Mexican Spanish

Mexican Spanish (Spanish: español mexicano) is a set of varieties of the Spanish language as spoken in Mexico and in some parts of the United States and Canada.

Spanish was brought to Mexico in the 16th century. As in all other Spanish-speaking countries (including Spain), different accents and varieties of the language exist in different parts of the country, for both historical and sociological reasons. Among these, the varieties that are best known outside of the country are those of central Mexico—both educated and uneducated varieties—largely because the capital, Mexico City, hosts most of the mass communication media with international projection. For this reason, most of the film dubbing identified abroad with the label "Mexican Spanish" or "Latin American Spanish" actually corresponds to the central Mexican variety.

Mexico City was built on the site of Tenochtitlan, the capital of the Aztec Empire. Besides the Aztecs or Mexica, the region was home to many other Nahuatl-speaking cultures as well; consequently many speakers of Nahuatl continued to live there and in the surrounding region, outnumbering the Spanish-speakers, and the Spanish of central Mexico incorporated a significant number of Hispanicized Nahuatl words and cultural markers. At the same time, as a result of Mexico City's central role in the colonial administration of New Spain, the population of the city included a relatively large number of speakers from Spain, and the city and the neighboring State of Mexico tended historically to exercise a standardizing effect over the language of the entire central region of the country.

Mexican Spanish
Español mexicano
Native toMexico, United States
Native speakers
103 million (2014)[1]
L2: 7,080,000 in Mexico (2014)
Latin (Spanish alphabet)
Language codes
ISO 639-3


Español Mexicano
10 varieties of Mexican Spanish.
  Norteño del (Nor-)este (eastern northern variant)
  Norteño del (Nor-)oeste (western northern variant)
  Bajacaliforniano (peninsular northern variant)
  Western (western variant)
  Bajío (lowlands variant)
  Altiplano (central variant)
  Sureño Central (central southern variant)
  Costeño (coastal variant)
  Chiapaneco (south-eastern variant)[2]
  Yucateco (eastern peninsular variant)

The territory of contemporary Mexico is not coextensive with what might be termed Mexican Spanish. The Spanish spoken in the southernmost state of Chiapas, bordering Guatemala, resembles the variety of Central American Spanish spoken in that country, where voseo is used.[3] Meanwhile, to the north, many Mexicans stayed in Texas after its independence from Mexico, and their descendants continue to speak a variety of Spanish known as "Tex-Mex". And after the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo many Mexicans remained in the territory ceded to the U.S., and their descendants have continued to speak Spanish within their communities in Arizona, California, Colorado, New Mexico, Nevada, Utah, and Wyoming. In addition, the waves of 19th- and 20th-century migration from Mexico to the United States (mostly to the formerly Mexican area of the Southwest) have contributed greatly to making Mexican Spanish the most widely spoken variety of Spanish in the United States. The Spanish spoken in the Gulf coastal areas of Veracruz and Tabasco and in the states of Yucatan and Quintana Roo exhibits more Caribbean phonetic traits than that spoken in the rest of Mexico. And the Spanish of the Yucatán Peninsula is distinct from all other forms in its intonation and in the incorporation of Mayan words.

The First Mexican Empire comprised what is present-day El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Belize, and Honduras, aside from the mentioned present states of United States; thus dialects of Costa Rican, Guatemalan, Honduran, New Mexican, Nicaraguan, and Salvadoran Spanish were originally included in the dialects of Mexican Spanish.

Regarding the evolution of the Spanish spoken in Mexico, the Swedish linguist Bertil Malmberg[4] points out that in Central Mexican Spanish—unlike most varieties in the other Spanish-speaking countries—the vowels lose strength, while consonants are fully pronounced. Malmberg attributes this to a Nahuatl substratum, as part of a broader cultural phenomenon that preserves aspects of indigenous culture through place names of Nahuatl origin, statues that commemorate Aztec rulers, etc.[5] The Mexican linguist Juan M. Lope Blanch, however, finds similar weakening of vowels in regions of several other Spanish-speaking countries; he also finds no similarity between the vowel behavior of Nahuatl and that of Central Mexican Spanish; and thirdly, he finds Nahuatl syllable structure no more complex than that of Spanish.[6] Furthermore, Nahuatl is not alone as a possible influence, as there are currently more than 90 native languages spoken in Mexico,[7] and they all contribute to the diversity of accents found throughout the country. For example, the intonation of some varieties of Mexican Spanish is said to be influenced by that of indigenous languages, including some which are tone languages (e.g. Zapotec). The tonal patterns and overlengthening of the vowels in some forms of Mexican Spanish were particularly strong among mestizos who spoke one of the native Mexican languages as their first language and Spanish as a second language, and it continues so today.



The consonants of Mexican Spanish
  Labial Dental Alveolar Post-
Palatal Velar Glottal Labio-
Plosive p [p]
b, v [b]
t [t]
d [d]
  c, qu [k]
g, gu [ɡ]
cu []
gu, gü, hu [ɡʷ]
Approximant b, v [β] d [ð]   i, hi, ll, y [j] g, gu [ɣ] u, hu [w]
gu, gü, hu [ɣʷ]
Affricate   tl []
tz [ts]
ch []
ll, y []
ll, y [ɟʝ] ~ [ʝ]  
Fricative f [f] c, s, z [s]
s, z [z]
ch, x [ʃ] j, g, x [x] j, g, s, x [h] ju [] ~ []
Nasal m, n [m] n, m [n]   ñ, n [ɲ] n [ŋ]
Lateral l [l]
Trill   r, rr [r]    
Tap   r [ɾ]    


Due to influence from indigenous languages, such as Nahuatl, the set of affricates in Mexican Spanish includes a voiceless alveolar affricate [t͡s] and a voiceless alveolar lateral affricate [t͡ɬ], represented by the respective digraphs ⟨tz⟩ and ⟨tl⟩,[8] as in the words tlapalería [t͡ɬapaleˈɾia] ('hardware store') and coatzacoalquense [koat͡sakoalˈkense] ('from [the city of] Coatzacoalcos'). Even words of Greek and Latin origin with ⟨tl⟩, such as Atlántico and atleta, are pronounced with the affricate: [aˈt͡ɬãn̪t̪iko̞], [aˈt͡ɬe̞t̪a] (compare [aðˈlãn̪t̪iko̞], [aðˈle̞t̪a] in Spain and other dialects in Hispanic America).


