Marcelo Caetano

Marcello José das Neves Alves Caetano (Portuguese pronunciation: [mɐɾˈsɛlu kɐiˈtɐnu], GCTE, GCC; 17 August 1906 – 26 October 1980) was a Portuguese politician and scholar, who was the last prime minister of the Estado Novo regime, from 1968 until his overthrow in the Carnation Revolution of 1974.

Marcello Caetano
Marcello José das Neves Alves Caetano, Primeiro-ministro português
101st Prime Minister of Portugal
In office
27 September 1968 – 25 April 1974
PresidentAmérico Tomás
Preceded byAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Succeeded byNational Salvation Junta
Interim Minister of Foreign Affairs
In office
6 October 1969 – 15 January 1970
Prime MinisterHimself
Preceded byAlberto Franco Nogueira
Succeeded byRui Patrício
In office
29 May 1957 – 27 June 1957
Prime MinisterAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Preceded byPaulo Cunha
Succeeded byPaulo Cunha
In office
23 December 1956 – 11 February 1957
Prime MinisterAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Preceded byPaulo Cunha
Succeeded byPaulo Cunha
Interim Minister of Communications
In office
4 January 1956 – 1 February 1956
Prime MinisterAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Preceded byManuel Gomes de Araújo
Succeeded byManuel Gomes de Araújo
Minister of the Presidency
In office
7 July 1955 – 14 August 1958
Prime MinisterAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Preceded byJoão Lumbrales
Succeeded byPedro Teotónio Pereira
President of the Corporative Chamber
In office
25 November 1949 – 7 July 1955
Preceded byJosé Gabriel Pinto Coelho
Succeeded byJoão Pinto da Costa Leite
Minister of the Colonies
In office
14 November 1945 – 4 February 1947
Prime MinisterAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Preceded byAmérico Tomás (interim)
Succeeded byTeófilo Duarte
In office
6 September 1944 – 9 June 1945
Prime MinisterAntónio de Oliveira Salazar
Preceded byFrancisco Vieira Machado
Succeeded byAmérico Tomás (interim)
National Commissioner of the Portuguese Youth
In office
16 August 1940 – 6 September 1944
Appointed byAntónio Carneiro Pacheco
Preceded byFrancisco José Nobre Guedes
Succeeded byJosé Porto Soares Franco
Personal details
Marcello José das Neves Alves Caetano

17 August 1906
Graça, Lisbon, Portugal
Died26 October 1980 (aged 74)
Copacabana, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Resting placeSão João Batista Cemetery, Botafogo, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Political partyNational Union (later People's National Action)
Teresa Teixeira de Queirós de Barros
(m. 1930; died 1971)
EducationCamões Secondary School
Alma materUniversity of Lisbon

Early political and academic career

He was a son of José Maria de Almeida Alves Caetano and his first wife Josefa Maria das Neves. Graduated as a Licentiate and later a Doctorate in Law, Caetano was a Cathedratic Professor at the Faculty of Law of the University of Lisbon, where he graduated and of which he would also become the 9th Dean or Rector. A conservative politician and a self-proclaimed reactionary in his youth,[1] Caetano started his political career in the 1930s under the authoritarian regime of António de Oliveira Salazar. He soon became an important figure in the "Estado Novo" government, and in 1940 was appointed chief of the Portuguese Youth organisation. Caetano progressed in his academic career at the university, publishing several works and lecturing law. While in jail due to political causes, Álvaro Cunhal, law student, the future leader and founder of the Portuguese Communist Party, submitted his final thesis on the topic of abortion before a faculty jury that included Marcello Caetano. Between 1944 and 1947 Caetano was Minister of the Colonies and since 1947 President of the Executive Board of the National Union. He served as President of the Corporative Chamber between 1949 and 1955.

