The Mozambican Civil War was a civil war fought in Mozambique from 1977 to 1992. Like many regional African conflicts during the late twentieth century, the Mozambican Civil War possessed local dynamics but was also exacerbated greatly by the polarizing effects of Cold War politics. The war was fought between Mozambique's ruling Marxist Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO) and anti-communist insurgent forces of the Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO).
RENAMO opposed FRELIMO's attempts to establish a socialist one-party state, and was heavily backed by the anti-communist governments in Rhodesia and South Africa. For their part, the Rhodesian and South African defence establishments used RENAMO as a proxy to undermine FRELIMO support for militant nationalist organisations in their own countries. Over one million Mozambicans were killed in the fighting or starved due to interrupted food supplies; an additional five million were displaced across the region. The Mozambican Civil War destroyed much of Mozambique's critical rural infrastructure, including hospitals, rail lines, roads, and schools. FRELIMO's security forces and RENAMO insurgents were accused of committing numerous human rights abuses, including using child soldiers and salting a significant percentage of the countryside indiscriminately with land mines. Three neighboring states—Zimbabwe, Tanzania, and Malawi—eventually deployed troops into Mozambique to defend their own vested economic interests against RENAMO attacks.
The Mozambican Civil War ended in 1992, following the collapse of Soviet and South African support for FRELIMO and RENAMO, respectively. Direct peace talks began around 1990 with the mediation of the Mozambican Church Council and the Italian government; these culminated in the Rome General Peace Accords which formally ended hostilities. As a result of the Rome General Peace Accords, RENAMO units were demobilised or integrated into the Mozambican armed forces and the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) was formed to aid in postwar reconstruction. Tensions between RENAMO and FRELIMO flared again between 2013 and 2018, prompting the former to resume its insurgency.
|Mozambican Civil War|
|Part of the Cold War|
Victim of land mines set up during the war.
ZANU (until 1979)|
Zimbabwe (from 1980)
Malawi (from 1987)
FRM (merged with RENAMO in 1982)
Rhodesia (until 1979)
South Africa(from 1978)
|Commanders and leaders|
Samora Machel †|
André Matsangaissa †|
|Casualties and losses|
296 soldiers and 24 pilots killed (1984–1990)
99 soldiers killed
|Total killed: 1,000,000+ (including from famine)|
Portugal fought a long and bitter counter-insurgency conflict in its three primary African colonies—Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau—from the 1960s to the mid-1970s, when they finally received independence following the Carnation Revolution. In Mozambique, the armed struggle against colonial rule was spearheaded by the Front for the Liberation of Mozambique (FRELIMO), which was initially formed in exile but later succeeded in wresting control of large sections of the country from the Portuguese. FRELIMO drew its initial base of support primarily from Mozambican migrant workers and expatriate intellectuals who had been exposed to the emerging popularity of anti-colonial and nationalist causes overseas, as well as the Makonde and other ethnic groups in northern Mozambique, where Portuguese influence was weakest. The bulk of its members were drawn from Makonde workers who had witnessed pro-independence rallies in British-ruled Tanganyika. In September 1964, FRELIMO commenced an armed insurgency against the Portuguese. Its decision to take up arms was influenced by a number of internal and external factors, namely the recent successes of indigenous anti-colonial guerrilla movements in French Indochina and French Algeria, as well as encouragement from contemporary African statesmen such as Ahmed Ben Bella, Gamal Abdel Nasser, and Julius Nyerere. FRELIMO guerrillas initially received training primarily in North Africa and the Middle East in countries such as Algeria, with the Soviet Union and People's Republic of China providing military equipment.
Portugal responded by embarking on a massive buildup of military personnel and security forces in Mozambique. It also established close defence ties with two of Mozambique's neighbours, Rhodesia and South Africa. In 1970, the Portuguese launched Operation Gordian Knot, which was initially successful at eliminating large numbers of FRELIMO guerrillas and their support bases in the north of the country; however, the redeployment of so many Portuguese troops to northern Mozambique allowed FRELIMO to intensify its operations elsewhere in the country. The following year, Portugal established an informal military alliance with Rhodesia and South Africa known as the Alcora Exercise. Representatives from the defence establishments of the three countries agreed to meet periodically to share intelligence and coordinate operations against militant nationalist movements in their respective countries. Simultaneously, FRELIMO also pursued close relations with the latter; for example, by 1971 it had cultivated an alliance with the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). ZANLA insurgents were permitted to infiltrate Rhodesia from FRELIMO-held territory. During the late 1960s, the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA) also took advantage of the gradual disintegration of Portuguese military control in Mozambique to begin infiltrating South Africa from that territory.
In April 1974, Portugal's longstanding Estado Novo political order was dismantled as a result of the Carnation Revolution. The revolution also brought to power a military junta known as the Armed Forces Movement, which was committed to divesting itself of the colonies and ending the increasingly costly African wars. The turmoil in the metropole was mirrored by increasing instability in Mozambique and a further weakening of Portugal's grip on its East African colony. Various new political parties were formed in Mozambique, including several by FRELIMO splinter factions, during the following months in anticipation of multi-party elections. However, FRELIMO insisted on being recognised as the sole legitimate representative of the new Mozambican nation.. It rejected proposals for multi-party elections and took advantage of the chaos in the Portuguese military establishment to intensify its guerrilla campaign. In early September 1974, Portugal announced it was acceding to FRELIMO's request. No elections were going to be held in Mozambique; instead, after a nine-month transition period, the positions of local government would simply be handed to FRELIMO officials.
The Portuguese decision to effect a transfer to power to FRELIMO, without a local referendum or elections, was greeted with intense trepidation by Portugal's traditional Cold War allies: South Africa, Rhodesia, and the United States. The US government predicted that an independent Mozambique under the direction of FRELIMO would be heavily influenced by the Soviet bloc. Black opposition movements in South Africa declared that they would bring FRELIMO officials to address rallies being held near Durban, Johannesburg, and at the University of Northern Transvaal. The South African authorities banned the demonstrations, but activists proceeded anyway in defiance of the police. By the end of the year, sixty people had been arrested for organising pro-FRELIMO rallies..
