Jim Crow laws

Jim Crow laws were state and local laws that enforced racial segregation in the Southern United States.[1] All were enacted in the late 19th and early 20th centuries by white Democratic-dominated state legislatures after the Reconstruction period.[2] The laws were enforced until 1965.[3] In practice, Jim Crow laws mandated racial segregation in all public facilities in the states of the former Confederate States of America, starting in the 1870s and 1880s, and were upheld in 1896, by the U.S. Supreme Court's "separate but equal" legal doctrine for facilities for African Americans, established with the court's decision in the case of Plessy vs. Ferguson. Moreover, public education had essentially been segregated since its establishment in most of the South, after the Civil War (1861–65).

The legal principle of "separate, but equal" racial segregation was extended to public facilities and transportation, including the coaches of interstate trains and buses. Facilities for African Americans and Native Americans were consistently inferior and underfunded, compared to the facilities for white Americans; sometimes there were no facilities for people of color.[4][5] As a body of law, Jim Crow institutionalized economic, educational, and social disadvantages for African Americans, and other people of color living in the south.[4][5][6] Legalized racial segregation principally existed in the Southern states, while Northern and Western racial segregation generally was a matter of fact — enforced in housing with private covenants in leases, bank lending-practices, and employment-preference discrimination, including labor-union practices.

Jim Crow laws—sometimes, as in Florida, part of state constitutions—mandated the segregation of public schools, public places, and public transportation, and the segregation of restrooms, restaurants, and drinking fountains for whites and blacks. The U.S. military was already segregated. President Woodrow Wilson, a Southern Democrat, initiated segregation of federal workplaces in 1913.[7]

These Jim Crow laws revived principles of the 1865 and 1866 Black Codes, which had previously restricted the civil rights and civil liberties of African Americans. Segregation of public (state-sponsored) schools was declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education. In some states it took many years to implement this decision. Generally, the remaining Jim Crow laws were overruled by the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, but years of action and court challenges have been needed to unravel the many means of institutional discrimination.

Etymology

The phrase "Jim Crow Law" can be found as early as 1892 in the title of a New York Times article about Louisiana requiring segregated railroad cars.[8][9] The origin of the phrase "Jim Crow" has often been attributed to "Jump Jim Crow", a song-and-dance caricature of blacks performed by white actor Thomas D. Rice in blackface, which first surfaced in 1832 and was used to satirize Andrew Jackson's populist policies. As a result of Rice's fame, "Jim Crow" by 1838 had become a pejorative expression meaning "Negro". When southern legislatures passed laws of racial segregation directed against blacks at the end of the 19th century, these statutes became known as Jim Crow laws.[8]

Origins of Jim Crow laws

In January 1865 an amendment to the Constitution to abolish slavery in the United States was proposed by Congress, and on December 18, 1865, it was ratified as the Thirteenth Amendment formally abolishing slavery.[10]

Jimcrow
Cover of an early edition of "Jump Jim Crow" sheet music (circa 1832)
FreedmenVotingInNewOrleans1867.jpeg
Freedmen voting in New Orleans, 1867

During the Reconstruction period of 1865–1877, federal laws provided civil rights protections in the U.S. South for freedmen, the African Americans who had formerly been slaves, and the minority of blacks who had been free before the war. In the 1870s, Democrats gradually regained power in the Southern legislatures,[11] having used insurgent paramilitary groups, such as the White League and the Red Shirts, to disrupt Republican organizing, run Republican officeholders out of town, and intimidate blacks to suppress their voting.[12] Extensive voter fraud was also used. Gubernatorial elections were close and had been disputed in Louisiana for years, with increasing violence against blacks during campaigns from 1868 onward.

In 1877, a national Democratic Party compromise to gain Southern support in the presidential election (a corrupt bargain) resulted in the government's withdrawing the last of the federal troops from the South. White Democrats had regained political power in every Southern state.[13] These Southern, white, Democratic Redeemer governments legislated Jim Crow laws, officially segregating black people from the white population.

Blacks were still elected to local offices throughout the 1880s, but their voting was suppressed for state and national elections. Democrats passed laws to make voter registration and electoral rules more restrictive, with the result that political participation by most blacks and many poor whites began to decrease.[14][15] Between 1890 and 1910, ten of the eleven former Confederate states, starting with Mississippi, passed new constitutions or amendments that effectively disenfranchised most blacks and tens of thousands of poor whites through a combination of poll taxes, literacy and comprehension tests, and residency and record-keeping requirements.[14][15] Grandfather clauses temporarily permitted some illiterate whites to vote but gave no relief to most blacks.

