Luis Echeverría Álvarez (Spanish pronunciation: [lwis etʃeβeˈri.a ˈalβaɾes]; born 17 January 1922) is a Mexican lawyer, academic and politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), who served as the 50th President of Mexico from 1970 to 1976. Previously, he was Secretary of the Interior (1963–1969). At 97, he is the oldest living former Mexican president.
His tenure as Secretary of the Interior during the Díaz Ordaz administration was marked by a notorious increase of political repression in the country; dissident journalists, politicians and activists were subjected to censorship, arbitrary arrests, torture and extrajudicial executions. This culminated with the Tlatelolco massacre of 2 October 1968, which put an end to months of social protests across the country; Díaz Ordaz, Echeverría and Secretary of Defense Marcelino Garcia Barragán have been considered as the intelectual authors of the massacre, in which hundreds of unarmed protestors were killed by members of the Army. The following year, Díaz Ordaz appointed Echeverría as his designated succesor to the Presidency, which he assumed on 1 December 1970.
Echeverría was one of the most high-profile Presidents in Mexico's post-war history; he attempted to become a leader of the so-called "Third World", the countries that were not aligned with either the US or the USSR during the Cold War. He offered political asylum to Hortensia Bussi and other refugees of Pinochet's dictatorship in Chile, established diplomatic relations and a close collaboration with the People's Republic of China after visiting Beijing and meeting with Chairman Mao Zedong and Premier Zhou Enlai, and tried to use Mao's influence among Asian and African nations in an ultimately failed attempt to become Secretary-General of the United Nations. Echeverría strained relations with Israel (and American Jews) after supporting a UN resolution that equated Zionism to racism.
Domestically, Echeverría achieved significant economic growth, with the Mexican economy growing by 6.1%, and aggressively promoted the development of infrastructure projects such as new maritime ports in Lázaro Cárdenas and Ciudad Madero. However, his presidency was also characterized by authoritarian methods (in fact, the first documented instances of death flights in Latin America occurred in Mexico under Echeverría), the 1971 Corpus Christi massacre against student protesters, the Dirty War against leftist dissent in the country (despite Echeverría himself adopting a leftist-populist rhetoric), and the economic crisis that occurred in Mexico towards the end of his term. In 2006, he was indicted and ordered under house arrest for his role in the 1968 Tlatelolco massacre and the 1971 Corpus Christi massacre, but in 2009 the charges against him were dismissed.
|50th President of Mexico|
1 December 1970 – 30 November 1976
|Preceded by||Gustavo Díaz Ordaz|
|Succeeded by||José López Portillo|
|Secretary of the Interior|
16 November 1963 – 11 November 1969
|President||Adolfo López Mateos|
Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
|Preceded by||Gustavo Díaz Ordaz|
|Succeeded by||Mario Moya Palencia|
Luis Echeverría Álvarez
17 January 1922
Mexico City, Mexico
|Political party||Institutional Revolutionary Party|
María Esther Zuno Arce
(m. 1945; her death 1999)
|Alma mater||National Autonomous University of Mexico|
He was born in Mexico City to Rodolfo Echeverría and Catalina Álvarez on 17 January 1922. Echeverría joined the faculty of the National Autonomous University of Mexico in 1947 and taught political theory and constitutional law. He rose in the hierarchy of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and eventually became the private secretary of the party president, Rodolfo Sánchez Taboada.
Echeverría served as Interior Secretary under President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz from 1963 to 1969.
He maintained a hard line against student protesters throughout 1968. Clashes between the government and protesters culminated in the Tlatelolco massacre in October 1968, a few days before the 1968 Summer Olympics were held in Mexico City. In a separate incident, he ordered the transfer of 15% of the Mexican military to the state of Guerrero to counter guerrilla groups that were operating there.
On 22 October 1969, Díaz Ordaz summoned Alfonso Martínez Domínguez—the PRI party president—and other party leaders to his office in Los Pinos to reveal Echeverría as his successor. Martínez Domínguez asked the president if he was sure of his decision and Díaz Ordaz replied, "Why do you ask? It's the most important decision of my life and I've thought it over well." 
