National Romanian Fascio

The National Romanian Fascio (Romanian: Fascia Națională Română) was a small fascist group that was active in Romania for a short time during the 1920s.

Led by Titus Panaitescu Vifor, the group emerged from the short-lived National Fascist Party in 1921 and, at its peak, had around 1,500 members. It defined itself as national socialist, although generally it pursued a policy of corporatism, land reform and support for the creation of agricultural cooperatives.[1] It was critical of capitalism and also espoused antisemitism.[2] The movement's main areas of influence were Western Moldavia, Bukovina, and Banat.[3]

The party merged with the National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economical Movement in 1923 to form the National Fascist Movement, although a small rump movement carried on, with little significance. Both groups shared a close affinity to Italian fascism which facilitated their merger.[4]

F-swastika of the National Romanian Fascio
Swastika-and-letter-F symbol of the National Romanian Fascio

External links

  1. ^ Stanley G. Payne, A History of Fascism 1914-45, Routledge, 2001, p. 136
  2. ^ F.L. Carsten, The Rise of Fascism, Methuen & Co, 1974, p. 184
  3. ^ Chronology of Romanian Fascism Archived 2005-11-24 at the Wayback Machine
  4. ^ R. Ioanid , 'Romania', RJB Bosworth, The Oxford Handbook of Fascism, Oxford University Press, 2009, pp, 402-3
Democratic Nationalist Party (Romania)

The Democratic Nationalist Party or Nationalist Democratic Party (Romanian: Partidul Naționalist-Democrat, PND) was a political party in Romania, established by historian Nicolae Iorga (who was also its longest-serving leader) and jurist A. C. Cuza. Its support base was in the lower reaches of the Romanian middle class, and, especially through Cuza's ideology, it reflected the xenophobia, economic antisemitism, and producerism of that particular environment. The PND was a weak challenge to the mainstream political forces, either conservative or liberal, failing in its bid to become Romania's third-strongest party. By 1916, it was effectively split between Iorga's moderates and Cuza's radicals, suspending its activity for the remainder of World War I.

The PND reemerged as a significant force in Greater Romania, after November 1918. It frequently changed names and refined its official stance, becoming closely aligned with Iorga's evolving ideas on society and politics. During the early 1920s, it trailed to the left of the political spectrum, caucusing with the Peasants' Party, and supporting a "Democratic Bloc" coalition against the National Liberals; its far-right faction seceded and became the National-Christian Defense League. Around 1925, the PND itself returned to national conservatism, briefly merging with the Romanian National Party, and, through it, the National Peasants' Party. It reemerged in 1926 with an agenda supporting technocracy and corporatism, and was brought to power in 1931, when King Carol II appointed Iorga as Prime Minister.

The PND and its allies attempted to tackle the Great Depression with controversial measures such as debt relief, and the government was voted out of office in the 1932 elections. Iorga's version of middle-class nationalism faded into political insignificance with the advent of fascist movements, in particular the Iron Guard; his own growing support for authoritarianism led him to dissolve the PND in 1938, when he and other cadres joined Carol's National Renaissance Front. He participated in the clampdown against the Iron Guard, which led to his killing in 1940.

The PND was revived clandestinely during World War II, with Petre Topa at its helm. In this final part of its existence, it joined up with liberal and socialist forces in opposing the Ion Antonescu dictatorship. It supported the coup of August 1944, and afterward enjoyed a brief existence as a legal party, before merging into the National Liberal Party–Tătărescu. From ca. 1950, Topa and various former PND affiliates were imprisoned by the Romanian communist regime, while others were recovered and enjoyed high favor.

Elena Bacaloglu

Elena A. Bacaloglu, also known as Bakaloglu, Bacaloglu-Densusianu, Bacaloglu-Densușeanu etc. (Francized Hélène Bacaloglu; December 19, 1878 – 1947 or 1949), was a Romanian journalist, literary critic, novelist and fascist militant. Her career in letters produced an introduction to the work of Maurice Maeterlinck (1903), several other critical essays, and two novels. She married and divorced writer Radu D. Rosetti, then Ovid Densusianu, the Symbolist poet and literary theorist.