Voter turnout dropped drastically through the South as a result of such measures. In Louisiana, by 1900, black voters were reduced to 5,320 on the rolls, although they comprised the majority of the state's population. By 1910, only 730 blacks were registered, less than 0.5% of eligible black men. "In 27 of the state's 60 parishes, not a single black voter was registered any longer; in 9 more parishes, only one black voter was."[16] The cumulative effect in North Carolina meant that black voters were completely eliminated from voter rolls during the period from 1896–1904. The growth of their thriving middle class was slowed. In North Carolina and other Southern states, blacks suffered from being made invisible in the political system: "[W]ithin a decade of disfranchisement, the white supremacy campaign had erased the image of the black middle class from the minds of white North Carolinians."[16] In Alabama tens of thousands of poor whites were also disenfranchised, although initially legislators had promised them they would not be affected adversely by the new restrictions.[17]

Those who could not vote were not eligible to serve on juries and could not run for local offices. They effectively disappeared from political life, as they could not influence the state legislatures, and their interests were overlooked. While public schools had been established by Reconstruction legislatures for the first time in most Southern states, those for black children were consistently underfunded compared to schools for white children, even when considered within the strained finances of the postwar South where the decreasing price of cotton kept the agricultural economy at a low.[18]

Like schools, public libraries for blacks and Native Americans were underfunded, if they existed at all, and they were often stocked with secondhand books and other resources.[5][19] These facilities were not introduced for African Americans in the South until the first decade of the 20th century.[20] Throughout the Jim Crow era, libraries were only available sporadically.[21] Prior to the 20th century, most libraries established for African Americans were school-library combinations.[21] Many public libraries for both European-American and African American patrons in this period were founded as the result of middle-class activism aided by matching grants from the Carnegie Foundation.[21]

In some cases, progressive measures intended to reduce election fraud, such as the Eight Box Law in South Carolina, acted against black and white voters who were illiterate, as they could not follow the directions.[22] While the separation of African Americans from the white general population was becoming legalized and formalized during the Progressive Era (1890s–1920s), it was also becoming customary. For instance, even in cases in which Jim Crow laws did not expressly forbid black people to participate in sports or recreation, a segregated culture had become common.[8]

In the Jim Crow context, the presidential election of 1912 was steeply slanted against the interests of black Americans.[23] Most blacks still lived in the South, where they had been effectively disfranchised, so they could not vote at all. While poll taxes and literacy requirements banned many poor or illiterate Americans from voting, these stipulations frequently had loopholes that exempted European Americans from meeting the requirements. In Oklahoma, for instance, anyone qualified to vote before 1866, or related to someone qualified to vote before 1866 (a kind of "grandfather clause"), was exempted from the literacy requirement; but the only persons who had the franchise before that year were white, or European-American males. European Americans were effectively exempted from the literacy testing, whereas black Americans were effectively singled out by the law.[24]

Woodrow Wilson was a Democrat elected from New Jersey, but he was born and raised in the South, and was the first Southern-born president of the post-Civil War period. He appointed Southerners to his Cabinet. Some quickly began to press for segregated workplaces, although the city of Washington, D.C., and federal offices had been integrated since after the Civil War. In 1913, for instance, Secretary of the Treasury William Gibbs McAdoo – an appointee of the President – was heard to express his opinion of black and white women working together in one government office: "I feel sure that this must go against the grain of the white women. Is there any reason why the white women should not have only white women working across from them on the machines?"[25]

The Wilson administration introduced segregation in federal offices, despite much protest from African-American leaders and white progressive groups in the north and midwest.[26] He appointed segregationist Southern politicians because of his own firm belief that racial segregation was in the best interest of black and European Americans alike.[27] At Gettysburg on July 4, 1913, the semi-centennial of Abraham Lincoln's declaration that "all men are created equal", Wilson addressed the crowd:

How complete the union has become and how dear to all of us, how unquestioned, how benign and majestic, as state after state has been added to this, our great family of free men![28]

In sharp contrast to Wilson, a Washington Bee editorial wondered if the "reunion" of 1913 was a reunion of those who fought for "the extinction of slavery" or a reunion of those who fought to "perpetuate slavery and who are now employing every artifice and argument known to deceit" to present emancipation as a failed venture.[28] Historian David W. Blight notes that the "Peace Jubilee" at which Wilson presided at Gettysburg in 1913 "was a Jim Crow reunion, and white supremacy might be said to have been the silent, invisible master of ceremonies."[28] (See also: Great Reunion of 1913)

In Texas, several towns adopted residential segregation laws between 1910 and the 1920s. Legal strictures called for segregated water fountains and restrooms.[28] Jim Crow laws were a product of what had become the solidly Democratic South due to disfranchisement of blacks.