In Mozambique, the announcement sparked an uprising by right-wing elements in the white population, joined by disgruntled veterans of the colonial army and some black Mozambicans outraged by FRELIMO's pending unilateral assumption of power. The rebels appealed to South Africa and Rhodesia for military assistance to preempt the installation of a FRELIMO government. However, South African prime minister B. J. Vorster was unwilling to intervene, fearing condemnation from the international community for any interference with the decolonisation process in a neighbouring country. Rhodesian prime minister Ian Smith was more sympathetic to the rebels' cause but felt that he would unable to act without the guarantee of South African support. The uprising was eventually crushed after four days by an unlikely coalition of Portuguese and FRELIMO forces.
The independence of Mozambique and Angola in 1975 challenged white minority rule in Southern Africa. Firstly, the independence wars in Angola and Mozambique demonstrated that even with great military resources it was virtually impossible for a small white minority to guarantee the safety of its members, let alone to exert control over a mobilised and agitated population outside of major power centres. The downfall of Portuguese colonial rule gave hope to black liberation struggles in the then apartheid South Africa and Rhodesia. Second, in both countries revolutionary socialist movements gained power. These movements had been cooperating with the black liberation movements in South Africa and Rhodesia, and continued to openly support them, offering them a safe haven from where they could coordinate their operations and train new forces. As President Machel put it in a speech in 1975: "The struggle in Zimbabwe is our struggle".
The independence of Mozambique was especially devastating for white-ruled Rhodesia in multiple aspects. The Rhodesian armed forces lacked the manpower to effectively protect its 800-mile border with Mozambique against entering ZANLA insurgents. At the same time, the apartheid government and the Smith regime lost Portugal as an ally and with it the tens of thousands of soldiers that had been deployed in the Portuguese colonial wars. Additionally Rhodesia used Mozambican ports as their primary means for imports and exports, with over 80% of all imports passing through Maputo and Beira into the heavily sanctioned country. The loss of these ports after President Machel declared sanctions against the country further weakened the already fragile economy of Rhodesia and angered the Ian Smith regime.
Thus with the South African and Rhodesian white minority government position severely weakened by the events of 1974/75 both governments sought to undermine the newly independent countries and to shatter FRELIMO's goal of building the first, non-racial socialist state in Southern Africa. The countries capacity to support national liberation movements also concerned South Africa and Rhodesia and both countries sought for a first strike strategy to counter this new threat. This manifested itself in the Rhodesia-sponsored foundation of RENAMO, then called the Mozambique National Resistance (MNR), in 1974 and in South Africa's adoption of the "Total National Strategy".
Soon after independence, FRELIMO begun Mozambique's transformation into a socialist one-party-state. This was accompanied by crackdowns on dissidents and the nationalisation of important economic facilities abandoned by fleeing Portuguese. Numerous political parties sprung up virtually overnight and vied for power with FRELIMO. Many of these parties were made up of dissidents and traitors of FRELIMO such as Uria Simango and Lazaro Nkavandame, both of whom were prominent FRELIMO dissidents who had been part of breakaway movements such as COREMO and UNAR. Both men were arrested and convicted in a public trial before Samora Machel before being sent to re-education camps. Simango was reportedly later extrajudicially executed whilst Nkavandame reportedly died of natural causes.
Furthermore, the nationalisation of many formerly Portuguese-owned enterprises, fear of a retaliation against Whites, and an ultimatum to either accept Mozambican citizenship or leave the country within 90 days, drove the majority of the 370,000 White Portuguese Mozambicans out of the country. As the Portuguese left some purposefully sabotaged the economy in acts of spite, stealing profits from factories, driving tractors into the sea and pouring cement into sewers. This resulted in the country being bankrupt on independence, resulting in ensuing economic chaos, as only few Africans had received higher education or even primary education under Portuguese rule with over 95% of the population illiterate. 
As a revolutionary Marxist party, FRELIMO embarked on overturning traditional, tribal governance structures that grew extensively under the Portuguese colonial rule in an effort to counter regionalism and tribalism to build a single, national identity. Shortly after independence many local chiefs were ousted and removed from positions of power and many dissidents were imprisoned in re-education camps. Another source of conflict was the continuation of the aldeamento system that the Portuguese had introduced as a means of exerting control and inhibiting contact between the population and the rebels. It coerced thousands of peasants to move into communal villages and communal farms where they were given food, water and healthcare, but lacked adequate tools and money to farm effectively. FRELIMO hoped that this system would enable the fulfilment of its ambitious agricultural development goals, but the implementation often alienated parts of the rural population, whom FRELIMO had popular support from during the independence struggle. This was especially the case in central and northern Mozambique, where households are traditionally separated by considerable distances.
From 1975 to 1979, Rhodesian troops and forces repeatedly entered into Mozambique in order to carry out operations against supposed ZANLA (Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army) bases tolerated on Mozambican territory by the FRELIMO government and to destabilise the FRELIMO government directly. These included the bombing of the Beira Port in 1979 and the occupation of the town of Mapai in 1977. During one such raid, Rhodesian forces freed FRELIMO ex-official André Matsangaissa from a re-education camp. He was given military and organisational training and installed as the leader of the fledgling movement known as the Mozambique Resistance, which had been founded by the Rhodesian secret service before the independence of Mozambique in 1975 as an intelligence gathering group on FRELIMO and ZANLA. It was created in Salisbury, Rhodesia under the auspices of Ken Flower, head of the Rhodesian CIO, and Orlando Cristina with long experience in Africa. RENAMO subsequently started operating in the Gorongosa region in order to destabilise the FRELIMO government and its support for the ZANLA liberation movement. However, in 1979 Matsangaissa died in RENAMO's unsuccessful first attack on a major regional centre (Vila Paiva) and RENAMO was quickly ousted from the region. Subsequently, Afonso Dhlakama was installed as the new leader of RENAMO and with extensive South African support it quickly organised itself into an effective guerilla army..