In addition to the usual voiceless fricatives of other American Spanish dialects (/f/, /s/, /x/), Mexican Spanish also has the palatal sibilant /ʃ/,[8] mostly in words from indigenous languages—especially place names. The /ʃ/, represented orthographically as ⟨x⟩, is commonly found in words of Nahuatl or Mayan origin, such as Xola [ˈʃola] (a station in the Mexico City Metro). The spelling ⟨x⟩ can additionally represent the phoneme /x/ (also mostly in place names), as in México itself (/ˈmexiko/); or /s/, as in the place name Xochimilco—as well as the /ks/ sequence (in words of Greco-Latin origin, such as anexar /anekˈsar/), which is common to all varieties of Spanish. In many Nahuatl words in which ⟨x⟩ originally represented [ʃ], the pronunciation has changed to [x] (or [h])—e.g. Jalapa/Xalapa [xaˈlapa].

Regarding the pronunciation of the phoneme /x/, the articulation in most of Mexico is velar [x], as in caja [ˈkaxa] ('box'). However, in some (but not all) dialects of southern Mexico, the normal articulation is glottal [h] (as it is in most dialects of the Caribbean, the Pacific Coast, the Canary Islands, and most of Andalusia and Extremadura in Spain).[9] Thus, in these dialects, México, Jalapa, and caja are respectively pronounced [ˈmehiko], [haˈlapa], and [ˈkaha]. In dialects of Oaxaca, much of Chiapas and the southern Highland and interior regions, the pronunciation of /x/ is uvular [χ]. This is identical to the Mayan pronunciation of the dorsal fricative which, unlike the Spanish romanization ⟨x⟩, in Mayan languages is commonly represented orthographically by ⟨j⟩. (In Spanish spelling before the 16th century, the letter ⟨x⟩ represented /ʃ/; historical shifts have moved this articulation to the back of the mouth in all varieties of the language except Judaeo-Spanish.)

In Northern Western Mexican Spanish, Peninsular Oriental, Oaxaqueño and in eastern variants influenced by Mayan languages, [tʃ], represented by ⟨ch⟩, tends to be deaffricated to [ʃ], a phonetic feature typical of both Mayan languages and southwestern Andalusian Spanish dialects.

All varieties of Mexican Spanish are characterized by yeísmo: the letters ⟨ll⟩ and ⟨y⟩ correspond to the same phoneme, /j/.[10][11][12] That phoneme, in most variants of Mexican Spanish, is pronounced as either a palatal fricative [ʝ] or an approximant [j] in most cases, although after a pause it is instead realized as an affricate [ɟʝ ~ dʒ].

Also present in most of the interior of Mexico is the preservation (absence of debuccalization) of syllable-final /s/; this, combined with frequent unstressed vowel reduction, gives the sibilant /s/ a special prominence. This situation contrasts with that in the coastal areas, on both the Pacific and the Gulf Coastal sides, where the weakening or debuccalization of syllable-final /s/ is a sociolinguistic marker, reflecting the tension between the Mexico City norm and the historical tendency towards consonantal weakening characteristic of coastal areas in Spanish America. Dialects of both the Pacific and the Gulf Coast have received more influences from Andalusian and Canarian Spanish dialects.


Like most Spanish dialects and varieties, Mexican Spanish has five vowels: two high vowels (/i, u/), two mid vowels (/e, o/) and one open vowel (/a/).

A striking feature of Mexican Spanish, particularly that of central Mexico, is the high rate of reduction and even elision of unstressed vowels, as in [ˈtɾasts] (trastes, 'cooking utensils'). This process is most frequent when a vowel is in contact with the phoneme /s/, so that /s/+ vowel + /s/ is the construction when the vowel is most frequently affected.[13][14][15] It can be the case that the words pesos, pesas, and peces are pronounced the same [ˈpesəs]. The vowels are slightly less frequently reduced or eliminated in the constructions /t, p, k, d/ + vowel + /s/, so that the words pastas, pastes, and pastos may also be pronounced the same /ˈpasts/.


Mexican Spanish is a tuteante form of the language (i.e. using and its traditional verb forms for the familiar second person singular). The traditional familiar second person plural pronoun vosotros—in colloquial use only in Spain—is found in Mexico only in certain archaic texts and ceremonial language. However, since it is used in many Spanish-language Bibles throughout the country, most Mexicans are familiar with the form and understand it. An instance of it is found in the national anthem, which all Mexicans learn to sing: Mexicanos, al grito de guerra / el acero aprestad y el bridón.

Central Mexico is noted for the frequent use of diminutive suffixes with many nouns, adverbs, and adjectives, even where no semantic diminution of size or intensity is implied. Most frequent is the -ito/ita suffix, which replaces the final vowel on words that have one. Words ending with -n use the suffix -cito/cita. Use of the diminutive does not necessarily denote small size, but rather often implies an affectionate attitude; thus one may speak of "una casita grande" ('a nice, big house').

When the diminutive suffix is applied to an adjective, often a near-equivalent idea can be expressed in English by "nice and [adjective]". So, for example, a mattress (un colchón) described as blandito might be "nice and soft", while calling it blando might be heard to mean "too soft".

Frequent use of the diminutive is found across all socioeconomic classes, but its "excessive" use is commonly associated with lower-class speech.

More suffixes

In some regions of Mexico, the diminutive suffix -ito is also used to form affectives to express politeness or submission (cafecito, literally "little coffee"; cabecita, literally "little head"; chavito "little boy"), and is attached to names (Marquitos, from Marcos; Juanito, from Juan—cf. Eng. Johnny) denoting affection. In the northern parts of the country, the suffix -ito is often replaced in informal situations by -illo (cafecillo, cabecilla, morrillo, Juanillo).

The augmentative suffix -(z)ote is typically used in Mexico to make nouns larger, more powerful, etc. For example, the word camión, in Mexico, means bus; the suffixed form camionzote means "big or long bus". It can be repeated just as in the case of the suffixes -ito and -ísimo; therefore camionzotototote means "very, very, very big bus".