From 1955 to 1958 Caetano was the number two of the regime, as Minister Attached to the Presidency of the Council of Ministers, second only to Salazar himself, who was approaching retirement age. His relationship with Salazar was tense at times, hindering him from becoming clearly a successor. Caetano returned to his academic career while maintaining formally important political functions such as executive president of the National Union, Caetano was the 9th Rector of the University of Lisbon from 1959 on, but the Academic Crisis of 1962 led him to resign after protesting students clashed with riot police in the university's campus. On the other hand, students who were supportive of the regime, tried to boycott the anti-regime activism. There were indeed three generations of militants of the radical right at the Portuguese universities and schools between 1945 and 1974, guided by a revolutionary nationalism partly influenced by the political sub-culture of European neofascism. The core of these radical students' struggle lay in an uncompromising defence of the Portuguese Empire in the days of the authoritarian regime.[2]

Prime minister

In August 1968, at 79, Salazar suddenly suffered a stroke after a fall in his home. After 36 years as prime minister of the Estado Novo, he was removed from power by President Américo Tomás. After weighing a number of choices, Tomás appointed Caetano to replace Salazar on 27 September 1968.[3] However, no one informed Salazar that he had been removed as leader of the regime he had largely created. By some accounts, when Salazar died in July 1970, he still believed he was prime minister.

Many people hoped that the new 102nd prime minister would soften the edges of Salazar's authoritarian regime and modernize the economy. Caetano moved on to foster economic growth and some social improvements, such as the awarding of a monthly pension to rural workers who had never had the chance to pay social security. The objectives of Caetano's pension reform were threefold: enhancing equity, reducing fiscal and actuarial imbalance, and achieving more efficiency for the economy as a whole, for example, by establishing contributions less distortive to labour markets or by allowing the savings generated by pension funds to increase the investments in the economy. Some large scale investments were made at national level, such as the building of a major oil processing centre in Sines. The economy reacted very well at first, but into the 1970s some serious problems began to show, due in part to two-digit inflation (from 1970 and on) and to the short-term effects of the 1973 oil crisis (despite the largely unexploited oil reserves that Portugal had in its overseas territories of Angola and São Tomé and Príncipe that by 1973 were being developed at a fast pace, and were promising sources of wealth in the medium- to long-term).

On the political side, Caetano's power was largely held in check by Tomás. This was due more to a balance of power and personalities than any constitutional provision. On paper, the president's power to remove Salazar had been the only check on his power. While Tomás, like his predecessors, had largely been a figurehead under Salazar, he was not willing to give as free a hand to Caetano. As a result, there wasn't much that Caetano actually could or was willing to do. He considered running for president himself, but dismissed the idea. Although Caetano had been one of the architects of the Estado Novo, he took some steps to blunt the harsher edges of the regime in the so-called "political spring" (also called Marcelist Spring – Primavera Marcelista). He referred to his regime as a "Social State," and changed the name of the official party, the National Union to "People's National Action" (Acção Nacional Popular). The PIDE, the dreaded secret police, was renamed the DGS (Direcção Geral de Segurança, General-Directorate of Security). He also eased press censorship and allowed the first independent labour unions since the 1920s. The opposition was allowed to run in the 1969 election. Though that had been formally possible since 1945, no opposition party stood any realistic chance of winning any seats. The National Assembly was not conceived as a chamber for parties, but merely for popular representatives, chosen and elected on single lists. Even with these reforms, the conduct of the 1969 and 1973 legislative elections was little different from past elections; People's National Action swept every seat. In the lone presidential election held under Caetano, in 1972, Tomás was elected unopposed by the ANP-controlled legislature.

The changes from the "political spring" (or "evolution in continuity," as Caetano called it) didn't go nearly far enough for large elements of the population who were eager for more freedom and had no memory of the instability that preceded Salazar. However, even these meager reforms had to be extracted with some effort from the more hardline members of the government, Tomás above all. At bottom, Caetano was still an authoritarian himself, and didn't understand democracy. He was very disappointed when he discovered that the opposition was not content with what reforms he was able to wring out of the hardliners. Indeed, the elections of 1969 and 1973, as in past elections, were characterized by harsh repression of opposition elements. After the 1973 poll, the regime's hardliners used their closeness to Tomás to pressure Caetano into abandoning his reform experiment. Caetano had little choice but to accept this, having expended nearly all of his political capital to enact his reforms in the first place.

Portuguese colonial war map1
Portuguese overseas territories in Africa during the Estado Novo regime: Angola and Mozambique were by far the two largest of those territories.