Having fought the Portuguese using guerrilla strategies, FRELIMO was now forced to defend itself against the very same methods it employed against the colonial regime. It had to defend vast areas and hundreds of locations, while RENAMO operated out of a few remote camps, carrying out raids against towns and important infrastructure. Furthermore, RENAMO systematically forced civilians into its employment. This was done by mass abduction and intimidation, especially of children in order to use them as soldiers. It is estimated that one-third of RENAMO forces were child soldiers. But abducted people also had to serve RENAMO in administrative or public service functions in the areas it controlled. Another way of using civilians for military purposes was the so-called system of "Gandira". This system especially affected the rural population in areas controlled by RENAMO, forcing them to fulfill three main tasks: 1) produce food for RENAMO, 2) transport goods and ammunition, 3) in the case of women, serve as sex slaves. Despite RENAMO'S alleged goals of freeing Mozambique from 'Machelist Communism' RENAMO never established a political program that proposed an alternative to FRELIMO, nor anyone in the role of a political leader throughout the war.
Both sides heavily relied on the use of land mines; FRELIMO as a means to defend important infrastructure, RENAMO in order to terrify the populace, stall the economy and destroy the civil services, roads, schools and health centres.
Thus, despite its far superior numbers, FRELIMO was unable to adequately defend most regions except the most important cities by the mid-1980s. RENAMO was able to carry out raids virtually anywhere in the country except for the major cities. Transportation had become a perilous business. Even armed convoys were not safe from RENAMO attacks and were frequently attacked.
FRELIMO reacted by reusing a system similar to the fortified villages aldeamentos introduced by the Portuguese: the creation of fortified communal villages called aldeamentos comunais where much of the rural population was relocated as the war intensified. Furthermore, in order to keep a minimum level of infrastructure working, three heavily guarded and mined corridors were established consisting of roads, railways and power lines: the Beira, the Tete (also called the Tete Run which speaks for itself regarding its safety) and the Limpopo Corridor. Despite extensive fortification along these corridors they were frequently subject to attacks, bombings of the railway line and locomotives along the Beira Corridor cost the FRELIMO government millions as it struggled to provide adequate food and services and put strains on its ally Zimbabwe.
FRELIMO initially received substantial military and development aid from the Soviet Union and East Germany but later received support from France, the UK and the U.S. In the U.S., conservative circles lobbied for the U.S Government to provide open support to RENAMO but were opposed by the State Department, which finally gained the upper hand following the publication of numerous, detailed reports which documented RENAMO's brutality. RENAMO received extensive military and logistical support from Rhodesia and South Africa as well as organisational support from West Germany.
In 1982, landlocked Zimbabwe directly intervened in the civil war in order to secure its vital transport routes in Mozambique, stop cross-border RENAMO raids, and help its old ally FRELIMO. Zimbabwe's help became crucial to the defence of the corridors, particularly the important Beira corridor. Later Zimbabwe became engaged further, carrying out several joint operations with FRELIMO against RENAMO strongholds. Thus RENAMO had to give up its base camps in the Gorongosa area. Tanzania also sent troops to back FRELIMO. North Korea, the German Democratic Republic and the Soviet Union also armed and trained FRELIMO forces, with the North Koreans establishing a Military Mission in Mozambique during the early 1980s North Korean advisers were instrumental in the formation of FRELIMO's first specialized counter-insurgency brigade, which was deployed from 1983 onward. and the GDR providing military assistance and training members of the Mozambican FPLM in the GDR.
Malawi had a complicated relationship with both FRELIMO and RENAMO. During the mid-1980s, FRELIMO repeatedly accused Malawian president Hastings Banda of providing sanctuary for RENAMO insurgents. Mozambican security forces occasionally carried out raids into Malawi to strike at suspected RENAMO base camps in that country, a practice which brought them into direct confrontation with the Malawian Defence Force. In 1986, Malawi bowed to Mozambican pressure and expelled 12,000 RENAMO insurgents. Banda explicitly turned against RENAMO after the disgruntled insurgents began targeting a vital rail line which linked Blantyre to Mozambican ports on the Indian Ocean coast. Beginning in April 1987 the Malawian government deployed troops into Mozambique to defend the rail line, where they were involved in a number of engagements with RENAMO.
After 1980, South Africa became RENAMO's main supporter. The FRELIMO government, led by President Machel, was economically devastated by the war and sought to end the conflict and continue the development of Mozambique. Even the military and diplomatic support with the socialist bloc could not alleviate the nation's economic misery and famine as a result of the war. After negotiations, a reluctant Machel signed a non-aggression pact with South Africa, known as the Nkomati Accord. In return, Pretoria promised to stop assistance to the MNR in exchange for FRELIMO's commitment to prevent the ANC from using Mozambique as a sanctuary to pursue its campaign to overthrow white minority rule in South Africa. Following a May 1983 car bombing in Pretoria, the South Africans bombed the capital, declaring they had killed 41 'ANC Terrorists' while in actuality killing three workers at a jam factory in Maputo. With the economy in shambles, Machel was forced to scale back some of the more ambitious socialist policies; in a visit to Western Europe that same month, Machel signed military and economic agreements with Portugal, France, and the UK. Collective and state agricultural programs were also scaled back, prompting concerns from the socialist bloc that Mozambique was "moving straight and naively into the mouth of the evil capitalist wolf". The volume of direct South African government support for RENAMO diminished slightly after Nkomati Accord, but documents discovered during the capture of RENAMO headquarters at Gorongosa in central Mozambique in August 1985 revealed that the South African Army had continued and extended its already extensive logistical, communication and military support for RENAMO. FRELIMO, meanwhile, fully honoured its side of the deal to expel violent ANC members from its territory and to downgrade the ANC's presence in the south of the country.
By the end of the 1980s neither side was able to win the war through direct military means. The intense military pressure on RENAMO had resulted in numerous setbacks for the but FRELIMO failed to finish off the bandits. Whilst incapable of capturing or securing any large cities, it was still able to terrorise the rural areas and smaller settlements at will. FRELIMO retained control of the urban areas and the corridors, but was unable to effectively protect the countryside from RENAMO bandits. FRELIMO was also unable to pin down RENAMO and force it into a direct full-scale confrontation.