On 8 November 1969, Díaz Ordaz officially announced Echeverría as the presidential candidate. At one point during his campaign for the presidency, Echeverría called for a moment of silence to remember the victims of the Tlatelolco massacre, an act that enraged President Díaz Ordaz and almost prompted him to call for Echeverría's resignation. Although Echeverría was a hardliner in Díaz Ordaz's administration and considered responsible for the Tlatelolco massascre, he became "immediately obsessed with making people forget that he had ever done it."
Echeverría was the first president born after the Mexican Revolution. Once Echeverría inaugurated as president, he embarked on a massive program of populist political and economic reform, nationalizing the mining and electrical industries, redistributing private land in the states of Sinaloa and Sonora to peasants, imposing limits on foreign investment, and extending Mexico's patrimonial waters to 370 kilometres (230 mi). State spending on health, housing construction, education, and food subsidies was also significantly increased, and the percentage of the population covered by the social security system was doubled. He enraged the left because he did not bring the perpetrators of the 1971 Corpus Christi massacre to justice.
After decades of economic growth under his predecessors, the Echeverría administration oversaw an economic crisis during its final months, becoming the first in a series of Presidencies in Mexico that faced severe economic crises during the next two decades.
During his period in office, the country's external debt soared from $6 billion in 1970 to $20 billion in 1976. By 1976, for every dollar that Mexico received from exportations, 31 cents had to be destined to the payment of the interests and amortizations on the external debt.
Between 1954 and 1976, the Mexican governments had maintained the value of the Mexican Peso at 12.50 MXP per 1 USD. On 30 August 1976, as a result of the mounting economic problems, the Echeverría administration devalued the Peso in 59.2%, leaving it with a value of 19.90 MXP per USD. Two months later, the Peso was devalued for a second time, now with a value of 26,60 MXP per USD.
The inflation rate was at 459% at the end of his term. The trade deficit, which was of $703 million dollars in 1971, ascended to a record high of $3769 millions in 1975, and by 1976 it was of $3024 millions. The balance of services, which traditionally had registered superavits and had been used to partly finance the negative trade balance, entered into deficit for the first time in 1975 and 1976. By the end of the Echeverría administration, the government was issuing banknotes without value and acquiring debt.
Despite this, the Mexican economy grew by 6.1%, and important infrastructure and public works projects were completed after stalling for decades.
Echeverría nationalized the barbasco industry in the late 1970s. Wild barbasco was the natural source of hormones that were the key component in the contraceptive pill. Nationalization and the creation of the state-run company PROQUIVEMEX came as the importance of Mexico to the industry was waning.
During the administration of Echeverría, a new Federal Election Law was approved:
Following the PRI tradition, Echeverría handpicked his successor for the Presidency, and chose his Finance Minister and childhood friend, José López Portillo, to be the PRI Presidential candidate for the 1976 elections. Due to a series of events and an internal conflict in the opposition party PAN, López Portillo was the only candidate in the Presidential election, winning unopposed.
The Echeverría government adopted the first national environmental law in 1971. From 1960 to 1970, Mexico City had grown from 3 million inhabitants to 7 million, with problems of pollution and urbanization. Attention on the environmental impacts came from academics at the National Autonomous University, the National Polytechnic Institute, and the Colegio de México as well as interest in the 1969 U.S. National Environmental Policy Act. The Mexican government enacted a series of regulations to control atmospheric pollution, as well as issuing new quality standards for surface and coastal waters. As a structural matter, the government created a new agency to deal with the environment, which in later administrations this became a full cabinet-level ministry.
Several leftist guerrilla groups began operations: kidnappings and bank robberies. The government engaged in a dirty war in which hundreds of rebel suspects were tortured, killed, or disappeared from 1964 to 1982, to put an end to the revolutionary movements.
As consequence of numerous student and youth protest movements during this administration, the PRI and President Echeverría attempted to neutralize the politicized youth. In late 1971, after the Corpus Christi massacre and the Avándaro Rock Festival, Echeverría famously issued a ban on almost every form of Rock music recorded by Mexican bands. The ban (also known as "Avandarazo" because it was in response to the Avándaro Rock Festival, which had been criticized by the conservative sectors of the PRI) included forbidding the recording of most forms of Rock music by national groups and the prohibition of its sales in retail stores, as well as forbidding live rock concerts and the airplay of rock songs. The ban lasted for many years, and it was only gradually lifted in the 1980s.