Since the beginning of the 1960s, the Portuguese overseas provinces in Africa had been struggling for independence, but the government in Lisbon was not willing to concede and Salazar sent troops to fight the guerrilla and terrorism of the independence movements. By 1970, the war in Africa was consuming as much as 40% of the Portuguese budget and there was no solution in sight. At a military level, despite the containment of the various independence movements with differentiating levels of success, their impending presence and the fact that they wouldn't go away dominated public anxiety. In addition, throughout the war period, Portugal faced increasing dissent, arms embargoes and other punitive sanctions imposed by most of the international community.

After spending the early years of his priesthood in Africa, the British priest Adrian Hastings created a storm in 1973 with an article in The Times about the "Wiriyamu massacre" in Mozambique, revealing that the Portuguese Army had massacred 400 villagers at the village of Wiriyamu, near Tete, in December 1972.[4][5] His report was printed a week before Caetano was due to visit Britain to celebrate the 600th anniversary of the Anglo-Portuguese alliance. Portugal's growing isolation following Hastings's claims has often been cited as a factor that helped to bring about the "carnation revolution" coup which deposed the Caetano regime in 1974.[6]

By the early 1970s, while the counterinsurgency war was won in Angola, it was less than satisfactorily contained in Mozambique and dangerously stalemated in Portuguese Guinea from the Portuguese point of view, so the Portuguese Government decided to create sustainability policies in order to allow continuous sources of financing for the war effort in the long run. On 13 November 1972, a sovereign wealth fund (Fundo do Ultramar – The Overseas Fund) was enacted in order to finance the counterinsurgency effort in the Portuguese overseas territories.[7] In addition, new Decree Laws (Decree Law: Decretos-Leis n.os 353, de 13 de Julho de 1973, e 409, de 20 de Agosto) were enforced in order to cut down military expenses and increase the number of officers by incorporating irregular militia as if they were regular military academy officers.[8][9][10][11][12]

Overthrow, exile and death

By the beginning of 1974, signals of rebellion increased. The Armed Forces Movement was formed within the army and started planning a coup d'état to end the Estado Novo. In March, an unsuccessful attempt against the regime was made. By that time, Caetano had offered his resignation to the President more than once, but it was denied. There was now little attempt or political possibility to control the opposition's movements. On 25 April 1974 the military overthrew the regime in the Carnation Revolution. There was almost no resistance.

The combined African independentist guerrilla forces of the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA), the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA), and the National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA), in Angola, PAIGC in Portuguese Guinea, and FRELIMO in Mozambique, succeeded in their nationalistic rebellion when their continued guerrilla warfare prompted elements of the Portuguese Armed Forces to stage a coup at Lisbon in 1974.[13][14] The Portuguese Armed Forces' Movimento das Forças Armadas overthrew the Lisbon government in protest of ongoing war in Portuguese Guinea that seemed to have no military end in sight, as well as in rebellion against the new Military Laws that were to be presented next year (Decree Law: Decretos-Leis n.os 353, de 13 de Julho de 1973, e 409, de 20 de Agosto) in order to cut down military expenses and incorporate militia and military academy officers in the Army branches as equals.[8][9][10][11][12]

Caetano resigned and was flown under custody to the Madeira Islands where he stayed for a few days. He then flew to exile in Brazil, where he died in Rio de Janeiro of a heart attack in 1980.[15]


Marcello Caetano published several books, including several highly rated law books and two books of memoirs in exile: Minhas Memórias de Salazar (My Memories of Salazar) and Depoimento (Testimony).

He was one of the world's top authorities in administrative law, some of his works being studied even in Soviet Universities. He also wrote Os nativos na economía africana in 1954. During his exile in Brazil, Caetano pursued academic activities, and published works on Administrative and Constitutional Law.

Marriage and descendants

On 27 October 1930 Caetano married Maria Teresa Teixeira de Queirós de Barros (23 July 1906 – 14 January 1971), the sister of antifascist politician Henrique de Barros, 1st and only President of the Constituent Assembly of Portugal, daughter of writer João de Barros and wife Raquel Teixeira de Queirós and paternal granddaughter of the 1st Viscount of Marinha Grande, and had four children:[16]