On 19 October 1986, President Machel died when his presidential aircraft crashed near South Africa's border under mysterious circumstances. A South African sponsored investigation alleged that the crash was caused by errors made by the flight crew, a conclusion that was not universally accepted. Subsequent investigations have failed to reach a conclusion and the accident remains surrounded by conspiracy theories. Machel's successor was Joaquim Alberto Chissano, who had served as foreign minister from 1975 until Machel's death. Chissano continued Machel's policies of expanding Mozambique's international ties, particularly the country's links with the West, and starting programs of internal economic and military reforms.
During the war, hundreds of thousands of people died from famine, particularly the devastating famine of 1984. The famine was attributable to the weather conditions at the time but was significantly worsened by the conflict between RENAMO and FRELIMO.
Despite the massive scale and organised manner in which war crimes and crimes against humanity had been committed during the Mozambican civil war, so far not one RENAMO or FRELIMO commander has appeared before a war crimes tribunal of any sort. This is due to the unconditional general amnesty law for the period from 1976 to 1992 passed by the parliament (then still composed entirely of FRELIMO members) in 1992. Instead of receiving justice, victims were often urged to forget.
RENAMO systematically committed war crimes and crimes against humanity as part of its destabilization strategy. These include mass killing, rape and mutilation of non-combatants during terroristic raids on villages and towns, the use of child soldiers and the employment of the Gandira system, based upon forced labour and sexual violence. Often women would be apprehended while out in the fields, then raped as a means to boost troop morale. Gandira caused widespread starvation among the rural population due to the little time left to produce food for themselves. This caused more and more persons to be physically unable to endure the long transportation marches demanded from them. Refusing to participate in Gandira or falling behind on the marches resulted in severe beating and often execution. Flight attempts were also punished harshly. One particularly gruesome practice was the mutilation and killing of children left behind by escaped parents. RENAMO's brutal tactics quickly earned it a searing resentment and hate among most Mozambicans who referred to them as "Armed Bandits" and endorsed beatings against them, even pressuring the military into a public execution of four RENAMO rebels in 1983.
RENAMO crimes gained worldwide public attention when RENAMO soldiers butchered 424 civilians, including the patients of a hospital, with guns and machetes during a raid on the rural town of Homoine. This incident prompted an investigation into RENAMO methods by US-State Department consultant Robert Gersony, which finally put an end to conservative ambitions for US-government support for RENAMO. The report concluded that RENAMO's actions in Homoine did not significantly differ from the tactics it normally employed in such raids. These methods are described in the report in the following way:
The attack stage was sometimes reported to begin with what appeared to the inhabitants to be the indiscriminate firing of automatic weapons by a substantial force of attacking RENAMO combatants. […] Reportedly the Government soldiers aim their defensive fire at the attackers, while the RENAMO forces shoot indiscriminately into the village. In some cases refugees perceived that the attacking force had divided into three detachments: one conducts the military attack; another enters houses and removes valuables, mainly clothing, radios, food, pots and other possessions; a third moves through the looted houses with pieces of burning thatch setting fire to the houses in the village. There were several reports that schools and health clinics are typical targets for destruction. The destruction of the village as a viable entity appears to be the main objective of such attacks. This type of attack causes several types of civilian casualties. As is normal in guerrilla warfare, some civilians are killed in crossfire between the two opposing forces, although this tends in the view of the refugees to account for only a minority of the deaths. A larger number of civilians in these attacks and other contexts were reported to be victims of purposeful shooting deaths and executions, of axing, knifing, bayoneting, burning to death, forced drowning and asphyxiation, and other forms of murder where no meaningful resistance or defense is present. Eyewitness accounts indicate that when civilians are killed in these indiscriminate attacks, whether against defended or undefended villages, children, often together with mothers and elderly people, are also killed. Varying numbers of civilian victims in each attack were reported to be rounded up and abducted [...].
Thus it appears the only difference between the Homoine massacre and RENAMO's usual methods was the size of the operation. Normally RENAMO would choose smaller, easier targets instead of attacking a town defended by some 90 government soldiers. According to the Gersony Report, RENAMO's transgressions were far more systematic, widespread and grave than FRELIMO's: the refugees interviewed for the Gersony Report attributed 94% of the murders, 94% of the abductions and 93% of the lootings to RENAMO. However, this conclusion has been disputed by the French Marxist scholar Michel Cahen, who states that both sides were equally to blame:
There can be no doubt that the war was largely one fought against civilians... I am also convinced that the war was equally savage on both sides, even if the total domination of the media by FRELIMO for the 15 years of the war has led even those most desirous of remaining objective to attribute the majority of the atrocities to RENAMO. The people themselves were not duped: they attributed various acts of banditry and certain massacres to "RENAMO 1," but others to "RENAMO 2" – the euphemistic term for FRELIMO soldiers and militiamen acting on their own.
FRELIMO soldiers also committed serious war crimes during the civil war. FRELIMO forced people into its employment and conscription periods often extended beyond what the law allowed. Living in the communal villages became mandatory in certain provinces. However, in some areas, cultural norms required households to live at some distance apart from each other. Therefore, many people preferred living in the countryside despite the risk of RENAMO assaults and raids. Thus people would often be forced into the communal villages at gunpoint by FAM-soldiers or their Zimbabwean allies. As a local recalls:
I never wanted to leave my old residence and come to the communal village. Even with the war, I wanted to stay where I had my land and granaries. Ever since a long time ago, we never lived with so many people together in the same place. Everyone must live in his own yard. The Komeredes [Zimbabwean soldiers] came to my house and said that I should leave my house and go to the communal village where there were a lot of people. I tried to refuse and then they set fire to my house, my granaries, and my fields. They threatened me with death and they told me and my family to go forward. Inside the communal village we lived like pigs. It was like a yard for pigs. We were so many people living close to each other. If someone slept with his wife everyone could listen to what they were doing. When we went to the fields or to the cemeteries to bury the dead, the soldiers had to come behind and in front of us. When the women went to the river to wash themselves, the soldiers had to go too and they usually saw our women naked. Everything was a complete shame inside that corral. Usually to eat, we had to depend on humanitarian aid, but we never knew when it would arrive. It was terrible; that is why many people used to run away from the communal village to their old residences where RENAMO soldiers were, although it was also terrible there.