Bacaloglu lived most of her later life in the Kingdom of Italy, where she affiliated with the literary and political circles. Her subsequent work included campaigns for Pan-Latinism and Romanian irredentism. This second career peaked upon the close of World War I, when Bacaloglu became involved with Italian fascism. Introduced to Benito Mussolini and Benedetto Croce, she helped transplant fascism on Romanian soil. Her National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economic Movement was a minor and heterodox political party, but managed to earn attention with its advocacy of political violence.

This classical Romanian fascist movement merged into the more powerful National Romanian Fascio, then reconstructed itself under Bacalogu's own leadership. It survived the troubles of 1923, but was disbanded by government order in 1925, and was entirely eclipsed by the Iron Guard. Shunned by Mussolini, Bacaloglu lived her final decades in relative obscurity, enmeshed in political intrigues. Her fascist ideas were taken up by some in her family, including her brother Sandi and her son Ovid O. Densusianu.

National Socialist Party (Romania)

The National Socialist Party (formally Nationalist-Socialist Party of Romania; Romanian: Partidul Național-Socialist din România, PNSR) or Steel Shield (Pavăza de Oțel) was a mimetic Nazi political party, active in Romania during the early 1930s. It was led by Colonel Ștefan Tătărescu, the brother of Gheorghe Tătărescu (twice Prime Minister of Romania during that interval), and existed around the newspaper Crez Nou. One of several far-right factions competing unsuccessfully against the Iron Guard for support, the group made little headway, and existed at times as a satellite of the National-Christian Defense League.

The PNSR proposed a program of corporatism and statism, promising a basic income, full employment, and limits on capitalist profits. It was anticommunist generally, and in particular anti-Soviet, circulating the theory of Jewish Bolshevism while describing its own program as the alternative, "positive", socialism. The party also claimed for itself the banner of Christianity, which it associated with calls for social reorganization and the expulsion or segregation of Romanian Jews. Its Germanophilia and antisemitism were supplemented by shows of support for the policies of King Carol II.

The PNSR's ideological stance, exotic in its Romanian context, found favor in Nazi Germany, notably from Alfred Rosenberg. Overall, the PNSR failed in its bid to establish a pan-fascist alliance in Romania, and, despite being nativist, functioned as a magnet for Transylvanian Saxons, Bessarabia Germans, and Russian émigrés. Tătărescu was received officially by his German patrons, who also provided the PNSR with funds, but eventually dropped by them for his unpopularity and alleged corruption. In late 1933, under the antifascist Prime Minister Ion G. Duca, the party was repressed.

Tătărescu exercised some influence over his brother's government in 1934, helping to steer the country away from its traditional alliances, but failed in his attempt to obtain arms deals for Germany. Disavowed by both its Nazi backers and Gheorghe Tătărescu, the party moderated its stances, then disappeared from the political scene in July 1934. Later that decade, the Colonel was involved with the Nationalist Soldiers' Front, which borrowed the PNSR's symbols. The PNSR Saxon chapter, under Fritz Fabritius, reemerged as the German People's Party in 1935.

Romanian nationalism

Romanian nationalism is the nationalism which asserts that Romanians are a nation and promotes the cultural unity of Romanians.

Ukrainian Workers' Party of Romania

The Ukrainian Workers' Party of Romania (Ukrainian: Партія українських працюючих Румунії,Romanian: Partidul muncitorilor ucrainieni din România), also known as Vyzvolennia (Ukrainian: Визволення, "Liberation"; Romanian: Vîzvolenia), was a Romanian left-wing political organisation, active primarily in northern Bukovina, which militated for workers' and minority rights, and whose stated ultimate goal was uniting those areas of Romania with Ukrainian majority with the neighbouring Soviet Ukraine. Created in 1929 by members of the underground Communist Party of Bukovina and a major part of the Ukrainian section of the International Social Democratic Party, Vyzvolennia was associated throughout its existence with the Worker-Peasant Bloc, a front organisation for the then-illegal Communist Party of Romania. In spite of harassment from the Romanian authorities, the organisation was able to obtain several electoral gains in the late 1920s and early 1930s, including electing one of its members to the Parliament of Romania on the Bloc's list. Crackdown followed soon afterwards, with the party banned and most of its leadership imprisoned. Driven underground, the organisation ultimately disbanded in 1934.

Social democratic, socialist,
and communist
Fascist, corporatist,
and far right
Ethnic minority

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