Native Americans, like African Americans, were also affected by the Jim Crow laws, especially after they were made citizens through the Indian Citizenship Act of 1924. Native American identity was especially targeted by a system that only wanted to recognize white or colored, and the government began to question the legitimacy of some tribes because they had intermarried with African Americans.[4][5] The Office of Indian Affairs (OIA) employed anthropometrists to determine the blood quantum of Native Americans in the South, and declared that the only individuals who could claim Native American identity were those determined to be half- or full-blooded Native Americans, making individuals even more vulnerable to Jim Crow laws.[5] Native Americans that were part white or were light complexioned would often pass as white to avoid the persecution of the Jim Crow laws, while family members with reddish-brown skin could not.[4][5] Native Americans in the South were especially affected through their education, as schools in the native communities, like black schools, were poorly funded; some Native American children attended "colored" schools.[5] Immediate citizenship didn't change the views that White Americans had about Native Americans, and voter suppression was a tactic that was used against Native Americans in the South.[4][5][6] States used five basic arguments in justifying the denial of voting rights to Native Americans: (1) failure to sever tribal ties makes Native Americans ineligible; (2) "Native Americans not taxed"; (3) Native Americans that are under guardianship; (4) reservation Indians are not residents; and (5) tribal sovereignty precludes participation in state and local governments.[6] Jim Crow laws were carried over into the West; some states did not allow Native Americans to vote, or made it difficult for them to reach the ballot boxes.[6] A disproportionate lack of access to voter registration was often made with Native Americans having to travel excessive miles from a reservation.[29]

Early attempts to break Jim Crow

JimCrowInDurhamNC
Sign for the "colored" waiting room at a bus station in Durham, North Carolina, May 1940

The Civil Rights Act of 1875, introduced by Charles Sumner and Benjamin F. Butler, stipulated a guarantee that everyone, regardless of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, was entitled to the same treatment in public accommodations, such as inns, public transportation, theaters, and other places of recreation. This Act had little effect.[30] An 1883 Supreme Court decision ruled that the act was unconstitutional in some respects, saying Congress was not afforded control over private persons or corporations. With white southern Democrats forming a solid voting bloc in Congress, due to having outsize power from keeping seats apportioned for the total population in the South (although hundreds of thousands had been disenfranchised), Congress did not pass another civil rights law until 1957.[31]

In 1887, Rev. W. H. Heard lodged a complaint with the Interstate Commerce Commission against the Georgia Railroad company for discrimination, citing its provision of different cars for white and black/colored passengers. The company successfully appealed for relief on the grounds it offered "separate but equal" accommodation.[32]

In 1890, Louisiana passed a law requiring separate accommodations for colored and white passengers on railroads. Louisiana law distinguished between "white", "black" and "colored" (that is, people of mixed European and African ancestry). The law had already specified that blacks could not ride with white people, but colored people could ride with whites before 1890. A group of concerned black, colored and white citizens in New Orleans formed an association dedicated to rescinding the law. The group persuaded Homer Plessy to test it; he was a man of color who was of fair complexion and one-eighth "Negro" in ancestry.[33]

In 1892, Plessy bought a first-class ticket from New Orleans on the East Louisiana Railway. Once he had boarded the train, he informed the train conductor of his racial lineage and took a seat in the whites-only car. He was directed to leave that car and sit instead in the "coloreds only" car. Plessy refused and was immediately arrested. The Citizens Committee of New Orleans fought the case all the way to the United States Supreme Court. They lost in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), in which the Court ruled that "separate but equal" facilities were constitutional. The finding contributed to 58 more years of legalized discrimination against black and colored people in the United States.[33]

In 1908 Congress defeated an attempt to introduce segregated streetcars into the capital.[34]

Racism in the United States and defenses of Jim Crow

JimCrowCar2
1904 caricature of "White" and "Jim Crow" rail cars by John T. McCutcheon. Despite Jim Crow's legal pretense that the races be "separate but equal" under the law, non-whites were given inferior facilities and treatment.[35]

White Southerners encountered problems in learning free labor management after the end of slavery, and they resented black Americans, who represented the Confederacy's Civil War defeat: "With white supremacy being challenged throughout the South, many whites sought to protect their former status by threatening African Americans who exercised their new rights."[36] White Democrats used their power to segregate public spaces and facilities in law and reestablish social dominance over blacks in the South.