With the so-called "tercermundismo" ("Third Worldism") a reorientation in Mexican foreign policy took place during the presidential term of Echeverría. He showed his solidarity with the developing nations and tried to establish Mexico as the defender of Third World interests. The aims of Echeverría's foreign policy were to diversify Mexico's economic links and to fight for a more equal and just international order.
He visited numerous countries and had strong ties with the socialist governments of Cuba and Chile. Echeverría visited Cuba in 1975. Also, Mexico provided political asylum to many political refugees from South American countries who fled their country's repressive military dictatorships; among them Hortensia Bussi, the widow of former Chilean President Salvador Allende. Moreover, he condemned Zionism and allowed the Palestine Liberation Organization to open an office in the capital.
Echeverría's candidacy rode a wave of anger by citizens in Northwestern Mexico against the United States for its use (and perceived misappropriation) of water from the Colorado River, which drains much of the American Southwest before crossing into Mexico. The established treaty between the US and Mexico called for the US to allow a specified volume of water, 1.85 cubic kilometres (0.44 cu mi), to pass the U.S.-Mexican border, but it did not establish any quality levels. Throughout the 20th century, the United States, through its water policy managed by the United States Bureau of Reclamation, had developed wideranging irrigation along the river, which had led to progressively higher levels of salinity in the water as it moved downstream. By the late 1960s, the high salinity of the water crossing into Mexico had resulted in the ruin of large tracts of the irrigated land along the lower Colorado.
The sudden increase in oil prices in 1973, coupled with the possibility of new Mexican oil deposits in the Bay of Campeche, gave Echeverría a strong bargaining position against the Nixon administration in the United States. Echeverría threatened to bring the issue to the World Court, prompting the Nixon administration to renegotiate the treaty to include a salinity-control agreement. The implementation of salinity control at the border (supposed to be at US expense) has been ongoing and slow, however, and the lower Colorado remains largely a desolate shadow of what it once was.
In 1976, Echeverría sought to parlay his Third World credentials and relationship with the recently deceased Mao Zedong into becoming Secretary-General of the United Nations. Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim of Austria was running for a second term in the 1976 Secretary-General selection. Although Secretaries-General usually run unopposed, the People's Republic of China expressed dissatisfaction that a European headed an organization that had a Third World majority. On 18 October 1976, Echeverría entered the race against Waldheim. However, he was defeated by a large margin when the Security Council voted on 7 December 1976. China did cast one symbolic Security Council veto against Waldheim in the first round, but voted in favor in the second round. Echeverría received only 3 votes to Waldheim's 14, with only Panama abstaining to deny Waldheim a unanimous victory.
Echeverría designated his Finance Minister, José López Portillo as the PRI candidate for the presidency and in effect his successor in the presidency. López Portillo's aides expressed their hope that Echeverría could become Secretary-General of the United Nations so that he would be out of the country for most of López Portillo's term. Echeverría unveiled López Portillo's candidacy on 22 September 1975, choosing him over Porfirio Muñoz Ledo and Mario Moya Palencia, Minister of the Interior. López Portillo and Echeverría were in the same age cohort, but López Portillo was not a practiced politician. He had been groomed from early on in Echeverría's term to be his successor and had no base of power himself. Moya Palencia had the support of many senior PRI politicians and office holders, an independent power base, which put him out of the running for presidential candidacy.
Before the electoral reform of 1977, only four political parties were allowed to participate in the elections: the ruling Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), the Popular Socialist Party (PPS), the Authentic Party of the Mexican Revolution (PARM) and the right-wing National Action Party (PAN), which was practically the only real opposition party at the time. The PPS and the PARM supported López Portillo's candidacy, as they had traditionally done with previous candidates for the PRI.
At the time, the opposition party PAN was going through internal conflicts and, for the first time upon its foundation, it did not nominate a candidate for the 1976 presidential elections, since none of the aspiring candidates achieved a major of their assembly's votes.
On the other hand, the Mexican Communist Party nominated Valentín Campa as their presidential candidate. At the time, however, this party had no official registry and was not allowed to participate in elections, so Campa's candidacy was not officially recognized and he didn't have access to the media. He had to run as a write-in candidate, as he would not appear in the ballots.