Rape also became a widespread and problematic practise of FRELIMO soldiers. However, it was far less frequent and lacked the institutionalised quality of sexual violence carried out by RENAMO.
As part of a series of measures following independence, FRELIMO introduced "reeducation camps" to which petty criminals, political opponents, and alleged anti-social elements such as prostitutes were sent, oftentimes without trial due to a lack of judges. Despite these accusations President Machel made numerous visits to various camps and released about 2,000 detainees in 1980 and closed numerous camps due to human rights abuses. The government was also accused of executing thousands of people while trying to extend its control throughout the country.
In 1990, with the Cold War in its closing days, apartheid crumbling in South Africa, and support for RENAMO drying up in South Africa, the first direct talks between the FRELIMO government and RENAMO were held. FRELIMO's new draft constitution in July 1989 paved the way for a multiparty system, and a new constitution was adopted in November 1990. Mozambique was now a multiparty state, with periodic elections, and guaranteed democratic rights.
On 4 October 1992, the Rome General Peace Accords, negotiated by the Community of Sant'Egidio with the support of the United Nations, were signed in Rome between President Chissano and RENAMO leader Afonso Dhlakama, which formally took effect on 15 October 1992. A UN peacekeeping force (UNOMOZ) of 7,500 arrived in Mozambique and oversaw a two-year transition to democracy. 2,400 international observers also entered the country to supervise the elections held on 27–28 October 1994. The last UNOMOZ contingents departed in early 1995. By then out of a total population of 13-15 million at the time, the Mozambican civil war had caused about one million deaths, displaced 5.7 million internally and resulted with 1.7 million refugees.
HALO Trust, a de-mining group funded by the US and UK, began operating in Mozambique in 1993, recruiting local workers to remove land mines scattered throughout the country. Four HALO workers were killed in the subsequent effort to rid Mozambique of land mines, which continued to cause as many as several hundred civilian injuries and fatalities annually for years after the war. In September 2015, the country was finally declared to be free of land mines, with the last known device intentionally detonated as part of a ceremony.
In mid-2013, after more than twenty years of peace, the RENAMO insurgency was renewed, mainly in the central and northern regions of the country. On 5 September 2014, former president Armando Guebuza and the leader of RENAMO Afonso Dhlakama signed the Accord on Cessation of Hostilities, which brought the military hostilities to a halt and allowed both parties to concentrate on the general elections to be held in October 2014. Yet, following the general elections, a new political crisis emerged and the country appears to be once again on the brink of violent conflict. RENAMO does not recognise the validity of the election results, and demands the control of six provinces – Nampula, Niassa, Tete, Zambezia, Sofala, and Manica – where they claim to have won a majority.
On 20 January 2016, the Secretary General of RENAMO, Manuel Bissopo, was injured in a shootout, where his bodyguard died. However, a joint commission for the political dialogue between the President of the Republic, Filipe Nyusi, and RENAMO leader, Afonso Dhlakama, was eventually set up and a working meeting was held. It was a closed-door meeting that scheduled the beginning of the previous points that would precede the meeting between the two leaders. 
The 5th Brigade was an infantry brigade of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA). The 5th Brigade was created in 1981 from three former battalions of the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA). It later incorporated over 3,000 ex-ZANLA guerrillas from various units. The brigade was based in Gweru and participated in the Mozambican Civil War as well as a controversial domestic operation known as Gukurahundi which targeted disgruntled former Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) guerrillas and their supporters.The 5th Brigade was reactivated in 2006 following a prolonged period of inactivity.Estas são as armas
Estas são as armas, These are the Guns, is a Mozambican 1978 documentary film.Ethnic Chinese in Mozambique
Ethnic Chinese in Mozambique once numbered around five thousand individuals, but their population fell significantly during the Mozambican Civil War. After the return of peace and the expansion of Sino-Mozambican economic cooperation, their numbers have been bolstered by new expatriates from the People's Republic of China.List of companies of Mozambique
Mozambique, officially the Republic of Mozambique, is a country in Southeast Africa. The economy of Mozambique has developed since the end of the Mozambican Civil War (1977–1992), but the country is still one of the world's poorest and most underdeveloped. The resettlement of civil war refugees and successful economic reform have led to a high growth rate: the country enjoyed a remarkable recovery, achieving an average annual rate of economic growth of 8% between 1996 and 2006 and between 6%–7% from 2006 to 2011. Also, more than 1,200 state-owned enterprises (mostly small) have been privatised. Preparations for privatisation and/or sector liberalisation are underway for the remaining parastatal enterprises, including telecommunications, energy, ports, and railways.doneList of heads of the National Resistance Government of Mozambique
The National Resistance Government of Mozambique was in place from the start of the civil war against the central government of Mozambique in 1975 until an accord was reached with the government on 9 October 1992.People's Republic of Mozambique
The People's Republic of Mozambique (Portuguese: República Popular de Moçambique) was a socialist state that existed in present day Mozambique from 1975 to 1990.
The People's Republic of Mozambique was established when the country gained independence from Portugal in June 1975 and the Mozambique Liberation Front ("FRELIMO") established a one-party socialist state led by Samora Machel. After a few years of peaceful development it quickly became engaged in a deadly war of destabilisation with the Mozambique National Resistance ("MNR"), a pseudo-guerrilla anti-communist movement created and initially financed by Rhodesia (present-day Zimbabwe), but later supplanted by the then apartheid regime of South Africa, who continued to support and finance the group until the signing of the Rome General Peace Accords in 1992.The People's Republic of Mozambique enjoyed close relations with the People's Republic of Angola, the Soviet Union, and the German Democratic Republic, which were socialist states at the time. The People's Republic of Mozambique was also an observer of the COMECON ("Council for Mutual Economic Assistance"), which was an economic organisation of socialist states. However in its final years the People's Republic sought rapprochement with the United States of America, the International Monetary Fund and West Germany after the death of Samora Machel and the beginning of economic reforms under Joaquim Chissano.