One rationale for the systematic exclusion of black Americans from southern public society was that it was for their own protection. An early 20th-century scholar suggested that allowing blacks to attend white schools would mean "constantly subjecting them to adverse feeling and opinion", which might lead to "a morbid race consciousness".[37] This perspective took anti-black sentiment for granted, because bigotry was widespread in the South after slavery became a racial caste system.

Post-World War II era

After World War II, people of color increasingly challenged segregation, as they believed they had more than earned the right to be treated as full citizens because of their military service and sacrifices. The Civil Rights Movement was energized by a number of flashpoints, including the 1946 police beating and blinding of World War II veteran Isaac Woodard while he was in U.S. Army uniform. In 1948 President Harry S. Truman issued Executive Order 9981, desegregating the armed services.[38]

As the Civil Rights Movement gained momentum and used federal courts to attack Jim Crow statutes, the white-dominated governments of many of the southern states countered by passing alternative forms of restrictions.

The NAACP Legal Defense Committee (a group that became independent of the NAACP) – and its lawyer, Thurgood Marshall – brought the landmark case Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, 347 U.S. 483 (1954) before the Supreme Court. In its pivotal 1954 decision, the Court unanimously overturned the 1896 Plessy decision. The Supreme Court found that legally mandated (de jure) public school segregation was unconstitutional. The decision had far-reaching social ramifications.

History has shown that problems of educating poor children are not confined to minority status, and states and cities have continued to grapple with approaches. The court ruling did not stop de facto or residentially based school segregation. Such segregation continues today in many regions. Some city school systems have also begun to focus on issues of economic and class segregation rather than racial segregation, as they have found that problems are more prevalent when the children of the poor of any ethnic group are concentrated.

Associate Justice Frank Murphy introduced the word "racism" into the lexicon of U.S. Supreme Court opinions in Korematsu v. United States, 323 U.S. 214 (1944).[39] He stated that by upholding the forced relocation of Japanese Americans during World War II, the Court was sinking into "the ugly abyss of racism". This was the first time that "racism" was used in Supreme Court opinion (Murphy used it twice in a concurring opinion in Steele v Louisville & Nashville Railway Co 323 192 (1944) issued that day).[40] Murphy used the word in five separate opinions, but after he left the court, "racism" was not used again in an opinion for almost two decades. It next appeared in the landmark decision of Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1 (1967).

Interpretation of the Constitution and its application to minority rights continues to be controversial as Court membership changes. Observers such as Ian F. Lopez believe that in the 2000s, the Supreme Court has become more protective of the status quo.[41]

Removal

Courts

In 1971, the Supreme Court, in Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, upheld desegregation busing of students to achieve integration.

Public arena

In 1955, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on a city bus to a white man in Montgomery, Alabama. This was not the first time this happened — for example Parks was inspired by 15 year old Claudette Colvin doing the same thing nine months earlier[42] — but the Parks act of civil disobedience was chosen, symbolically, as an important catalyst in the growth of the Civil Rights Movement; activists built the Montgomery Bus Boycott around it, which lasted more than a year and resulted in desegregation of the privately run buses in the city. Civil rights protests and actions, together with legal challenges, resulted in a series of legislative and court decisions which contributed to undermining the Jim Crow system.[43]

Numerous boycotts and demonstrations against segregation had occurred throughout the 1930s and 1940s. The NAACP had been engaged in a series of litigation cases since the early 20th century in efforts to combat laws that disenfranchised black voters across the South. Some of the early demonstrations achieved positive results, strengthening political activism, especially in the post-World War II years. Black veterans were impatient with social oppression after having fought for the United States and freedom across the world. In 1947 K. Leroy Irvis of Pittsburgh's Urban League, for instance, led a demonstration against employment discrimination by the city's department stores. It was the beginning of his own influential political career.[44]

End of de jure segregation

Lyndon Johnson signing Civil Rights Act, July 2, 1964
President Johnson signs the Civil Rights Act of 1964

In January 1964, President Lyndon Johnson met with civil rights leaders. On January 8, during his first State of the Union address, Johnson asked Congress to "let this session of Congress be known as the session which did more for civil rights than the last hundred sessions combined." On June 21, civil rights workers Michael Schwerner, Andrew Goodman, and James Chaney disappeared in Neshoba County, Mississippi, where they were volunteering in the registration of African-American voters as part of the Mississippi Summer Project. The disappearance of the three activists captured national attention and the ensuing outrage was used by Johnson and civil rights activists to build a coalition of northern and western Democrats and Republicans and push Congress to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1964.[45]