These factors led to López Portillo effectively running unopposed. His campaign echoed this "unanimous" support for him, and his slogan was "La solución somos todos" ("All of us are the solution"). López Portillo later joked that, due to running without opposition, it would have been enough for "his mother's vote for him" to win the election.
The practice established in 1940 by Lázaro Cárdenas of leaving power entirely with the inauguration of his successor did not continue under Echeverría. Echeverría imposed appointees on the new president, such as Hermenegildo Cuenca Díaz for governor of Baja California. López Portillo's Minister of the Interior, Jesús Reyes Heroles, kept the president abreast of Echeverría's overstepping boundaries, such as use of the presidential telephone network, visits to ministers, and meetings with political elites at his residence. Reyes Heroles took a series of steps to outflank Echeverría, including recording his conversations on the presidential telephone network and suggesting the replacement of officials partial to Echeverría.
Despite not keeping influence over López Portillo after their break, Echeverría continued to have influence in Mexico. After leaving office, Salinas, the president from 1988 to 1994, publicly accused Echeverría of inspiring the murder of their party's presidential candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio in March 1994 and of leading a conspiracy against Salinas's reformist allies in the party, which had led to a systemic political and economic crisis. Salinas claimed that Echeverría pressed him to replace the murdered candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio, with an old-guard figure. Echeverría brushed off the accusations as absurd.
Echeverría's brother-in-law, Rubén Zuno Arce, was convicted by a California court in 1992 and sentenced to life in prison for his role as leader of the Guadalajara drug cartel and the murder of a US federal agent seven years earlier. Echeverría repeatedly requested President Carlos Salinas to pressure Washington for the release of Zuno Arce but to no avail.
After the defeat of the PRI in the general elections of July 2000, it emerged that Vicente Fox (the president from 2000 to 2006) had met privately with Echeverría at the latter's home in Mexico City numerous times during the former's presidential campaign in 1999 and 2000.
Fox appointed several Echeverría loyalists to top positions in his government, including Adolfo Aguilar Zínser, who headed Echeverría's "Third World University" in the 1970s, as national security advisor and Juan José Bremer (Echeverría's personal secretary) as ambassador to Washington. The most controversial was Alejandro Gertz Manero, who had been accused by the Mexican press of bearing responsibility for the suicide of a museum owner in 1972, as Gertz, then working for Echeverría's attorney general, attempted to confiscate his private collection of pre-Hispanic artifacts (Echeverría has a collection of such artifacts). Fox appointed Gertz as chief of the Federal Police.
In 2002, he was the first political official called to testify before the Mexican justice system for the Tlatelolco massacre of students in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Tlatelolco in 1968. On 23 July 2006, a special prosecutor indicted Echeverría and requested his arrest for allegedly ordering the attack that killed and wounded many student demonstrators during a protest in Mexico City over education funding on 10 June 1971. The incident became known as the Corpus Christi massacre for the feast day on which it took place, but also as the Halconazo ("Falcon Strike") since the special unit involved was called Los Halcones ("The Falcons"). The evidence against Echeverría appeared to be based on documents that allegedly show that he ordered the formation of special army units that committed the killings and that he had received regular updates about the episode and its aftermath from his chief of secret police. At the time, the government argued police forces and civilian demonstrators were attacked and people on both sides killed by armed civilians, who were convicted and later freed because of a general amnesty.
After the political transition of 2000, Echeverría was charged with genocide by the special prosecutor, an untested charge in the Mexican legal system, partly because the statute of limitations for charges of homicide had expired (charges of genocide under Mexican law have no statute of limitations since 2002). On 24 July 2004, a judge refused to issue an arrest warrant for Echeverría because of the statute of limitations, apparently rejecting the special prosecutor's assertion of genocide-based special circumstances. The special prosecutor said that he would appeal the judge's decision. Echeverría has steadfastly denied any complicity in the killings.
On 24 February 2005, the Supreme Court of Justice decided 4–1 that the statute of limitations (30 years) had expired by the time the prosecution began and that Mexico's ratification by Congress in 2002 of the convention on 26 November 1968, signed by the president on 3 July 1969 but ratified by Congress on 10 December 2001 and coming into effect 90 days later, which states that genocide has no statute of limitations, could not be applied retroactively to Echeverría's case since only Congress can make such agreements part of the legal system.