The suffix -uco or -ucho and its feminine counterparts -uca and -ucha respectively, are used as a disparaging form of a noun; for example, the word casa, meaning "house", can be modified with that suffix (casucha) to change the word's meaning to make it disparaging, and sometimes offensive; so the word casucha often refers to a shanty, hut or hovel. The word madera ("wood") can take the suffix -uca (maderuca) to mean "rotten, ugly wood".

Other suffixes include, but are not limited to: -azo as in carrazo, which refers to a very impressive car (carro) such as a Ferrari or Mercedes-Benz; -ón, for example narizón, meaning "big-nosed" (nariz = "nose"), or patona, a female with large feet (patas).


It is common to replace /s/ with /tʃ/ to form diminutives, e.g. IsabelChabela, José MaríaChema, Cerveza ("beer") → Cheve, ConcepciónConchita, Sin Muelas ("without molars") → Chimuela ("toothless"). This is common in, but not exclusive to, Mexican Spanish.


Typical of Mexican Spanish is an ellipsis of the negative particle no in a main clause introduced by an adverbial clause with hasta que:

  • Hasta que me tomé la pastilla se me quitó el dolor. (Until I took the pill, the pain did not go away.)

In this kind of construction, the main verb is implicitly understood as being negated.

Mexico shares with many other areas of Spanish America the use of interrogative qué in conjunction with the quantifier tan(to):[16]

  • ¿Qué tan graves son los daños? (How serious are the damages?) (Compare the form typical of Spain: "¿Hay muchos daños?" (Is there a lot of damage?))
  • ¿Qué tan buen cocinero eres? (How good a cook are you?) (Compare Spain's "¿Eres buen cocinero?" (Are you a good cook?))

It has been suggested that there is influence of indigenous languages on the syntax of Mexican Spanish (as well as that of other areas in the Americas), manifested, for example, in the redundant use of verbal clitics, particularly lo.

Mexican Spanish, like that of many other parts of the Americas, prefers the preposition por in expressions of time spans, as in

  • "Fue presidente de la compañía por veinte años" (He was the president of the company for twenty years)—compare the more frequent use of durante in Spain: "Fue presidente de la compañia durante veinte años."

A more or less recent phenomenon in the speech of central Mexico, having its apparent origin in the State of Mexico, is the use of negation in an unmarked yes/no question. Thus, in place of "¿Quieres...?" (Would you like...?), there is a tendency to ask "¿No quieres...?" (Wouldn't you like...?).


Mexican Spanish retains a number of words that are considered archaic in Spain.[17]

Also, there are a number of words widely used in Mexico which have Nahuatl, Mayan or other native origins, in particular names for flora, fauna and toponyms. Some of these words are used in most, or all, Spanish-speaking countries, like chocolate and aguacate ("avocado"), and some are only used in Mexico. The latter include guajolote "turkey" < Nahuatl huaxōlōtl [waˈʃoːloːt͡ɬ] (although pavo is also used, as in other Spanish-speaking countries); papalote "kite" < Nahuatl pāpālōtl [paːˈpaːloːt͡ɬ] "butterfly"; and jitomate "tomato" < Nahuatl xītomatl [ʃiːˈtomat͡ɬ]. For a more complete list see List of Spanish words of Nahuatl origin.

Other expressions that are unique to colloquial Mexican Spanish include:

  • ahorita: "soon; in a moment". Literally "right now". E.g. Ahorita que acabe, "As soon as I finish (this)". Considered informal.
  • bronca: "fight" or "problem". Literally "aggressive woman or girl, or wild female animal". Commonly used among young people.
  • bronco: "wild, untame". E.g. leche bronca: "unpasteurized milk".
  • camión: "bus"
  • chavo (chava); chamaco (chamaca); chilpayate: "a child, teen, or youngster". Also huerco (huerca), morro (morra), and plebe are used in northern Mexico. All these terms except chilpayate are also found in their diminutives: chavito, chamaquito, huerquito, morrito. Considered informal.
  • chequear/checar: "to check (verify)"
  • chichi(s): "breast(s)". From Nahuatl chīchīhualli [tʃiːtʃiːwɑlːi].Considered informal.
  • chido: "cool, attractive, fun, etc."
  • chingadera: "trash; crap". Considered vulgar.
  • cholo: In northern Mexico, equivalent to the English term gangsta; in the rest of Mexico, equivalent to the Spanish term pandillero ("hooligan", "gang member"), which refers to young slum-dwellers living in conditions of extreme poverty, drug dependency, and malnutrition.
  • durazno: "peach"
  • En un momento: "Just a minute", "Hold on a second", etc. Literally "in a moment".
  • escuincle: "a bratty child" or "squirt". From Nahuatl itzcuīntli [it͡skʷiːnt͡ɬi], "dog".
  • Este...: a filler word, similar to American English "um". Literally, "this". Also used in other countries.
  • güero: "light-haired and/or light-skinned person".
  • güey, wey or buey: "dude", "guy" (literally, "ox"). As an adjective, "dumb", "asinine", "moronic", etc. Not to be confused with "Huey" from the Aztec title "Huey Tlatoani", in which "Huey" is a term of reverence.
  • hablar con: "to talk with (on the telephone)". Used in place of the standard llamar.
  • macho: "manly". Applied to a woman (macha): "manly" or "skillful".
  • naco: "a low-class, boorish, foolish, ignorant and/or uneducated person". Pejorative.
  • Órale: (1) similar to English "Wow!" (2) "Okay". (3) Exclamation of surprised protest. Abbreviated ¡Ora! by low-class people in their uneducated variety. May be considered rude.
  • padre: used as an adjective to denote something "cool", attractive, good, fun, etc. E.g. Esta música está muy padre, "This music is very cool." Literally, "father".
  • pedo: "problem" or "fight". Literally "fart". Also, in a greeting, ¿Qué pedo, güey? ("What's up, dude?"). As an adjective, "drunk", e.g. estar pedo, "to be drunk". Also the noun peda: "a drunken gathering". All forms are considered vulgar for their connection to pedo, "fart".
  • pelo chino: "curly hair".[18] The word chino derives from the Spanish word cochino, "pig".[18] The phrase originally referenced the casta (racial type) known as chino, meaning a person of mixed indigenous and African ancestry whose hair was curly.[18] Sometimes erroneously thought to be derived from Spanish chino, "Chinese".[18]
  • pinche: "damned", "lousy", more akin to "freaking". E.g. Quita tu pinche musica de aquí. ("Take your lousy music from here"). As a noun, literally, "kitchen assistant". Considered vulgar.
  • popote: "drinking straw". From Nahuatl popōtl [popoːt͡ɬ], the name of a plant from which brooms and drinking straws are made, or the straws themselves.
  • rentar: "to rent"
  • ¿Cómo la ves?: "What do you think about it?" Literally "How do you see it?"
  • ¡Híjole!: An exclamation, used variously to express surprise, frustration, etc. From hijo de... ("son of a..."). Also ¡Híjoles!.
  • ¿Mande?: "Beg your pardon?". From mandar, "to order", formal command form. ¿Cómo? (literally "How?"), as in other countries, is also in use. The use of ¿Qué? ("What?") on its own is sometimes considered impolite, unless accompanied by a verb: ¿Qué dijiste? ("What did you say?").
  • ¿Qué onda?: "What's up?". Literally, "What's the vibe?".