On July 2, 1964, Johnson signed the historic Civil Rights Act of 1964.[45][46] It invoked the Commerce Clause[45] to outlaw discrimination in public accommodations (privately owned restaurants, hotels, and stores, and in private schools and workplaces). This use of the Commerce Clause was upheld in Heart of Atlanta Motel v. United States 379 US 241 (1964).[47]

By 1965, efforts to break the grip of state disenfranchisement by education for voter registration in southern counties had been under way for some time, but had achieved only modest success overall. In some areas of the Deep South, white resistance made these efforts almost entirely ineffectual. The murder of the three voting-rights activists in Mississippi in 1964 and the state's refusal to prosecute the murderers, along with numerous other acts of violence and terrorism against blacks, had gained national attention. Finally, the unprovoked attack on March 7, 1965, by county and state troopers on peaceful Alabama marchers crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge en route from Selma to the state capital of Montgomery, persuaded the President and Congress to overcome Southern legislators' resistance to effective voting rights enforcement legislation. President Johnson issued a call for a strong voting rights law and hearings soon began on the bill that would become the Voting Rights Act.[48]

The Voting Rights Act of 1965 ended legally sanctioned state barriers to voting for all federal, state and local elections. It also provided for federal oversight and monitoring of counties with historically low minority voter turnout. Years of enforcement have been needed to overcome resistance, and additional legal challenges have been made in the courts to ensure the ability of voters to elect candidates of their choice. For instance, many cities and counties introduced at-large election of council members, which resulted in many cases of diluting minority votes and preventing election of minority-supported candidates.

Although sometimes counted among "Jim Crow laws" of the South, such statutes as anti-miscegenation laws were also passed by other states. Anti-miscegenation laws were not repealed by the Civil Rights Act of 1964[45] but were declared unconstitutional by the 1967 Supreme Court ruling in Loving v. Virginia.[49]

African-American life

"Colored" drinking fountain from mid-20th century with african-american drinking
An African-American man drinking at a "colored" drinking fountain in a streetcar terminal in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, 1939

The Jim Crow laws and the high rate of lynchings in the South were major factors which led to the Great Migration during the first half of the 20th century. Because opportunities were so limited in the South, African Americans moved in great numbers to cities in Northeastern, Midwestern, and Western states to seek better lives.

Despite the hardship and prejudice of the Jim Crow era, several black entertainers and literary figures gained broad popularity with white audiences in the early 20th century. They included luminaries such as tap dancers Bill "Bojangles" Robinson and the Nicholas Brothers, jazz musicians such as Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington and Count Basie, and the actress Hattie McDaniel (in 1939 she was the first black person to receive an Academy Award when she won the Best Supporting Actress Oscar for her performance as Mammy in Gone with the Wind).

African-American athletes faced much discrimination during the Jim Crow period. White opposition led to their exclusion from most organized sporting competitions. The boxers Jack Johnson and Joe Louis (both of whom became world heavyweight boxing champions) and track and field athlete Jesse Owens (who won four gold medals at the 1936 Summer Olympics in Berlin) earned fame during this era. In baseball, a color line instituted in the 1880s had informally barred blacks from playing in the major leagues, leading to the development of the Negro Leagues, which featured many fine players. A major breakthrough occurred in 1947, when Jackie Robinson was hired as the first African American to play in Major League Baseball; he permanently broke the color bar. Baseball teams continued to integrate in the following years, leading to the full participation of black baseball players in the Major Leagues in the 1960s.

Remembrance

Ferris State University in Big Rapids, Michigan, houses the Jim Crow Museum of Racist Memorabilia, an extensive collection of everyday items that promoted racial segregation or presented racial stereotypes of African Americans, for the purpose of academic research and education about their cultural influence.[50]