Charges of genocide, which would have been difficult to sustain even if they were accepted, were about the last hope for Echeverría's prosecution. While the case is still technically open in court, it will be difficult to obtain a conviction. The prosecution argued before the Supreme Court that political conditions prevented an earlier prosecution, the president was constitutionally protected against charges for his full term so the statute of limitations should be extended, and the UN convention accepted by Mexico covered past events of genocide.
The Supreme Court said that the law did not take into account political conditions and presidential immunity in calculating the statute of limitations, the prosecution failed to prove earlier charges against the defendants (producing only photocopies, with no legal value, of supposed legal proceedings from the late 1970s and early 1980s), and Article 14 of the Mexican Constitution bans retroactivity of laws.
On 20 September 2005, the special prosecutor for crimes of the past filed genocide charges against Echeverría for his responsibility, as interior minister at the time, in 2 October 1968 Tlatelolco massacre. Again, the assigned criminal judge dismissed the file and held that the statute of limitations had expired and that the massacre did not constitute genocide. An arrest warrant for Echeverría was issued by a Mexican court on 30 June 2006, but he was found not guilty of the charges on 8 July 2006. Echeverría is now suing the PRD for untrue allegations. On 29 November 2006, he was charged with the massacres and ordered under house arrest by a Mexican judge.
Finally, on 26 March 2009, a federal court ordered the absolute freedom of the former president and dismissed the charge of genocide for the events of Tlatelolco.
On 1 April 2018, with a lifespan of 35,138 days, he surpassed Pedro Lascuráin (1856–1952) in terms of longevity, and is now the oldest former president in Mexican history.
On 2 January 1945, Echeverría married to María Esther Zuno (8 December 1924 – 4 December 1999) and had eight children.
Echeverría later condemned Zionist expansion at the United Nations, criticising Israel's further incursion into Palestinian territory and its repression of the Palestinians, and allowed the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) to open an office in Mexico City.
Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
| President of Mexico
José López Portillo
General elections were held in Mexico on 5 July 1970. The presidential elections were won by Luis Echeverría Álvarez, who received 86.0% of the vote. In the Chamber of Deputies election, the Institutional Revolutionary Party won 178 of the 213 seats, as well as winning all 64 seats in the Senate election. Voter turnout in the legislative elections was 64.4%.1976 United Nations Secretary-General selection
A United Nations Secretary-General selection was held in 1976 at the end of Kurt Waldheim's first term. After a single symbolic veto from China to show its support for a Secretary-General from the Third World, Waldheim easily defeated Luis Echeverría Álvarez in the balloting. The Security Council re-selected Kurt Waldheim as Secretary General for another five-year term beginning 1 January 1977.Chile–Mexico relations
Chilean-Mexican relations refers to the historical and current bilateral relationship between the Republic of Chile and the United Mexican States. Both nations are members of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, Latin American Integration Association, Organization of Ibero-American States, Organization of American States, Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Pacific Alliance and the United Nations.Estadio Domingo Santana
The Estadio Domingo Santana is a baseball stadium located in León, Guanajuato, Mexico. It has been home ballpark of the Bravos de León of the Mexican League since 2017. They previously played there from 1983 to 1991. It was also home to the Mexican League's Cachorros de León from 1979 to 1980. In addition to Minor League Baseball, it has also been used for municipal and state events and music concerts.The stadium opened on September 2, 1973. Mexican President Luis Echeverría, state Governor Manuel M. Moreno, and Miss Guanajuato 1973 Alicia Elena Cardona Gómez were present at the inaugural game.The stadium was renovated in 2014. The repairs included replacing the grass playing field, installing a new irrigation system, adding protective netting, building new dressing rooms and bathrooms, installing new lighting, and painting. The stadium was reopened with a game between the Acereros de Monclova and the Rieleros de Aguascalientes. The Acereros were using the stadium for preseason practice before the season began.Eugenio Méndez Docurro
Eugenio Méndez Docurro (April 17, 1923 – August 23, 2015) was a Mexican engineer and politician. He served as the Secretary of Communications and Transportation from 1970 to 1976 during the administration of former President Luis Echeverría. He also served as the director of the Instituto Politécnico Nacional (IPN) from 1959 until 1962, as well as the first director of the Consejo Nacional de Ciencia y Tecnología (CONACYT) upon its creation on December 29, 1970.Méndez Docurro was born in Veracruz in 1923. He studied at the Escuela Superior de Ingeniería Mecánica y Eléctrica (ESIME). He received a Masters of Science from Harvard University and the electronics laboratory at the University of Paris.He died in Mexico City on August 23, 2015, at the age of 92.Gustavo Díaz Ordaz
Gustavo Díaz Ordaz Bolaños (Spanish pronunciation: [gusˈtaβo ˈðias oɾˈðas]; 12 March 1911 – 15 July 1979) was a Mexican politician and member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He served as the President of Mexico from 1964 to 1970.