Geographically The People's Republic of Mozambique is the exact same as the present day Republic of Mozambique, located on the southeast coast of Africa. Bordered by Swaziland (Eswatini) to the south, South Africa to the southwest, Zimbabwe to the west, Zambia and Malawi to the northwest, Tanzania to the north and the Indian Ocean to the east.RENAMO
The Mozambican National Resistance (RENAMO; Portuguese: Resistência Nacional Moçambicana) is a militant organization and political movement in Mozambique. Sponsored by the Rhodesian Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO), it was founded in 1975 as part of an anti-communist backlash against the country's ruling FRELIMO party.
Initially led by André Matsangaissa, a former senior official in FRELIMO's armed wing, the movement had its roots in a menagerie of anti-FRELIMO dissident groups which mushroomed immediately prior and shortly following Mozambican independence, as well as South African and Rhodesian attempts to encourage these competing interests. It is clear that RENAMO's ranks were bolstered by Mozambican political exiles who genuinely opposed FRELIMO in principle, and a number of others who were conscripted by force. On 4 October 1992, FRELIMO and RENAMO signed the Rome General Peace Accords, ending the Mozambican Civil War.
Critics of RENAMO frequently decried the movement as a "proxy army" of Rhodesia and later, of South Africa's apartheid government. It has been theorised that RENAMO was formed for the sole purpose of combating Mozambican support for Rhodesian insurgents. On the other hand, RENAMO was also reflective of FRELIMO's own splintering support base and dwindling popularity in the post-independence era. Following the war it has been responsible for promoting constitutional reform as well as a strong domestic private sector.Matsangaissa, who died in 1979, was succeeded by Afonso Dhlakama, who lead the organization until his death in 2018.Rome General Peace Accords
The Rome General Peace Accords (Português): Acordo Geral de Paz (General Peace Accord)) between the Mozambican Civil War parties, the FRELIMO (government) and the RENAMO (rebels), put an end to the Mozambique Civil War. It was signed on October 4, 1992. Negotiations preceding in began in July 1990. They were brokered by a team of four mediators, two members of the Community of Sant'Egidio, Andrea Riccardi and Matteo Zuppi, as well as Bishop Jaime Gonçalves and Italian government representative Mario Raffaelli. The delegation of the Frelimo was headed by Armando Guebuza (who went on to become President of Mozambique), the delegation of the Renamo was headed by Raul Domingos. The accords were then signed by the then president of Mozambique, Frelimo leader Joaquim Chissano and by the leader of the Renamo, Afonso Dhlakama.
Renamo declared on 21 October 2013 that they were annulling the peace accord as a result of a government attack on their baseUnited Nations Security Council Resolution 782
United Nations Security Council resolution 782, adopted unanimously on 13 October 1992, after welcoming the Rome General Peace Accords signed on 4 October 1992, in Rome between the FRELIMO (government) and RENAMO (rebel) parties in the Mozambican Civil War, the Council approved the appointment of an interim Special Representative and the deployment of up to 25 military observers to Mozambique. The Special Representative was an Italian, Aldo Ajello.The resolution also welcomed an agreement by the President of Mozambique Joaquim Chissano and the President of RENAMO in which the two sides accepted the role of the United Nations in monitoring and guaranteeing the Rome Accords. It then expressed the Council's expectation of a future report by the Secretary-General on the establishment of a United Nations Operation in Mozambique, which was officially established in Resolution 797.United Nations Security Council Resolution 797
United Nations Security Council resolution 797, adopted unanimously on 16 December 1992, after reaffirming Resolution 782 (1992), the Council decided to establish the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) as proposed by the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali in line with the peace agreement for Mozambique.The Council requested the Secretary-General in planning and executing the deployment of the Operation to seek economies through phased deployment, with an initial mandate ending on 31 October 1993. It also demanded the Government of Mozambique and RENAMO to co-operate with the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and ONUMOZ, respecting the ceasefire and guaranteeing their safety.
ONUMOZ's mandate was to monitor disarmament, demobilisation, reintegration of the armies and irregular military and monitor the withdrawal of foreign forces. It would also authorise arrangements to protect vital infrastructure, United Nations personnel, election monitors and international operations, and monitor Mozambique's police, reporting human rights abuses. The first members of ONUMOZ arrived in early 1993.The resolution then invited the Secretary-General to consult closely with all the parties on the precise timing of and preparations for the presidential and legislative elections as well as on a precise timetable for the implementation of the other major aspects of the Agreement, including demobilisation, and to report back to the Council no later than 31 March 1993.
Resolution then requested Member States to contribute personnel, equipment and to activities in support of the peace agreement.United Nations Security Council Resolution 818
United Nations Security Council resolution 818, adopted unanimously on 14 April 1993, after reaffirming resolutions 782 (1992) and 797 (1992) on the situation in Mozambique, the Council stressed its concern regarding the delays and difficulties affecting the implementation of the peace process envisaged in the Rome General Peace Accords during the Mozambican Civil War.