  • José Maria de Barros Alves Caetano (b. Lisbon, 16 August 1933), married firstly to Maria João Ressano Garcia de Lacerda, daughter of João Caetano Soares da Silveira Pereira Forjaz de Lacerda (Paris, 13 September 1903 – ?) (a distant relative of the 1st Baron and 1st Viscount of Nossa Senhora das Mercês, the 1st Baron of Salvaterra de Magos and the 1st Viscount of Alvalade) and wife Maria Júlia Cardoso Ressano Garcia (Lisbon, 4 December 1909 – ?) (granddaughter of the 51st Minister of the Treasury on 7 February 1897 Frederico Ressano Garcia, Spanish, and twice great-niece of the 1st Baron and 1st Viscount of Nossa Senhora da Luz), whom he divorced, and had issue, and married secondly as her second husband to Maria Laura do Soveral Rodrigues Luís (b. Benguela, 23 March 1933), divorced with issue from Edmundo Gastão da Costa Ribeiro da Silva and daughter of António Carlos Luís and wife Ernestina da Lança do Soveral Rodrigues (b. Castro Verde, Castro Verde), a distant relative of the 1st Viscount of Belver, and had issue.
  • João de Barros Alves Caetano (Lisbon, 12 December 1931 – 27 June 2009), an Architect and the 1,332nd Associate of the Clube Tauromáquico, married to French Françoise Michelle Nicolas, and had issue.
  • Miguel de Barros Alves Caetano (b. Lisbon, São Sebastião da Pedreira, 26 July 1935), married to Maria José de Freitas Pereira Lupi (b. Lisbon, Lumiar, 26 September 1934), daughter of José Lupi (Lisbon, Encarnação, 22 September 1902 – Lisbon, Lumiar, 16 January 1970), of Italian male line descent, and wife (m. Lisbon, 19 June 1930) Maria Amélia de Freitas Pereira (Lisbon, 4 July 1900 – Lisbon, 5 December 1982), and had issue.
  • Ana Maria de Barros Alves Caetano (b. Lisbon, 7 December 1937), married in Lisbon, Alvalade, in 1997 as his second wife to Caetano Maria Reinhardt Beirão da Veiga (b. 1941), divorced with issue from Maria Teresa Nunes de Albuquerque Teotónio Pereira, a renowned Architect, without issue


  1. ^ At 20, Caetano directed the review Ordem Nova (1926–1927), which declared itself on the cover as "Catholic", "monarchist", "anti-democratic", "anti-liberal", "counter-revolutionary", "anti-bourgeois", "anti-bolshevist" and "intolerant", among other epithets.
  2. ^ A direita radical na Universidade de Coimbra (1945–1974) Archived 3 March 2009 at the Wayback Machine, MARCHI, Riccardo. A direita radical na Universidade de Coimbra (1945–1974). Anál. Social, Jul. 2008, nº 188, pp. 551–76. ISSN 0003-2573.
  3. ^ See Decree N° 48597.
  4. ^ Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Afonso, Aniceto. Os anos da Guerra Colonial – Wiriyamu, De Moçambique para o mundo. Lisboa, 2010
  5. ^ The Times 2 August 1973: The Three Inquiries: The Missionaries, the Bishops, and the Army.
  6. ^ Adrian Hastings, The Telegraph (26 June 2001)
  7. ^ ‹See Tfd›(in Portuguese) A verdade sobre o Fundo do Ultramar Archived 11 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Diário de Notícias (29 November 2012)
  8. ^ a b ‹See Tfd›(in Portuguese) Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA). In Infopédia [Em linha]. Porto: Porto Editora, 2003–2009. [Consult. 2009-01-07]. Disponível na www: <URL:$movimento-das-forcas-armadas-(mfa)>.
  9. ^ a b Movimento das Forças Armadas (1974–1975), Projecto CRiPE- Centro de Estudos em Relações Internacionais, Ciência Política e Estratégia. José Adelino Maltez. Cópias autorizadas, desde que indicada a origem. Última revisão em: 2 October 2008
  10. ^ a b ‹See Tfd›(in Portuguese) A Guerra Colonial na Guine/Bissau (07 de 07) on YouTube, Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho on the Decree Law, RTP 2 television.
  11. ^ a b ‹See Tfd›(in Portuguese) Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA). In Infopédia [Em linha]. Porto: Porto Editora, 2003–2009. [Consult. 2009-01-07]. Disponível na www: <URL:$movimento-das-forcas-armadas-(mfa)>.
  12. ^ a b João Bravo da Matta, A Guerra do Ultramar, O Diabo, 14 October 2008, pp.22
  13. ^ Laidi, Zaki. The Superpowers and Africa: The Constraints of a Rivalry:1960–1990. Chicago: Univ. Of Chicago, 1990.
  14. ^ António Pires Nunes, Angola 1966–74
  15. ^ "Milestones, Nov. 10, 1980". Time. 10 November 1980. ISSN 0040-781X. Retrieved 13 July 2017.
  16. ^ "Marcelo Caetano, * 1906 |". (in Portuguese). Retrieved 13 July 2017.
1906 in Portugal

Events in the year 1906 in Portugal.