Díaz Ordaz was born in San Andrés Chalchicomula and obtained a law degree from the University of Puebla in 1937 where he later became its vice-rector. He represented Puebla's 1st district in the Chamber of Deputies from 1943 to 1946. Subsequently he represented the same state in the Chamber of Senators from 1946 to 1952 becoming closely acquainted with then-senator Adolfo López Mateos.
Díaz Ordaz joined the campaign of Adolfo Ruiz Cortines for the 1952 election and subsequently worked for the Secretariat of the Interior under Ángel Carvajal Bernal. He became the secretary following López Mateos victory in the 1958 election and exercised de facto executive power during the absences of the president, particularly during the Cuban Missile Crisis. In 1963, the PRI announced him as the presidential candidate for the 1964 election, he received 88.81% of the popular vote.
His administration is mostly remembered for the student protests that took place in 1968, and their subsequent repression by the Army and State forces during the Tlatelolco massacre, in which hundreds of unarmed protesters were killed.After passing on presidency to his own Secretary of the Interior (Luis Echeverría), Díaz Ordaz retired from public life. He was briefly the Ambassador to Spain in 1977, a position he resigned after strong protests and criticism by the media. He died of colorectal cancer on 15 July 1979 at the age of 68.Hugo B. Margáin
Hugo B. Margáin Gleason ((1913-02-13)13 February 1913 – (1997-09-11)11 September 1997) was a Mexican economist, politician and diplomat who served as Secretary of Finance in the cabinet of Luis Echeverría (1970–73), as ambassador of Mexico to the United States (1964–70 and 1976–82), as ambassador of Mexico to the United Kingdom (1973–76) and as senator representing the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI, 1982–88).Iran–Mexico relations
Iran–Mexico relations refers to the bilateral relations between Iran and Mexico.Jamaica–Mexico relations
Jamaica–Mexico relations refers to the diplomatic relations between Jamaica and Mexico. Both nations are members of the Association of Caribbean States, Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, Organization of American States and the United Nations.Jordan–Mexico relations
Jordan–Mexico relations refers to the diplomatic relations between Jordan and Mexico.José López Portillo
José Guillermo Abel López Portillo y Pacheco, (Spanish pronunciation: [xoˈse ˈlopes poɾˈtiʝo]; June 16, 1920 – February 17, 2004) was a Mexican lawyer and politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who served as the 51st President of Mexico from 1976 to 1982. López Portillo was the only official candidate in the 1976 Presidential election, being the only President in recent Mexican history to win an election unopposed.