The resolution called upon the Government of Mozambique and RENAMO to co-operate with the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali and the Special Representative during the implementation of the mandate of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), and further urged both to comply with the commitments they entered into with the Peace Accords, particularly in relation to the concentration, assembly and demobilisation of their armed troops and the formation of a new armed forces. In this respect, it called for the training of the new Mozambican Defence Force as soon as possible.Further addressing the two parties, the resolution welcomed the announcement of both to convene as soon as possible a meeting between the President of Mozambique and the President of RENAMO and at the same time appealed to RENAMO to ensure uninterrupted functioning of the joint Commissions and monitoring mechanisms and for both parties to respect the ceasefire and allow freedom of movement and goods. It also called for the freedom of movement of ONUMOZ, welcomed the Secretary-General's intention to deploy the peacekeeping force and stressed the importance of the early signature of the status of forces agreement between the Government of Mozambique and the United Nations to facilitate free, efficient and effective operation of ONUMOZ in the country. The agreement was signed on 14 May 1993.The Council concluded by welcoming the efforts of Member States in Mozambique and requested the Secretary-General to submit, by 30 June 1993, a report on the situation in the country, including preparations for the elections and the demobilisation of Mozambican forces.United Nations Security Council Resolution 850
United Nations Security Council resolution 850, adopted unanimously on 9 July 1993, after reaffirming resolutions 782 (1992), 797 (1992) and 818 (1993) on the situation in Mozambique, the Council discussed the implementation of the Rome General Peace Accords and the formation of a new armed forces in the country.
The Council reiterated the importance it attached to the Peace Accords, but expressed concern at the delays in implementing some aspects of them. At the same time, it was encouraged by the ceasefire held between the Government of Mozambique and RENAMO, and welcomed the Status of Forces Agreement between Mozambique and the United Nations and the full deployment of the military components of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ). The withdrawal of troops from Malawi and Zimbabwe was also welcomed.
Tributes were paid to the Special Representative of the Secretary-General, to the Force Commander of ONUMOZ, and to the military and civilian personnel of ONUMOZ for their dedication to helping the people of Mozambique achieve democracy in the country. Progress in implementing the peace agreement was welcomed though there was concern about the delays in particular the contraction and demobilisation of troops, the formation of a new army unit and the preparation for elections to be held no later than October 1994. A scheduled meeting between the Mozambican government and RENAMO on those issues was welcomed. Both parties were urged to begin the contraction and demobilisation of their forces and military personnel to Nyanga, Zimbabwe and to dispatch the first newly trained elements of the Mozambican Defense Force.
The recommendation of the Secretary-General that ONUMOZ should chair the Joint Commission for the Formation of the Mozambican Defence Force was approved, urging co-operation by RENAMO and on the understanding that it would not entail any obligation on the part of the United Nations for training or establishing the new armed forces. The importance of establishing the Commission of State Administration was stressed, as was the application throughout the country of the provisions of the Rome General Peace Accords concerning public administration. Meanwhile, all foreign donations in support of the peace process were welcomed, in particular the contribution of Italy to the Trust Fund.
The resolution concluded by requiring the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali to report back by 18 August 1993, on the outcome of the discussions.United Nations Security Council Resolution 863
United Nations Security Council resolution 863, adopted unanimously on 13 September 1993, after reaffirming resolutions 782 (1992), 797 (1992), 818 (1993) and 850 (1993) on the situation in Mozambique, the Council discussed the implementation of the Rome General Peace Accords.The Security Council reiterated the importance of the General Peace Agreement for Mozambique and their timely implementation. It commended the efforts of the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, his Special Representative, the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) and welcomed the recent progress in the peace process and the specific agreement that resulted from direct talks between the President of Mozambique and of the group RENAMO. It was stressed that no conditions should be attached to the contraction and demobilisation of troops, or more time to gain concessions, and The resolution also expressed concern about the delay in implementing some important parts of the peace agreement and violations of the ceasefire.
The Council stressed that the General Peace Accords had to be respected and the need for elections to be held by October 1994. It insisted that the two parties immediately agree a timetable for the implementation of the agreement, stressing also the immediate assembly and demobilisation of troops, urging RENAMO to join the Government of Mozambique in this manner. Meanwhile, the progress Commission for the new Mozambican Defence Force in relation to the training of instructors in Nyanga, Zimbabwe and demining.
RENAMO and other political parties were then called to join with the Government of Mozambique in quickly agreeing on an election law which should include provisions for a national election commission, further calling on all parties to make the National Commission for Administration, the National Information Commission and the Police Affairs Commission operational. Agreements between both parties in Maputo concerning the reintegration into the state administration of all areas now under the control of RENAMO as well as on the request for monitoring of all police activities by the United Nations was praised. In this regard, the Secretary-General was asked to examine the proposal to monitor police activities while his intention to send a survey team of experts regarding a proposed United Nations police contingent was welcomed.The resolution concluded by urging both parties to ensure the momentum towards the full implementation of the Peace Accords is maintained, and the international community was urged to continue to provide humanitarian aid unimpeded by any party in Mozambique. The Secretary-General was requested to report back by 31 October 1993 on developments.United Nations Security Council Resolution 879
United Nations Security Council resolution 879, adopted unanimously on 29 October 1993, after reaffirming resolutions 782 (1992), 797 (1992), 818 (1993), 850 (1993) and 863 (1993) on the situation in Mozambique, the Council reiterated the importance of the Rome General Peace Accords and extended the mandate of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique for an interim period ending 5 November 1993.United Nations Security Council Resolution 882
United Nations Security Council resolution 882, adopted unanimously on 5 November 1993, after reaffirming resolutions 782 (1992) and subsequent resolutions on Mozambique, the Council noted, in addition to positive developments in the country, that some aspects of the Rome General Peace Accords had not been implemented.The Council urged the Government of Mozambique and RENAMO to fully implement the Peace Accords, affirming that it would contribute to peace and stability in the region. The indirect talks held by the Presidents of both parties satisfied the Council. The efforts of the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, his Special Representative and the personnel of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) were welcomed. At the same time, delays in implementing the accords caused concern, as did the unacceptability of attempts to gain more time or further concessions by either party.
Importance was attached to elections that were to be held by October 1994, welcoming the approval by the Mozambican parties of the revised timetable for the implementation of the Peace Accords. The parties were urged to commence assembly of troops in November 1993 and to initiate demobilisation by January 1994 with a view to completing of the process by May 1994. The formation of the Mozambican Defense Force and the full-scale training in Nyanga, Zimbabwe of troops from the Government and RENAMO. Guidelines for the Ceasefire Commission governing the movement of troops after the signature of the Peace Agreement were approved, underlining the need to establish the National Commission for Administration, the National Police Affairs Commission (COMPOL) and the Commission for Information (COMINFO).