1969 Portuguese legislative election

Parliamentary elections were held in Portugal on 26 October 1969. The elections were announced on 12 August, and were the first under Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano, appointed in the previous year to replace long-term Prime Minister Antonio de Oliveira Salazar, who had been left incapacitated after a stroke. The quasi-sovereign National Union won all seats with an official turnout of 62.5%.

1972 in Portugal

Events in the year 1972 in Portugal.

1973 Portuguese legislative election

Parliamentary elections were held in Portugal on 28 October 1973, the last under the Estado Novo regime. After the only opposition party withdrew from the election, the People's National Action (ANP) was the only list to contest the election, winning all 150 seats.

1973 in Portugal

Events in the year 1973 in Portugal.

Academic Crisis

The Academic Crisis is the name given to a Portuguese governmental policy instigated in 1962 by the Portuguese dictatorial regime (the Estado Novo) entailing the boycott and closure of several student associations and organizations, including the National Secretariat of Portuguese Students. Most members of this organization were opposition militants, among them many communists. The political activists who were anti-regime used to be investigated and persecuted by PIDE-DGS, the secret police, and according to the gravity of the offence, were usually sent to jail or transferred from one university to another in order to destabilize oppositionist networks and its hierarchical organization.

The students responded with demonstrations that culminated on March 24 with a huge student demonstration in Lisbon that was vigorously suppressed by the riot police, which led to hundreds of student injuries. Immediately thereafter, the students began a strike that became a mark in the resistance against the regime. This events were called Academic Crisis (Portuguese: Crise Académica).

Marcelo Caetano, distinguished member of the Estado Novo regime and a reputed professor at the University of Lisbon Law School, was the 9th Rector of the University of Lisbon from 1959 on, but the Academic Crisis of 1962 led him to resign after protesting students clashed with riot police in the university's campus. Caetano would be appointed the successor of António de Oliveira Salazar, the mentor and leader of Estado Novo, in 1968.

However, between 1945 and 1974, there were three generations of militants of the radical right at the University of Coimbra and other universities, guided by a revolutionary nationalism partly influenced by the political sub-culture of European neofascism. The core of these radical students' struggle lay in an uncompromising defence of the Portuguese Empire in the days of the authoritarian regime.After the Carnation Revolution of 1974, 24 March would become the National Day of the Students, being celebrated every year, mainly by university students.

Adelino da Palma Carlos

Adelino da Palma Carlos, GCC, GCIH, GOL (Portuguese pronunciation: [ɐdɨˈlinu dɐ ˈpaɫmɐ ˈkaɾluʃ]; Faro, 3 May 1905 – Lisbon, 25 October 1992), was a Portuguese lawyer, scholar, politician and a freemason, one of at least five sons of Manuel Carlos and wife Auta Vaz Velho da Palma. He was an opponent of the fascist regime of the Estado Novo (New State) of António de Oliveira Salazar (and later Marcelo Caetano) since his youth, and, being a liberal, rather than a socialist, was chosen by President António de Spínola, as the 103rd and the first prime-minister after the 25 April 1974 revolution. He was also the 11th Bastonary of the Order of the Lawyers of Portugal.

His 1st Provisional Government was in power from 15 May to 17 July 1974. As an independent, he chose cabinet members from widely divergent political parties and positions, including members of the then center-left Popular Democratic Party, the Socialist Party and even the Portuguese Communist Party and the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) officers. The ideological diversity of the government seems to be one of the main reasons why the government didn't last, being the other the calling for anticipated presidential elections before Constituent Assembly election, 1975. He was replaced by Colonel Vasco Gonçalves, a choice that Spínola would later regret. After leaving office, Palma Carlos was the national representative (mandatário) of general António Ramalho Eanes for the 1980 Presidential Elections.