See also

Footnotes

  1. ^ Fremon, David (2000). The Jim Crow Laws and Racism in American History. Enslow. ISBN 0766012972.
  2. ^ Bruce Bartlett (January 8, 2008). Wrong on Race: The Democratic Party's Buried Past. St. Martin's Press. pp. 24–. ISBN 978-0-230-61138-2.
  3. ^ Elizabeth Schmermund (July 15, 2016). Reading and Interpreting the Works of Harper Lee. Enslow Publishing, LLC. pp. 27–. ISBN 978-0-7660-7914-4.
  4. ^ a b c d e Perdue, Theda (October 28, 2011). "Legacy of Jim Crow for Southern Native Americans". C-SPAN. C-SPAN. Retrieved November 27, 2018.
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h Lowery, Malinda Maynor (January 1, 2010). "Lumbee Indians in the Jim Crow South: Race, Identity, and the Making of a Nation". Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 0–339. Retrieved November 27, 2018.
  6. ^ a b c d Wolfley, Jeanette (1990). "Jim Crow, Indian Style: The Disenfranchisement of Native Americans" (PDF). Indian Law Review. 16: 167–202. Retrieved November 27, 2018.
  7. ^ Michael R. Gardner (2002). Harry Truman and Civil Rights. SIU Press. pp. 108–. ISBN 978-0-8093-8896-7.
  8. ^ a b c Woodward, C. Vann and McFeely, William S. (2001), The Strange Career of Jim Crow. p. 7
  9. ^ "Louisiana's 'Jim Crow' Law Valid". The New York Times. New York. December 21, 1892. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved February 6, 2011. New Orleans, Dec 20. – The Supreme Court yesterday declared constitutional the law passed two years ago and known as the 'Jim Crow' law, making it compulsory on railroads to provide separate cars for blacks.
  10. ^ Gerald D. Jaynes (February 2005). Encyclopedia of African American Society. SAGE. pp. 864–. ISBN 978-0-7619-2764-8.
  11. ^ Melissa Milewski (November 1, 2017). Litigating Across the Color Line: Civil Cases Between Black and White Southerners from the End of Slavery to Civil Rights. Oxford University Press. pp. 47–. ISBN 978-0-19-024919-9.
  12. ^ Michael Perman (2009). Pursuit of Unity: A Political History of the American South. Univ of North Carolina Press. pp. 138–. ISBN 978-0-8078-3324-7.
  13. ^ Woodward, C. Vann and McFeely, William S. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 2001, p. 6
  14. ^ a b Michael Perman.Struggle for Mastery: Disfranchisement in the South, 1888–1908. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001, Introduction
  15. ^ a b J. Morgan Kousser.The Shaping of Southern Politics: Suffrage Restriction and the Establishment of the One-Party South, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974
  16. ^ a b Richard H. Pildes, "Democracy, Anti-Democracy, and the Canon", 2000, pp. 12, 27 Retrieved Mar 10, 2008
  17. ^ Glenn Feldman, The Disfranchisement Myth: Poor Whites and Suffrage Restriction in Alabama, Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2004, pp. 135–136
  18. ^ Reese, W. (January 4, 2010). History, Education, and the Schools. Springer. p. 145. ISBN 9780230104822.
  19. ^ Buddy, J., & Williams, M. (2005). "A dream deferred: school libraries and segregation", American Libraries, 36(2), 33-35.
  20. ^ Battles, D. M. (2009). The History of Public Library Access for African Americans in the South, or, Leaving Behind the Plow. Lanham, Md.: Scarecrow Press.
  21. ^ a b c Fultz, M. (2006). "Black Public Libraries in the South in the Era of De Jure Segregation." Libraries & The Cultural Record, 41(3), 338.
  22. ^ Holt, Thomas (1979). Black over White: Negro Political Leadership in South Carolina during Reconstruction. Urbana: University of Illinois Press.
  23. ^ John Dittmer (1980). Black Georgia in the Progressive Era, 1900-1920. University of Illinois Press. pp. 108–. ISBN 978-0-252-00813-9.
  24. ^ Tomlins, Christopher L. The United States Supreme Court: The Pursuit of Justice. 2005, p. 195