Most of the words above are considered informal (e.g. chavo(a), padre, güero, etc.), rude (güey, naco, ¿cómo (la) ves?, etc.) or vulgar (e.g. chingadera, pinche, pedo) and are limited to slang use among friends or in informal settings; foreigners need to exercise caution in their use. In 2009, at an audience for the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding between Mexico and the Netherlands, the then Crown Prince of the Netherlands, Willem-Alexander, made a statement to the audience with a word which, in Mexican Spanish, is considered very vulgar. Evidently oblivious to the word's different connotations in different countries, the prince's Argentine interpreter used the word chingada as the ending to the familiar Mexican proverb "Cámaron que se duerme se lo lleva la corriente" (A sleeping shrimp is carried away by the tide), without realizing the vulgarity associated with the word in Mexico. The prince, also unaware of the differences, proceeded to say the word, to the bemusement and offense of some of the attendees.[19]

Similar dialects

New Mexico Spanish has many similarities with an older version of Mexican Spanish. The small amount of Spanish spoken in the Philippines has traditionally been influenced by Mexican Spanish (as the territory was initially administered for the Spanish crown by Mexico City and later controlled by Acapulco). Chavacano, a Spanish-based creole language in the Philippines, is based on Mexican Spanish. To outsiders, the accents of nearby Spanish-speaking countries in northern Central America, such as El Salvador and Guatemala, might sound similar to those spoken in Mexico, especially in central and southern Mexico.

Influence of Nahuatl

The Spanish of Mexico has had various indigenous languages as a linguistic substrate. Particularly significant has been the influence of Nahuatl, especially in the lexicon. However, while in the vocabulary its influence is undeniable, it is hardly felt in the grammar field. In the lexicon, in addition to the words that originated from Mexico with which the Spanish language has been enriched, such as tomate "tomato," hule "rubber," tiza "chalk," chocolate "chocolate," coyote "coyote," petaca "flask," etcetera; the Spanish of Mexico has many Nahuatlismos that confer a lexical personality of its own. It can happen that the Nahuatl word coexists with the Spanish word, as in the cases of cuate "buddy" and amigo "friend," guajolote "turkey" and pavo "turkey," chamaco "kid" and niño "boy," mecate "rope" and reata "rope," etc. On other occasions, the indigenous word differs slightly from the Spanish, as in the case of huarache, which is another type of sandal; tlapalería, hardware store, molcajete, a stone mortar, etc. Other times, the Nahuatl word has almost completely displaced the Spanish, tecolote "owl," atole "cornflour drink," popote "straw," milpa "cornfield," ejote "green bean," jacal "shack," papalote "kite," etc. There are many indigenismos "words of indigenous origin" who designate Mexican realities for which there is no Spanish word; mezquite "mesquite," zapote "sapota," jícama "jicama," ixtle "ixtle," cenzontle "mockingbird," tuza "husk," pozole, tamales, huacal "crate," comal "hotplate," huipil "embroidered blouse," metate "stone for grinding," etc. It should be noted that the strength of the Nahuatl substrate its influence is felt less each day, since there are no new contributions.

  • Frequently used Nahuatlismos: aguacate "avocado," cacahuate "peanut," cacao "cocoa," coyote "coyote," cuate "buddy," chapulín "chapulin, chicle "gum," cocholate "chocolate," ejote "bean," elote "corn," huachinango "huachinango," guajolote "turkey," hule "rubber," jitomate "tomato," mayate "Mayan," mecate "rope," milpa "milpa," olote "olote," papalote "kite," petaca "flask" (per suitcase), piocha "piocha," zopilote "buzzard."
  • Moderately frequent Nahuatlismos: ajolote "axolotl," chichi "boob" (for female breast), jacal "shack," xocoyote "youngest child," tecolote "owl," tianguis "street market," tlapalería "hardware store," zacate "grass."
  • Purépechismos or Tarasquismos: huarache "sandal," jorongo "poncho," cotorina "jerkin," saricua "saricua," tacuche "bundle of rags," achoque "achoque," corunda "corunda," pirecua "pirecua."
  • Other non-Mexican indigenismos: arepa "flatbread corn," butaca "armchair," cacique "chief, headman," caimán "alligator," canoa "canoe," coatí "coati," colibrí "hummingbird," chirimoya "custard apple," naguas "rags," guayaba "guava," huracán "hurricane," iguana "iguana," jaguar "jaguar," jaiba "crab," jefén "jefen," loro "parrot," maguey "agave," maíz "corn," mamey "mammee," maní "peanut," ñame "yam," ñandú "rhea," papaya "papaya," piragua "canoe," puma "puma," tabaco "tabacco," tapioca "tapioca," yuca "cassava."

The influence of Nahuatl on phonology seems restricted to the monosyllabic pronunciation of diagraphs -tz- and -tl- (Mexico: [a.'t͡ɬan.ti.ko] / Spain : [ad.'lan.ti.ko]), and to the various pronunciations of the letter -x-, coming to represent the sounds [ks], [gz], [s], [x] and [ʃ]. In the grammar, one can cite as influence of Nahuatl the extesive use of diminutives: The most common Spanish diminutive suffix is -ito/-ita. English examples are –y in doggy or -let in booklet. [20] [21] It can also be cited as influence of Nahuatl the use of the suffix -Le to give an emphatic character to the imperative. For example: brinca "jump" -> bríncale "jump," come "eat" -> cómele "eat," pasa "go/proceed" -> pásale "go/proceed," etc. This suffix is considered to be a crossover of the Spanish indirect object pronoun -le with the Nahua excitable interjections, such as cuele "strain."[22] However, this suffix is not a real pronoun of indirect object, since it is still used in non-verbal constructions, such as hijo "son" -> híjole "damn," ahora "now" -> órale "wow,""¿que hubo?" "what's up?" -> quihúbole "how's it going?," etc.