López Portillo was the last of the so-called economic nationalist Mexican presidents. His tenure was marked by heavy investments in the national oil industry after the discovery of new oil reserves, which propitiated initial economic growth, but later gave way to a severe debt crisis after the international oil prices fell down, leading Mexico to declare a sovereign default in 1982. As a result of the crisis, the last months of his administration were plagued by widespread capital flight, leading López Portillo to nationalize the banks three months before leaving office. His presidency was also marked by widespread government corruption and nepotism.Shortly after leaving office, during the presidency of his successor Miguel de la Madrid, numerous officials who had worked under the López Portillo administration were prosecuted for corruption, the most notorious cases being Arturo Durazo and Jorge Díaz Serrano. Although López Portillo himself was suspected of having been involved in corruption as well, he was never charged with any crimes.Leandro Rovirosa Wade
Leandro Rovirosa Wade (26 February 1918 – 6 April 2014) was a Mexican politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) who served as Governor of Tabasco during the 1977–82 period. He previously served as Secretary of Water Resources during the government of Luis Echeverría.List of presidents of Mexico by longevity
This is a list of Presidents of Mexico, in order of longevity. See the article on List of heads of state of Mexico for more information about Presidents. There are currently sixty-four Presidents on the list and seven living Presidents since Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador was inaugurated as the 58th President of Mexico on December 1, 2018. The list is in descending order and is correct as of August 23, 2019. The oldest living former president is Luis Echeverría, born January 17, 1922 (aged 97 years, 218 days). He is also the longest-lived president since April 1, 2018 when he tied Pedro Lascuráin, who died at the age of 96 years, 74 days. Additionally Echeverría has the longest post-presidency in Mexican History currently at 42 years, 266 days.
To account for the different number of leap days within the life of each president, two measures of longevity are given. The first is the number of whole years the president lived, and the number of days past their last birthday. The second list the total number of days lived by the president, accounting for differing numbers of leap years within the lifespan of each president.Mario Moya Palencia
Mario Moya Palencia (14 June 1933 – 9 October 2006) was a Mexican politician affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI). He served Secretary of the Interior in the cabinet of Presidents Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Luis Echeverría.
Moya Palencia was born in Mexico City and received a bachelor's degree in law from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), where he undertook some postgraduate studies in Mexican history. After working as a local barrister in the Mexican capital he joined the Institutional Revolutionary Party and climbed through the ranks of the Secretariat of the Interior (in Spanish: Secretaría de Gobernación), first as general director of cinematography (1964–1968), then as undersecretary of the Interior and finally as head of the Secretariat in the cabinet of president Luis Echeverría. In that capacity, his indictment on charges of genocide was sought by the Special Prosecutor for Crimes of the Past as one of the perpetrators of the 10 June 1971 Corpus Christi Massacre; the case was ultimately dismissed in 2005 in application of statutory limitations.
His name was mentioned within the PRI as a possible candidate for the 1976 presidential election, but the nomination was instead awarded to José López Portillo.
Moya Palencia later served as ambassador to the United Nations (1985–1989), Cuba (1991–1993), and Italy; he also served as special envoy to Central America and the Caribbean for co-operation matters.Mario Ramón Beteta
Mario Ramón Beteta Monsalve (7 July 1925 – 5 October 2004) was a Mexican economist who served as the last Secretary of Finance in the cabinet of President Luis Echeverría (1975–76), as director-general of Pemex (1982–87) and as governor of the State of México (1987–89).Mexico–Sri Lanka relations
Mexico–Sri Lanka relations refers to the diplomatic relations between the United Mexican States and the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. Both nations are members of the United Nations.Mexico–Tanzania relations
Mexico–Tanzania relations refers to the diplomatic relations between Mexico and Tanzania.Radio Coahuila
Radio Coahuila is the state radio network of the Mexican state of Coahuila, broadcasting on 16 transmitters in the state. Radio Coahuila's studios are located in the capital city of Saltillo, in a state office building on Periférico Luis Echeverría, alongside the Saltillo transmitter.Víctor Bravo Ahuja
Víctor Bravo Ahuja (20 February 1918 - 30 August 1990) was a Mexican politician and academician who served as Secretary of Public Education in the administration of Luis Echeverría (1970–76), as Governor of Oaxaca (1968–70) and as Director General (1951–55) and then Rector (1955–58) of the Monterrey Institute of Technology (ITESM).
He was born into a family composed by Rodrigo Bravo Monsalve and Carmen Ahuja Beauregard and became one of the first four students to graduate with a bachelor's degree in Aeronautical Engineering from the National Polytechnic Institute. He interrupted his master's degree at the California Institute of Technology, served in the Mexican Air Force and completed his master's degree at the University of Michigan.
Díaz Ordaz cabinet (1964–1970)
|Secretary of the Interior|
|Secretary of Foreign Affairs|
|Secretary of National Defense|
|Secretary of the Navy|
|Secretary of Finance and Public Credit|
|Secretary of the Presidency|
|Secretary of Public Works|
|Secretary of National Assets|
|Secretary of Public Education|