He was married to Elina Júlia Chaves Pereira Guimarães (Lisbon, 1904 – 1991).

Américo Tomás

Américo de Deus Rodrigues Tomás (or Thomaz), GCC, GOA, GOSE (Portuguese pronunciation: [ɐˈmɛɾiku dɨ ˈdewʃ ʁuˈdɾiɡɨʃ tuˈmaʃ]), (19 November 1894 – 18 September 1987) was a Portuguese Navy officer and politician. He was the 13th President of Portugal, and the third and last president of the Estado Novo.

António Augusto dos Santos

António Augusto dos Santos was a Portuguese General and commander of the Portuguese forces in Mozambique from 1964 until he was relieved of command in 1969. On the outbreak of the Mozambican War of Independence in 1964, Augusto dos Santos commanded the Portuguese forces in that Portuguese territory and favored the use of African units trained by Portuguese regulars who fought alongside the Portuguese Army regulars.

General Dos Santos believed in a hearts and minds campaign that resulted in the construction of schools and other infrastructure and the training of African Units to build partner capacity (a technique that is used today by the U.S. Military in Africa). He was relieved by General Kaúlza de Arriaga who took over in 1970 and demonstrated poorer success for the Portuguese in the counterinsurgency operations (Gordian Knot Operation) in that the scorched earth policy he pursued turned the people against him. For his efforts in Mozambique Gen dos Santos was awarded the Ordem Militar da Torre e Espada. A year later, Augusto dos Santos began serving as the Portuguese Army Chief of Staff (Chefes do Estado-Maior do Exército), a post he held until 1972. He was retired at the time of the military coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974, which overthrew the Portuguese government headed by Marcelo Caetano and would put to an end the Portuguese Colonial War (1961-1974) shortly after. He refused to participate in the revolution even though he was asked to participate in the revolutionary government. He withdrew from public life and remained a private citizen until his death.

April Captains

April Captains (Portuguese: Capitães de Abril) is a 2000 film telling the story of the Carnation Revolution, the military coup that overthrew the fascist dictatorship (known as the Estado Novo) in Portugal on 25 April 1974. Although dramatised, the plot is closely based on the events of the revolution and many of the key characters are real - such as Captain Salgueiro Maia and Prime Minister Marcelo Caetano.

This European co-production was directed by Maria de Medeiros. It was screened in the Un Certain Regard section at the 2000 Cannes Film Festival.

Constitution of Angola

Since its independence from Portugal in 1975, Angola has had three constitutions. The first came into force in 1975 as an "interim" measure; the second was approved in a 1992 referendum, and the third one was instituted in 2010.

Angola was a colony of Portugal for more than 400 years, beginning the 15th century. Three principal parties, MPLA, National Front for the Liberation of Angola the FNLA and the National Union for Total Independence of Angola the UNITA, fought for independence. After many years of conflict that weakened all of the insurgent parties, Angola gained independence on 11 November 1975, after the Carnation Revolution overthrew the Marcelo Caetano regime in Portugal. A fight for dominance broke out immediately between the three nationalist movements, resulting in a civil war soon after independence. The civil war continued with UNITA fighting against the ruling MPLA. Both parties received support and backing from other countries.

Constitutional revisions in 1976 and 1980 more clearly established a revolutionary socialist, one-party state as a national goal.

In 1992, the 1975 constitution was completely rewritten to allow a multiparty democratic republic, in the form of a presidential system, starting with multiparty elections and direct election of the president.

The 2010 amendment of the Constitution named the president of Angola as head of state, head of the executive branch and commander-in-chief of the Angolan armed forces. The new constitution abolished direct election of the president; under its provisions, the person heading the list of candidates of the majority party in the assembly automatically becomes president, and the second person on the list, vice-president. This constitution, still in effect, limits the president to two five-year terms, but the 30-year term already served by current president dos Santos would start from the parliamentary elections in 2012, allowing him to remain president until 2022.

Estádio do Marítimo

Estádio do Marítimo (formerly and often still referred to as Estádio dos Barreiros) is a football stadium in Funchal, Portugal. It is the home stadium of Club Sport Marítimo and although much larger in its hey-day, the stadium can now hold 10,932 spectators.

