward Mahama, candidate of the Grand Coalition, won 1.9% of the vote at the presidential elections. At the December 2008 elections, the party won two seats in Parliament. For the fourth time in a row, Edward Mahama was the presidential candidate. He received 0.8% of the vote. Hassan Ayariga was elected in 2011 by the party to stand in the 2012 presidential election. Ayariga received 0.22% of the vote.The party elected new officials in 2015, with Edward Mahama becoming its presidential candidate and General Secretary Bernard Mornah becoming the Chairman.The new National Treasurer is now Akane Adams who is taken over from his predecessor David Apasera, a former member of Parliament for Bolga Central.

People's National Party (Ghana)

The People's National Party (PNP) was the ruling party in Ghana during the Third Republic (1979-1981).

All political parties in Ghana were disbanded following the January 1972 military coup led by Col. Ignatius Kutu Acheampong. When political activities resumed in 1979, there were five parties contesting the elections. The People's National Party (PNP) claimed to represent the Nkrumah heritage.

In elections held on 18 June 1979, PNP presidential candidate Hilla Limann won 35.3% of the vote and the party won 71 of 140 seats in the National Assembly. Limann won 62% of the vote in a 9 July run-off against Victor Owusu of the Popular Front Party (PFP). He took office as President of Ghana on 24 September 1979.

Revolutionary Black Panther Party

The Revolutionary Black Panther Party or RBPP is a revolutionary pan-Africanist organization, advocating for black nationalism. The Revolutionary Black Panther Party, claims continuity of the Black Panther Party of the 1960s, as their leader Dr. Alli Muhammad MS, PhD, MD (title, Chief-General-In-Command), was raised a member. In 1992 the RBPP was officially named and has been carrying on with its started aims of "protecting and defending our people against genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity, the Black African Holocaust and race war waged against people of African descent."

Its stated "military mission" is to Feed, clothe, shelter, train and defend the people. Currently, the RBPP has over 20 social and community programs throughout the United States and around the world e.g. Free Breakfast Programs, Medical Programs, Health clinics, Political Education, Schools, Family Stability programs, Domestic Violence Prevention, Substance Abuse programs, Child Abuse programs, Nutrition, Community Cleanup, Self-Defense and many other programs.

The RBPP patterns itself as the Party of action, proactivity and results, instead of rhetoric, rabble-rousing and sensationalism.

United States of Africa

The United States of Africa is a proposed concept for a federation of some or all of the 55 sovereign states on the continent of Africa. The concept takes its origin from Marcus Garvey's 1924 poem "Hail, United States of Africa".

United States of Latin Africa

The United States of Latin Africa (French: États-Unis de l'Afrique latine, Portuguese: Estados Unidos da África Latina, Spanish: Estados Unidos de África Latina) was the proposed union of Romance-language-speaking Central African countries envisioned by Barthélémy Boganda. Boganda first called for it in May 1957.The countries to be part of this large federal entity were Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, Burundi, the Republic of Congo, the Central African Republic, Chad, French-speaking parts of Cameroon, Gabon, and Equatorial Guinea. The idea's implementation was cut short by Boganda's death in a plane crash on March 29, 1959. Boganda viewed this entity to be a counterweight to the powerful British-influenced southern bloc of South Africa and the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland.The idea of the United States of Latin Africa was criticised by Richard Wright in a special introduction to French readers of a translation of his book White Man, Listen!, on the basis that Latin Africa meant Catholic Africa, and that it would create a religious division against secular, English-speaking Africa, which he called Protestant Africa. According to Wright, these ideas reflected only the attitudes of those Africans educated in France or Britain, the dominant European powers of that time. He called instead for a Pan-African approach.

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