Although the suffix -le hypothesis as influence of Nahuatl has been widely questioned; Navarro Ibarraa (2009) finds another explanation about -le intensifying character. The author warns that it is a defective dative clitic; instead of working as an indirect object pronoun, it modifies the verb. An effect of the modification is the intransitive of the transitive verbs that appear with this -le defective (ex. moverle "to move" it is not mover algo para alguien "to move something for someone" but hacer la acción de mover "to make the action of moving"). [23] This intensifier use is a particular grammatical feature of the Mexican Spanish variant. In any case, it should not be confused the use of -le as verbal modifier, with the different uses of the pronouns of indirect object (dative) in the classical Spanish, as these are thoroughly used to indicate in particular the case genitive and the ethical dative. In what is considered one of the founding documents of the Spanish language, the poem of Mio Cid written around the year 1200, you can already find various examples of dative possessive or ethical. [24]

Influence of English

Mexico has a border of more than 2,500 kilometers with the United States. It receives every year a major influx of American and Canadian tourists. Hundreds of thousands of Mexicans go to work temporarily or permanently in the neighboring country. A population of almost 57 million Latinos in the U.S., more than 63% is of Mexican origin, ie more than 36 million people. [25] English is the most studied foreign language in Mexico and the third most spoken after Spanish and the native languages taken together. [26] Indeed, the current of anglicisms, that is, English words incorporated into Spanish, is continuously increasing. There are a lot of English words that are used in both America and Spain: filmar "film," béisbol "baseball," club "club," cóctel "cocktail," líder "leader," cheque "check," sándwich "sandwich," etc. But in the Mexican Spanish other anglicisms are used that are not used in all Spanish-speaking countries. In this case, they are: bye, ok, nice, cool, checar "check," hobby, fólder "folder," overol "overalls," suéter "sweater," réferi "refrigerator," lonchería "lunch bag," clóset "closet," maple "maple syrup," baby shower, etc.

In the northern region of Mexico and the southern United States, especially in the border states, Spanish incorporates common English words: troca (truck), lonche (lunch), yonque (junkyard).

The center of Hispanic Linguistics of UNAM carried out a number of surveys in the project of coordinated study of the cultured linguistic norm of main cities of Ibero-America and of the Iberian Peninsula. The total number of anglicisms was about 4% in those made to Mexican speakers of urban norms. [27]However, this figure includes anglicisms who permeated the general Spanish long ago and not particularize national speech, such as nailon "nylon", dólar "dollar," ron "rum," vagón "wagon" and others.

The results of this research are summarized in:

  • Lexical loans are mostly recorded in the morphological class of the noun.
  • Anglicisms in general use: O.K. (/oquéi/), bye (/bai/), rating or reiting, clic "click," basquetbol "basketball," bat, béisbol "baseball," box(eo) "boxing," cácher "catcher," claxon "horn," clip, clóset "closet," clutch, coctel "cocktail," champú o shampoo (shampú), cheque "check," smoking or esmoquin, exprés "express," fútbol "football," gol "goal," hit (o/xit/), jonrón (home), jeep, jet, nocaut o knockout, líder "leader," mitin "rally," nailon o nylon, overol "overalls," panqué "pancakes," pay (for English foot), pudín "pudding," baby shower, reversa "reverse," rin (?), raund or round, set, strike (stráik o estráik), suéter "sweater," pants, tenis (tennis shoes), supermercado "fresh market," fólder "folder," vallet parking, tenis o tennis, and güisqui o whisk(e)y.
  • Frequent Anglicisms: bar, bermudas (for bermuda shorts), bistec "steak," chequera "checkbook," jockey, DJ (diyei, disk jockey), short, show, sport (type of clothing), swtich.
  • Moderately used Anglicisms: barman "waiter," King/Queen size, grill, manager, penthouse, pullman, strapless, ziper or zipper.

Some examples of syntactic anglicisms, which coexist with the common variants, are:

  • Using the verb apply/applying. ("Apliqué" a esa universidad", Applied to that university, instead of "Postulé" a esta universidad", Apply to this university)
  • Using the verb to consume with suppose. ("Asumo que sí va a ir a la fiesta", I assume he is going to the party, instead of "Supongo que sí va a ir a la fiesta", I guess he will go to the party)
  • Using the verb access with access to. ("Accesa a nuestra página de internet", Access to our website, instead of "Accede a nuestra página de internet", Access our website).

See also


  1. ^ Spanish → Mexico at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015)
  2. ^ Similar to Central American Spanish in border zones and on low-class speakers.
  3. ^ "VoseoEnMexico-Chiapas.pdf". Scribd. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  4. ^ Not to be confused with the poet Bertil F. H. Malmberg.
  5. ^ Malmberg (1964:227–243); rpt. Malmberg 1965: 99-126 and Malmberg 1971: 421-438.
  6. ^ Lope Blanch (1967:153–156)
  7. ^ "Clasificación de lenguas indígenas", Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática, n.d., p. 2.
  8. ^ a b Lope Blanch (2004:29)
  9. ^ Canfield, D[elos] Lincoln (1981), Spanish Pronunciation in the Americas
  10. ^ This same phoneme is rendered as /y/ by many authors, including Canfield and Lipski, using the convention of the Revista de Filología Española.
  11. ^ Canfield (1981:62)
  12. ^ Lipski (1994:279)
  13. ^ Canfield (1981:61)
  14. ^ Cotton & Sharp (1988:154–155)
  15. ^ Lope Blanch (1972:53)
  16. ^ Kany, p. 330
  17. ^ Mackenzie, Ian. "Varieties of Spanish" (PDF).
  18. ^ a b c d Hernández Cuevas, M.P. The Mexican Colonial Term "Chino" Is a Referent of Afrodescendant. The Journal of Pan African Studies, vol.5, no.5, June 2012.
  19. ^ "Spanish quote gets prince into trouble". Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  20. ^ "Spanish diminutives: "pequeño" "pequeñito" or "pequeñito" "pequeñín"". practica Español.
  21. ^ Dávila Garibi, J. Ignacio (1959). ""Posible influencia del náhuatl en el uso y abuso del diminutivo en el español de México"". Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl. 1, UNAM, México: 91 to 94.
  22. ^ López Austin, Alfredo (1989). "Sobre el origen del falso dativo -le del español de México". Anales de Antropología. 26, UNAM, México: 407 to 416.
  23. ^ Ibarra, Navarro (September 2018). "Predicados complejos con le en español mexicano, MS. Tesis Doctoral" (PDF). Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona.
  24. ^ Satorre Grau, Javier F. (1999). "Los posesivos en español". Cuadernos de Filología, Universitat de València. 35: 65 to 69.
  25. ^ Lovera, Patricia Sulbarán. "Mexicanos en Estados Unidos: las cifras que muestran su verdadero poder económico". BBC News.
  26. ^ Noack, Rick. "The future of language". The Washington Post.