The old stadium itself was rather distinctive in design and shape. Built into a Funchal hillside, the stadium offered and still offers outstanding views of the bay, city, and the rising Madeiran mountain's from its two "banana-shaped" stands that stretch the entire length of the field and curve around most of the running rack, but not entirely. The two stands were both all seated with the bancada nascente being totally uncovered and sufficiently smaller than the main bancada lateral. Because it was built into the ground, the top of the main stand, complete with its roof was actually only at street level, which required walking down several stairways to reach the stand from the main road.

Since 2016 the stadium has stands on every side of the pitch totally covered and with every modern commodity.

José Baptista Pinheiro de Azevedo

Admiral José Baptista Pinheiro de Azevedo, GCL (Portuguese pronunciation: [ʒuˈzɛ baˈtiʃtɐ piˈɲɐjɾu dɨ ɐzɨˈvedu]; 5 June 1917 – 10 August 1983) was a Portuguese political figure, reformer and revolutionary. He helped overthrow Marcelo Caetano in 1974. He served as the 104th Prime Minister of Portugal between 19 September 1975 and 23 June 1976. He ran for president in 1976, and lost.

Pinheiro de Azevedo was born on June 5, 1917 in Luanda, but moved to Portugal several years later. In the 1960s, he joined the Movement for Democratic Unity and was a supporter of the Presidential candidacies of José Norton de Matos, Manuel Quintão Meireles and Humberto Delgado.

Pinheiro de Azevedo served in the Portuguese Colonial War, as an admiral in charge of the maritime defense of Angola.

After the Revolution of April 25, 1974, he was appointed to the National Salvation Junta, and was committed to the cause of democratization in Portugal.

On August 29, 1975 he became Prime Minister of the Sixth Provisional Government replacing ousted Prime Minister Vasco Gonçalves.

At the end of his tenure as Prime Minister, he was replaced temporarily between June 23 and July 23, 1976, by Vasco Almeida e Costa, Minister of Internal Administration.

In 1976, Pinheiro de Azevedo ran as an independent for the Portuguese presidency.


Marcelo is a given name, the Spanish and Portuguese form of Marcellus. The Italian version of the name is Marcello, differing in having an additional "l". Marcelo may refer to:

Marcelinho Carioca (Marcelo Pereira Surcin born 1971 in RJ), Brazilian international midfielder in 1990s

Marcelinho Machado (born 1975), Brazilian professional basketball player

Marcelinho Paraíba (Marcelo dos Santos b. 1975 in Paraíba state), Brazilian international midfielder

Marcelinho Paulista (Marcelo José de Souza born 1973 in SP state), Brazilian youth international in 1996 Olympics

Marcelo (footballer, born 1988), Brazilian footballer, who plays for Real Madrid

Marcelo (footballer, born 1987), Brazilian footballer, who plays for Lyon

Marcelo Arriagada (born 1973), Chilean road cyclist

Marcelo Barovero (born 1984), Argentine football goalkeeper

Marcelo Barticciotto (born 1967), Argentine-born Chilean former footballer and manager

Marcelo Bordon (born 1976), Brazilian footballer

Marcelo Cabo (born 1966), Brazilian football manager

Marcelo Caetano (1906–1980), Portuguese politician

Marcelo Carrusca (born 1983), Argentine-Australian professional footballer

Marcelo Cassaro (born 1970), Brazilian author of comics

Marcelo Chamusca (born 1966)

Marcelo Chierighini (born 1991), Brazilian competitive swimmer

Marcelo Cirino (born 1992), Brazilian footballer

Marcelo de Souza Ramos (born 1978 in Paraná state), Brazilian footballer

Marcelo Del Debbio (born 1974), Brazilian architect and writer

Marcelo Demoliner (born 1989), Brazilian tennis player

Marcelo Dias, bass guitarist for American alternative rock band Against All Will

Marcelo Djian (born 1966), Brazilian footballer of Armenian descent

Marcelo dos Santos Cipriano, a Brazilian striker most famous for his time at Birmingham City

Marcelo Fromer (1961–2001), guitarist of Brazilian rock band Titãs

Marcelo Garraffo (born 1957), retired field hockey player from Argentina

Marcelo Gil Fernando (born 1990), Brazilian striker

Marcelo Henrique de Aguiar Quarterole (born 1978 RJ state), striker

Marcelo Henrique França de Siqueira (AKA Marcelinho, born 1994), Brazilian footballer