The Secretary-General was authorised to deploy 128 United Nations police observers approved in Resolution 797 (1992) and it was important that the parties:
(a) approve an electoral law and establish an election commission by 30 November 1993;
(b) concentrate troops in assembly areas;
(c) demobilise half of troops by 31 March 1994;
(d) complete integration of forces by August 1994.The mandate of ONUMOZ was extended for a further six months until 5 May 1994, with the mandate being reviewed after 90 days on the basis of a report by the Secretary-General due by 31 January 1994 and every three months thereafter, concerning developments in the peace process. Finally, the international community was urged to provide appropriate and prompt assistance for the implementation of the humanitarian programme provided for by the Peace Accords. The parties were urged not to impede this process, urging co-operation with the UNHCR and the resettlement of refugees and displaced persons.United Nations Security Council Resolution 898
United Nations Security Council resolution 898, adopted unanimously on 23 February 1994, after reaffirming Resolution 782 (1992) and all subsequent resolutions on Mozambique, the Council discussed the implementation of the Rome General Peace Accords and established a 1,144 strong police component of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ).After reviewing the status of the ONUMOZ mission, the importance of the General Peace Agreement and its timely implementation by all parties was reiterated. Positive developments were welcomed though there were still some delays. A request by the Government of Mozambique and RENAMO was noted regarding observation of police activities and in this regard, the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali recommended the establishment of a police component of ONUMOZ with a view to reducing the military component.
A police component of up to 1,144 personnel was established. The Secretary-General was requested to prepare for the withdrawal of part of the military component and to draw plans for the completion of the ONUMOZ mandate by November 1994, when an elected government is in office. Timetables were also to be drawn for the withdrawal of military observers after demilitarisation had taken place and for the drawdown of military forces in the transportation corridors when the new national defence force was operational.
Recent positive developments including the commencement of the assembly of troops, dismantling of paramilitary militias, the electoral law and the appointment of the National Electoral Commission, were welcomed. At the same time there was concern at delays including the demobilisation and the formation of a national army. The two parties were called on to implement the peace agreement, and in particular the ceasefire and demobilisation and cantonment of forces. They were also asked to prepare for elections no later than October 1994.The international community was asked to help contribute to the demobilisation of troops and the training of the new defense army in Mozambique. It was also important to ensure the return of refugees and displaced persons. The Secretary-General was requested to ensure maximum economy in the operations of ONUMOZ, with the Council awaiting his next report on progress and the timetable by which ONUMOZ's mandate will be reviewed.United Nations Security Council Resolution 916
United Nations Security Council resolution 916, adopted unanimously on 5 May 1994, after reaffirming Resolution 782 (1992) and all subsequent resolutions on Mozambique, the Council decided to renew the mandate of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) for a final period ending 15 November 1994, and discussed the implementation of the Rome General Peace Accords.The Security Council recalled the importance of the General Peace Agreement (Rome General Peace Accords) for Mozambique and its timely implementation. Progress was welcomed in the country, particularly the announcement that elections would take place on 27 and 28 October, but concern was also expressed at the delay in implementing some parts of the agreements.
The Council welcomed the observance of the ceasefire, the beginning of demobilisation, transfer of arms to regional depots, the arrival of the high command and the beginning of training for the new army. The deployment of United Nations police observers was welcomed and all parties were called upon to cooperate with them, and allow ONUMOZ and the police unfettered access to the areas under their control, and to permit free political activity.
The announcement of election dates and establishment of an election commission and its provincial officies was welcomed by the Council. Concern was expressed at delays in the implementation of parts of the Accords with regards to demobilisation and the formation of the Mozambican Defense Forces. The President of Mozambique and RENAMO had agreed to accelerate the process. On 1 June, the forces were to be assembled and on 15 July the process of the demobilisation was to be completed. In this regard, the Council underlined the need for ONUMOZ to be fully informed of the process, have access to military bases and ensure that as many troops were trained before the elections as possible. Demining was also important for the Council, which welcomed the Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali's intention to accelerate the process.
There was also an appeal to the international community in the resolution, calling for financial, technical and humanitarian assistance, while the resettling of refugees and displaced persons was praised. After extending ONUMOZ's mandate, it noted it would be reviewed by 15 July 1994, based on a report by the Secretary-General.United Nations Security Council Resolution 957
United Nations Security Council resolution 957, adopted unanimously on 15 November 1994, after reaffirming Resolution 782 (1992) and all subsequent resolutions on Mozambique, the Council welcomed the recent elections on 27–29 October 1994 in accordance with the Rome General Peace Accords and extended the mandate of the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) until a new government took office, but no later than 15 December 1994, with a full withdrawal by 31 January 1995.The Security Council reiterated its intention to endorse the election results when the United Nations declared the vote to be free and fair, calling upon all Mozambican parties to accept the election results. The results were endorsed in Resolution 960. It further urged them to complete the process of national reconciliation with a multi-party democracy and observe democratic principles.
ONUMOZ and various civilian logisticians, mine clearance and training personnel, military specialists, staff officers and a small detachment of infantry were authorised to complete their residual operations prior to its withdrawal on or before 31 January 1995, in accordance with a timetable proposed by the Secretary-General. The Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali was required to submit a final report on the termination of ONUMOZ.United Nations Security Council Resolution 960
United Nations Security Council resolution 960, adopted unanimously on 21 November 1994, after reaffirming Resolution 782 (1992) and all subsequent resolutions on Mozambique, the Council welcomed and endorsed the recent elections on 27–29 October 1994 in accordance with the Rome General Peace Accords, noting a declaration that they were free and fair by the Special Representative of the Secretary-General.The Council called upon the Mozambican parties to accept the results, of which Joaquim Chissano of FRELIMO was elected, and to continue the process of national reconciliation on a system of multi-party democracy and observe democratic principles. All Member States and international organisations were urged to contribute to the reconstruction of Mozambique.
Mozambican Civil War
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