  • Canfield, D[elos] Lincoln (1981). Spanish Pronunciation in the Americas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-09262-3. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  • Cotton, Eleanor Greet; Sharp, John (1988). Spanish in the Americas. Georgetown University Press. ISBN 0-87840-094-X. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  • Kany, Charles E. (1951) [1st ed. 1945]. American-Spanish Syntax. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0-226-42407-3. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  • Lope Blanch, Juan M. (1967), "La influencia del sustrato en la fonética del español de México", Revista de Filología Española, 50 (1): 145–161
  • Lope Blanch, Juan M. (1972). "En torno a las vocales caedizas del español mexicano". Estudios sobre el español de México (PDF). Mexico: editorial Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. pp. 53–73. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  • Lope Blanch, Juan M. (2004). Cuestiones de filología mexicana. Mexico: editorial Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. ISBN 978-970-32-0976-7. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  • Malmberg, Bertil (1964), "Tradición hispánica e influencia indígena en la fonética hispanoamericana", Presente y futuro de la lengua española, 2, Madrid: Ediciones Cultura Hispánica, pp. 227–243
  • Malmberg, Bertil (1965), "Tradición hispánica e influencia indígena en la fonética hispanoamericana", Estudios de fonética hispánica, Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investicagión Científica, pp. 99–126
  • Malmberg, Bertil (1971), "Tradición hispánica e influencia indígena en la fonética hispanoamericana", Phonétique général et romane: Études en allemand, anglais, espagnol et français, The Hague: Mouton, pp. 421–438
  • Moreno De Alba, José G (2003). Suma De Minucias Del Lenguaje. Mexico: editorial Fondo De Cultura Económica.

Further reading

External links

  • Jergas de habla hispana—A Spanish dictionary specializing in dialectal and colloquial variants of Spanish, featuring all Spanish-language countries including Mexico.
  • Latin American Spanish—This is the universal and somewhat arbitrary name that is given to idiomatic and native expressions and to the specific vocabulary of the Spanish language in Latin America.
  • Güey Spanish—Mexican slang dictionary and flashcards.
  • Mexican Spanish slang—Several hundred words of Mexican slang and English meanings.
Adios... Puta Madres

Adios... Puta Madres (incorrect Spanish for "Goodbye Bitch Mothers", or maybe in Mexican Spanish "Goodbye Motherfuckers") is a live album by Ministry, released on March 31, 2009 on 13th Planet Records. The album was recorded at various locations on Ministry's farewell tour, dubbed the "C U LaTouR". Allmusic database and Windows Media database incorrectly list the title of the record as "Adios...Putas Madres" (which would be grammatically correct in Spanish; whereas in Mexican Spanish, the correct form would instead be "Adiós... putamadres"). In 2009, "Señor Peligro" was nominated for a Grammy Award in the category of Best Metal Performance for the 52nd Grammy Awards.


An albur (plural: albures) is a word play in Mexican Spanish that involves sexual double entendre.

The word albur is also synonym to uncertainty or random luck "Es un albur".

It is very common among groups of male friends in Mexico, especially urban youth, construction workers, factory workers, mechanics and other blue collar-derivative male groups; and is considered rude otherwise, especially when in the presence of women, given the sexual innuendo in the jokes. Its usage is similar to the English expresions: "If you know what I mean" and "that's what she said". Albur is also a form of comedy and many Stand-up artists and comedians, including Alberto Rojas "El Caballo", Polo Polo, and others are renowned for their skills at performing albures on drunk bullies and hecklers attendig to ther shows (alburear). Brozo has been known for performing albures on several prominent political figures in Mexican television such as Mexico's former president, Felipe Calderon (2006–2012).

Usually, the game of albures is a subtle, verbal competition in which the players try to show superiority by using albures attempting to leave the opponent without a comeback. Most albures have to do with sex, but they also can be just generally degrading, as with comparing the target's stupidity to that of a donkey, ox, or mule.

Specific purposes of the albur can include:

To show off the alburero's masculinity by making a remark of him being the "aggressor" (or male active party) in sexual intercourse

To imply (subtly or bluntly) the opponent's (albureado) lack of virility by stating him to be the "victim" (female or passive receiver) in a sexual encounter. In the context of an albur, the receptive side of the sexual intercourse is considered to be the "losing" side while the male, giving, active side is the "winner". This applies regardless of whether it is male to male or male to female intercourse.


Belgranodeutsch or Belgrano-Deutsch is a macaronic mixture of German and Spanish spoken in Buenos Aires, specifically in the neighborhood of Belgrano.It was spoken by the German community living in both Belgrano "R" (residential) and Belgrano "C" (commercial).

There were two main schools in the neighborhood, the Goethe Schule and the Pestalozzi Schule. Around the Second World War there was a certain division of political and religious origin between the two schools.

Belgranodeutsch still survives today and can be compared to "Spanglish," a blend of Mexican Spanish and American English spoken in the United States.

Caló (Chicano)

Caló (also known as Pachuco) is an argot or slang of Mexican Spanish that originated during the first half of the 20th century in the Southwestern United States. It is the product of zoot-suit pachuco culture that developed in the 1930s and '40s in cities along the US/Mexico border.