  25. ^ King, Desmond. Separate and Unequal: Black Americans and the US Federal Government. 1995, page 3.
  26. ^ Carol Berkin; Christopher Miller; Robert Cherny; James Gormly (January 1, 2011). Making America: A History of the United States. Cengage Learning. pp. 578–. ISBN 0-495-90979-3.
  27. ^ Schulte Nordholt, J. W. and Rowen, Herbert H. Woodrow Wilson: A Life for World Peace. 1991, pp. 99–100.
  28. ^ a b c d Blight, David W. Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory. page 9–11
  29. ^ Rodgers, Tom (November 2, 2016). "For Native Americans, Jim Crow is Alive & Well in the West". JURIST. JURIST. Retrieved November 27, 2018.
  30. ^ New York Times, 30 March 1882: 'COLORED METHODISTS INDIGNANT OVER THE EXPULSION OF THEIR SENIOR BISHOP FROM A FLORIDA RAILWAY CAR. : ... Colored men of spirit and culture are resisting the conductors, who attempt to drive them into the "Jim Crow cars," and they sometimes succeed ... '
  31. ^ "Constitutional Amendments and Major Civil Rights Acts of Congress Referenced in Black Americans in Congress". History, Art & Archives. US House of Repsentatives. Retrieved January 27, 2018.
  32. ^ New York Times, 30 July 1887: 'NO "JIM CROW" CARS. :"... The answer further avers that the cars provided for the colored passengers are equally as safe, comfortable, clean, well ventilated, and cared for as those provided for whites. The difference, it says, if any, relates to matters aesthetical only ..."
  33. ^ a b "Plessy v. Ferguson". Know Louisiana. Louisiana Endowment for the Humanities. Retrieved January 27, 2018.
  34. ^ Congress rejected by a majority of 140 to 59 a transport bill amendment proposed by James Thomas Heflin (Ala.) to introduce racially segregated streetcars to the capital's transport system. The New York Times, 23 February 1908: '"JIM CROW CARS" DENIED BY CONGRESS'
  35. ^ John McCutheon. The Mysterious Stranger and Other Cartoons by John T. McCutcheon, New York, McClure, Phillips & Co. 1905.
  36. ^ Gates, Henry Louis and Appiah, Anthony. Africana: The Encyclopedia of the African and African American Experience. 1999, p. 1211.
  37. ^ Murphy, Edgar Gardner. The Problems of the Present South. 1910, p. 37
  38. ^ Taylor, Jon E. (May 2, 2013). Freedom to Serve: Truman, Civil Rights, and Executive Order 9981. p. 159. ISBN 978-0-415-89449-4.
  39. ^ "Full text of Korematsu v. United States opinion". Findlaw.
  40. ^ Steele v. Louisville, Findlaw.
  41. ^ Lopez, Ian F. Haney (February 1, 2007), "A nation of minorities: race, ethnicity, and reactionary colorblindness", Stanford Law Review
  42. ^ The Other Rosa Parks: Now 73, Claudette Colvin Was First to Refuse Giving Up Seat on Montgomery Bus
  43. ^ "Jim Crow Laws and Racial Segregation". VCU Libraries Social Welfare History Project. Virginia Commonwealth University. Retrieved January 27, 2018.
  44. ^ "Former Pa. House speaker K. Leroy Irvis dies". Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. Retrieved January 27, 2018.
  45. ^ a b c d "Civil Rights Act of 1964 - CRA - Title VII - Equal Employment Opportunities - 42 US Code Chapter 21".
  46. ^ "LBJ for Kids – Civil rights during the Johnson Administration". University of Texas. Archived from the original on July 20, 2012.
  47. ^ See generally, Lopez, Ian F. Haney (February 1, 2007). "A nation of minorities: race, ethnicity, and reactionary colorblindness". Stanford Law Review.
  48. ^ "Introduction To Federal Voting Rights Laws" Archived March 4, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. United States Department of Justice.
  49. ^ Sollers, Werner (2000). Interracialism black-white intermarriage in American history, literature, and law. New York; Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 26–34. ISBN 1-280-65507-0.
  50. ^ "RELICS OF RACISM: BIG RAPIDS MUSEUM LETS ITS MEMORABILIA TELL THE UGLY STORY OF JIM CROW IN AMERICA".