Marcelo José da Silva (born 1976), known as Marcelo Silva - Brazilian former footballer

Marcelo Lipatín (born 1977), Uruguayan football (soccer) player

Marcelo Melo (born 1983), Brazilian tennis player

Marcelo Nascimento da Costa, Brazilian-born Bulgarian footballer

Marcelo Negrão (born 1972), volleyball player from Brazil

Marcelo Oliveira Silva (born 1984), Brazilian striker with A. Naval 1º de Maio

Marcelo Ramos (footballer, born 1973), Brazilian former soccer player as a striker

Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa (born 1946), Portuguese politician

Marcelo Ríos (born 1975), former World No. 1 tennis player from Chile

Marcelo Rodrigues (born 1987), Brazilian striker

Marcelo Santos Oliveira, Brazilian midfielder for Botafogo

Marcelo Signorelli (born 1963), Italian-Uruguayan professional basketball coach, book author and former player

Marčelo (born 1983), Serbian hip-hop artist

Marcelo Moraes Caetano

Marcelo Caetano Moraes (Rio de Janeiro August 17, 1976) is a writer, professor and pianist from Brazil., crítico, jornalista.He received degrees in Portuguese and Greek from the State University of Rio de Janeiro in the Portuguese language and corresponding literature (Brazilian, African and Portuguese) by the UNESA; specialist in education by Pierre-and-Marie-Curie University (University of Paris 6), specialist in planning, implementation and management of distance education by the Universidade Federal Fluminense, Professor of Language Studies and master's degree by the Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro, a researcher with dedication by the CNPq, Marcelo is also a literary critic, PhD summa cum laude by State University of Rio de Janeiro, Professor at Laureate International Universities. Doctor Honoris Causa by University of Coimbra, Portugal, and by Federação Brasileira dos Acadêmicos de Ciências, Letras e Artes. Member of International PEN Club, Académie des Arts, Sciences et Lettres de Paris and Academia de Letras y Artes de Chile.

Ministry of Social Security (Brazil)

The Ministry of Social Security (Portuguese: Ministério da Previdência Social, abbreviated MPS) is a cabinet-level federal ministry in Brazil. In 2 October 2015, it was fused with the Ministry of Labor and Employment, becoming the Ministry of Labor, Employment and Social Security. The current Social Security Secretary is Marcelo Caetano.

National Union (Portugal)

The National Union (Portuguese: União Nacional) was the sole legal party of the Estado Novo regime in Portugal. It was founded in 1930 and dominated by António de Oliveira Salazar during most of its existence. Unlike in most single-party regimes, the National Union was more of a political arm of the government, rather than holding actual power over it.

The National Union was formed as a subservient umbrella organisation to support the regime itself, and therefore did not have its own philosophy. At the time, many European countries feared the destructive potential of communism. Salazar not only forbade Marxist parties, but also revolutionary fascist-syndicalist parties. In 1934, Salazar exiled Francisco Rolão Preto as a part of a purge of the leadership of the Portuguese National Syndicalists, also known as the camisas azuis ("Blue Shirts"). Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" (meaning German Nazism) and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organising masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Novo.The Portuguese corporatist state had some similarities to Benito Mussolini's Italian fascism, but considerable differences in its moral approach to governing. Although Salazar admired Mussolini and was influenced by his Labour Charter of 1927, he distanced himself from fascist dictatorship, which he considered a pagan Caesarist political system that recognised neither legal nor moral limits. Salazar also viewed German Nazism as espousing pagan elements that he considered repugnant. Just before World War II, Salazar made this declaration: "We are opposed to all forms of Internationalism, Communism, Socialism, Syndicalism and everything that may divide or minimise, or break up the family. We are against class warfare, irreligion and disloyalty to one's country; against serfdom, a materialistic conception of life, and might over right."Unlike Mussolini or Hitler, Salazar never had the intention to create a party-state. Salazar was against the whole-party concept and when in 1930 he created the National Union he created it as a non-party. The National Union was set up to control and restrain public opinion rather than to mobilize it, the goal was to strengthen and preserve traditional values rather than to induce a new social order. Ministers, diplomats and civil servants were never compelled to join the National Union.

Offices and distinctions
First Republic
Second Republic
Third Republic

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