Canjilón Mountain

For Canjilon Hill, see San Felipe volcanic field#Notable Vents.Canjilón Mountain is a 10,922 feet (3,329 m). mountain approximately six miles northeast of the village of Canjilón, in the Carson National Forest.

The word cajilon is the term for "deer antler" in Northern New Mexican Spanish. The mountain was so named because of its resemblance to an antler. The mountain gave its name to the nearby creek (Canjilon Creek), to the nearby lakes (Canjilon lakes), and to the village of Canjilon.Canjilón Mountain was the site of a 3.7 magnitude earthquake on June 4, 2008.


A curandero (Spanish: [kuɾanˈdeɾo], healer; f. curandera) or curandeiro (Portuguese: [kuɾɐ̃ˈdejɾu], f. curandeira) is a traditional native healer/shaman found in Latin America, the United States and Southern Europe. The curandero's life is dedicated to the administration of remedies for mental, emotional, physical and spiritual illnesses. The role of a curandero can also incorporate the roles of psychiatrist along with that of doctor and healer. Some curanderos, such as Don Pedrito, the Healer of Los Olmos, make use of simple herbs, waters, and even mud to effect their cures. Others add Catholic elements, such as holy water and pictures of saints. The use of Roman Catholic prayers and other borrowings and lendings is often found alongside native religious elements. Many curanderos emphasize their native spirituality in healing while being practicing Roman Catholics.

Curanderos are often respected members of the community. Believers consider their powers to be supernatural and think that many illnesses are caused by lost malevolent spirits, a lesson from God, or a curse.

English in New Mexico

English in New Mexico refers to varieties of Western American English and Chicano English native to the U.S. state of New Mexico. Other languages in the region include New Mexican Spanish, Navajo, and numerous other Native American (mostly Puebloan) languages.


A gringo (, Spanish: [ˈɡɾiŋɡo], Portuguese: [ˈɡɾĩɡu]) (male) or gringa (female) is someone considered a foreigner from the perspective of Spanish and Portuguese-speaking countries in Latin America. In Spanish and English, gringo usually refers to an English-speaking male foreigner, especially one from the United States.. In Brazilian Portuguese it only means foreigner, regardless of race or country of origin, including other Latin-Americans. In English it often carries a derogatory connotation, and occasionally does so in Spanish. Possible other connotations may include monolingualism, a lack of understanding of Hispanic culture, and blond hair. The word was originally used in Spain to denote any foreign, non-native speakers of Spanish.

According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the first recorded use in English comes from John Woodhouse Audubon's Western Journal of 1849–1850, in which Audubon reports that his party was hooted and shouted at and called "Gringoes" while passing through the town of Cerro Gordo, Veracruz.

Hispanos of New Mexico

The Hispanos of New Mexico or Neomexicanos are an ethnic group primarily residing in the northern half of the U.S. state of New Mexico and the southern portion of the U.S. state Colorado, descended from the original Spanish-speaking settlers of the historical region of Santa Fe de Nuevo México, which makes up the present day U.S. states of New Mexico (Nuevo México), southern Colorado, and parts of Arizona. Neomexicanos make up a bilingual community, speaking New Mexican English and Neomexicano Spanish, and identify with the culture of New Mexico such as New Mexican cuisine and New Mexico music. They may be variously of Criollo Spaniard or Mestizo origin. Alongside Californios and Tejanos, Neomexicanos are part of the larger Hispano communities of the United States, which have lived in the American Southwest since the 16th century. The descendants of the settlers make up an ethnic community of more than 340,000 in New Mexico, with others in southern Colorado.

Neomexicanos identify strongly with their Spanish heritage and most are also mestizos of mixed Apache, Comanche, Pueblo, Navajo, Native Mexican, and Genizaro ancestry. Exact numbers for the population size of New Mexican Hispanos is difficult, as many also identify with Chicano and Mexican-American movements. For most of its modern history, New Mexico existed on the periphery of the Spanish empire from 1598 until 1821 and later Mexico (1821–1848), but was dominated by Comancheria politically and economically from the 1750s to 1850s. Due to the Comanche, contact with the rest of Spanish America was limited, and New Mexican Spanish developed closer trading links with the Comanche than the rest of New Spain. In the meantime, some Spanish colonists coexisted with and intermarried with Puebloan peoples and Navajos, enemies of the Comanche. New Mexicans of all ethnicities were commonly enslaved by the Comanche and Apache of Apacheria, while Native New Mexicans were commonly enslaved and adopted Spanish language and culture. These Genizaros served as house servants, sheep herders, and in other capacities in New Mexico including what is known today as Southern Colorado well into the 1800s. By the late 18th century, Genízaros and their descendants, often referred to as Coyotes, comprised nearly one-third of the entire population of New Mexico. After the Mexican–American War, New Mexico and all its inhabitants came under the governance of the English-speaking United States, and for the next hundred years, English-speakers increased in number. By the 1980s, more and more Hispanos were using English instead of New Mexican Spanish at home.


The jacal (həˈkɑːl; Mexican Spanish from Nahuatl xacalli contraction of xamitl calli; literally "hut") is an adobe-style housing structure historically found throughout parts of the southwestern United States and Mexico. This type of structure was employed by some Native people of the Americas prior to European colonization and was later employed by both Hispanic and Anglo settlers in Texas and elsewhere.Typically, a jacal consisted of slim close-set poles tied together and filled out with mud, clay and grasses. More sophisticated structures, such as those constructed by the Anasazi, incorporated adobe bricks—sun-baked mud and sandstone.

Jacal construction is similar to wattle and daub. However, the "wattle" portion of jacal structures consists mainly of vertical poles lashed together with cordage and sometimes supported by a pole framework, as in the pit-houses of the Basketmaker III period of the Ancestral Puebloan (a.k.a. Anasazi) Indians of the American Southwest. This is overlain with a layer of mud/adobe (the "daub"), sometimes applied over a middle layer of dry grasses or brush which functions as insulation.


Ladino may refer to:

Judaeo-Spanish, also known as Ladino (ISO 639–3 lad), a language primarily spoken among Sephardic Jews, and in particular a written form of Judaeo-Spanish used in Sephardic religious texts, secular literature, and songs

Ladino people, a socio-ethnic category of Mestizo or hispanicized people in Central America especially in Guatemala

Black ladinos, a historical ethnic community in Medieval Spain

Ladin language (ISO 639–3 lld), a Romance language spoken in Northern Italy, known in Italian as Ladino

Ladino (surname)

Ladino (rural locality), a rural locality (a village) in Novorzhevsky District of Pskov Oblast, Russia

Ladino, a hardy type of large white clover, often grown as a forage crop

Ladino, a variety of Mexican Spanish spoken in New Mexico

Ladino poem, a 19th century Philippine poetry style

Las Animas County, Colorado

Las Animas County is one of the 64 counties in the U.S. state of Colorado. As of the 2010 census, the population was 15,507. The county seat is Trinidad. The county takes its name from the Mexican Spanish name of the Purgatoire River, originally called El Río de las Ánimas Perdidas en el Purgatorio, which means "River of the Lost Souls in Purgatory."

Marijuana (word)

Marijuana, or marihuana, is a name for the cannabis plant and more specifically a drug preparation from it. "Marijuana" as a term varies in usage, definition and legal application around the world. Some jurisdictions define "marijuana" as the whole cannabis plant or any part of it, while others refer to "marijuana" as a portion of the cannabis plant that contains high levels of tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). Some jurisdictions recognize "marijuana" as a distinctive strain of cannabis, the other being hemp. The form "marihuana" is first attested in Mexican Spanish; it then spread to other varieties of Spanish and to English, French, and other languages.

Mexico–Spain relations

Mexican–Spanish relations refers to the bilateral relations between Mexico and Spain. Like many other Latin American nations, despite having achieved independence, Mexico retains a stable relationship with Spain. Both nations are members of the G-20, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Organization of Ibero-American States.

Naco (slang)

Naco (fem. naca) is a pejorative word often used in Mexican Spanish to describe the bad-mannered, poorly educated people or those with bad taste. Close equivalents could include bogan, white trash, tacky, scanger and ghetto. "Redneck" can also be close although the word in Spanish palurdo is more similar since it is used for rural people. Naco is also used to pejoratively describe someone who has indigenous roots. The correct meaning comes from an Indigenous language. This is pointing fingers at someone with lack of knowledge of his own culture.

A naco (na'ko ) is usually associated with lower socio-economic classes and/or the indigenous, but it also includes the nouveau-riche.

New Mexican Spanish

New Mexican Spanish (Spanish: español neomexicano) is a variant of Spanish spoken in the United States, primarily in Northern New Mexico and the southern part of the state of Colorado by the Hispanos of New Mexico. Despite a continual influence from the Spanish spoken in Mexico to the south by contact with Mexican migrants who fled to the US from the Mexican Revolution, New Mexico's unique political history and relative geographical and political isolation from the time of the annexation to the US has caused New Mexican Spanish to differ notably from the Spanish spoken in other parts of Hispanic America, with the exception of certain rural areas of southern Colorado, Northern Mexico, and Texas.Speakers of New Mexican Spanish are mainly descendants of Spanish colonists who arrived in New Mexico in the 16th to the 18th centuries. During that time, contact with the rest of Spanish America was limited because of the Comancheria, and New Mexican Spanish developed closer trading links to the Comanche than to the rest of New Spain. In the meantime, some Spanish colonists co-existed with and intermarried with Puebloan peoples and Navajos, also enemies of the Comanche.After the Mexican–American War, New Mexico and all its inhabitants came under the governance of the English-speaking United States, and for the next 100 years, English-speakers increased in number.

Those reasons caused these main differences between New Mexican Spanish and other forms of Hispanic American Spanish: the preservation of forms and vocabulary from colonial-era Spanish (such as, in some places, haiga instead of haya or Yo seigo, instead of Yo soy), the borrowing of words from Rio Grande Indian languages for indigenous vocabulary (in addition to the Nahuatl additions that the colonists had brought), a tendency to "recoin" Spanish words for ones that had fallen into disuse (for example, ojo, whose literal meaning is "eye," was repurposed to mean "hot spring" as well), and a large proportion of English loanwords, particularly for technology (such as bos, troca, and telefón). Pronunciation also carries influences from colonial, Native American, and English sources.

In recent years, speakers have developed a modern New Mexican Spanish, called Renovador, which contains more modern vocabulary because of the increasing popularity of Spanish-language broadcast media in the US and intermarriage between New Mexicans and Mexican settlers. The modernized dialect contains Mexican Spanish slang (mexicanismos).

Pinacate, California

Pinacate (Mexican Spanish word for the Pinacate beetle), was a small settlement east of the Pinacate Mining District in Riverside County, California. It was established when the California Southern Railroad line was built between Colton and San Diego in 1882. Due to a land title dispute the town was moved to the north to become Perris, California, in 1885.

The Pinacate station remained and has become the location of the Orange Empire Railway Museum.

The Pinacate Middle School is in the area.


Tejate [teˈxate] is a non-alcoholic maize and cacao beverage traditionally made in Oaxaca, Mexico, originating from pre-Hispanic times. It remains very popular among the indigenous Mixtec and Zapotec peoples, especially in rural areas. It is also very popular in Oaxaca and the surrounding regions. Principal ingredients include toasted maize, fermented cacao beans, toasted mamey pits (pixtle) and flor de cacao (also known as rosita de cacao). These are finely ground into a paste. The paste is mixed with water, usually by hand, and when it is ready, the flor de cacao rises to the top to form a pasty foam. It can be served as-is or with some sugar syrup to sweeten it. The drink is served cold.

The origin of the Mexican Spanish name tejate is not known for certain, but is thought to derive from the Nahuatl "floury water" texātl [ˈteʃat͡ɬ], compounded from "flour" textli [ˈteʃt͡ɬi] and "water" ātl [aːt͡ɬ]. The Zapotec name for tejate is cu'uhb.


WKDM 1380 is a United States ethnic brokered radio station licensed to New York City. The station is owned by Multicultural Broadcasting and airs programming in Mandarin Chinese, 24 hours a day from Monday to Friday. On the weekends, it broadcasts in Mexican Spanish for a Mexican audience. Its transmitting facility is located in Carlstadt, New Jersey.

WKDM has been granted an FCC construction permit to increase night power to 13,000 watts.

Varieties of Spanish by continent
Asia & Oceania

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