Further reading

  • Ayers, Edward L. The Promise of the New South. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992.
  • Barnes, Catherine A. Journey from Jim Crow: The Desegregation of Southern Transit. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983.
  • Bartley, Numan V. The Rise of Massive Resistance: Race and Politics in the South during the 1950s. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1969.
  • Bond, Horace Mann. "The Extent and Character of Separate Schools in the United States." Journal of Negro Education vol. 4 (July 1935), pp. 321–327.
  • Chin, Gabriel, and Karthikeyan, Hrishi. Preserving Racial Identity: Population Patterns and the Application of Anti-Miscegenation Statutes to Asians, 1910 to 1950, 9 Asian L.J. 1 (2002)
  • Campbell, Nedra. More Justice, More Peace: The Black Person's Guide to the American Legal System. Lawrence Hill Books; Chicago Review Press, 2003.
  • Cole, Stephanie and Natalie J. Ring (eds.), The Folly of Jim Crow: Rethinking the Segregated South. College Station, TX: Texas A&M University Press, 2012.
  • Dailey, Jane; Gilmore, Glenda Elizabeth and Simon, Bryant (eds.), Jumpin' Jim Crow: Southern Politics from Civil War to Civil Rights. 2000.
  • Delany, Sarah; Delany, A. Elizabeth; and Hearth, Amy Hill. Having Our Say; The Delany Sisters' First 100 Years. Thorndike, ME: G.K. Hall & Co., 1993.
  • Fairclough, Adam. "'Being in the Field of Education and Also Being a Negro ... Seems ... Tragic': Black Teachers in the Jim Crow South." The Journal of American History vol. 87 (June 2000), pp. 65–91.
  • Feldman, Glenn. Politics, Society, and the Klan in Alabama, 1915–1949. University of Alabama Press, 1999.
  • Harvey Fireside, Separate and Unequal: Homer Plessy and the Supreme Court Decision That Legalized Racism, 2004. ISBN 0-7867-1293-7
  • Foner, Eric. Reconstruction, America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877: America's Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877. New York: HarperCollins, 1988.
  • Gaines, Kevin. Uplifting the Race: Black Leadership, Politics, and Culture in the Twentieth Century University of North Carolina Press, 1996.
  • Gaston, Paul M. The New South Creed: A Study in Southern Mythmaking New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970.
  • Gilmore, Glenda Elizabeth. Gender and Jim Crow Women and the Politics ... in North Carolina, 1896–1920 (1996)
  • Griffin, John Howard Black Like Me. New York: Signet, 1996.
  • Haws, Robert, ed. The Age of Segregation: Race Relations in the South, 1890–1945 University Press of Mississippi, 1978.
  • Hackney, Sheldon. Populism to Progressivism in Alabama (1969)
  • Johnson, Charles S. Patterns of Negro Segregation Harper and Brothers, 1943.
  • Klarman, Michael J. From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality. New York: Oxford University Press, 2004
  • Litwack, Leon F.. Trouble in Mind: Black Southerners in the Age of Jim Crow. New York: Alfred A. Knopf: 1998.
  • Lopez, Ian F. Haney. "A nation of minorities": race, ethnicity, and reactionary colorblindness. Stanford Law Review, February 1, 2007.
  • Kantrowitz, Stephen. Ben Tillman & the Reconstruction of White Supremacy (2000)
  • McMillen, Neil R. Dark Journey: Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 1989.
  • Medley, Keith Weldon. We As Freemen: Plessy v. Ferguson. Pelican. March, 2003.
  • Murray, Pauli. States' Law on Race and Color. University of Georgia Press. 2d ed. 1997 (Davison Douglas ed.). ISBN 978-0-8203-1883-7
  • Myrdal, Gunnar. An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy. New York: Harper and Row, 1944.
  • Newby, I.A. Jim Crow's Defense: Anti-Negro Thought in America, 1900–1930. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1965.
  • Percy, William Alexander. Lanterns on the Levee: Recollections of a Planter's Son. 1941. Reprint, Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1993.
  • Pye, David Kenneth. "Complex Relations: An African-American Attorney Navigates Jim Crow Atlanta". Georgia Historical Quarterly, Winter 2007, vol. 91, issue 4, 453-477.
  • Rabinowitz, Howard N. Race Relations in the Urban South, 1856–1890 (1978)
  • Smith, J. Douglas. Managing: Race, Politics, and Citizenship in Jim Crow Virginia University of North Carolina Press, 2002.
  • Smith, J. Douglas. "The Campaign for Racial Purity and the Erosion of Paternalism in Virginia, 1922–1930: "Nominally White, Biologically Mixed, and Legally Negro." Journal of Southern History vol. 68 (February 2002), pp. 65–106.
  • Smith, J. Douglas. "Patrolling the Boundaries of Race: Motion Picture Censorship and Jim Crow in Virginia, 1922–1932." Historical Journal of Film, Radio, and Television 21 (August 2001): 273–91.
  • Sterner, Richard. The Negro's Share (1943) detailed statistics
  • Toth, Casey (December 26, 2017). "Churches once abandoned by Jim Crow are being rediscovered". News & Observer.
  • Woodward, C. Vann. The Strange Career of Jim Crow. 1955.
  • Woodward, C. Vann. The Origins of the New South: 1877–1913 (1951).

External links

Ann Lee (activist)

Ann Lee (b. 1929/1930 (age 89–90)) is a Houston, Texas woman who founded Republicans Against Marijuana Prohibition (RAMP), a conservative American group in favor of legalization of cannabis. She has stated "prohibition is not conservative" and compared it to the unconstitutional Jim Crow laws of the American South. Lee is anti-abortion, voted for Donald Trump, and never smoked cannabis. Lee's group has been active at both in the state of Texas and at the federal level advocating legalization.

Arundel on the Bay, Maryland

Arundel-on-the-Bay (also referred to as "AOTB") is a former post village and resort area in Anne Arundel County, Maryland, about 5 miles (8.0 km) southeast of historic Annapolis, Maryland. Arundel on the Bay is located on a peninsula known as the Annapolis Neck and is a peninsula in and of itself, bordered on the east and south by the Chesapeake Bay, and by Fishing Creek on the west.

Located near Highland Beach, Arundel-on-the-Bay was formerly an enclave of vacation residences and undeveloped property which attracted affluent African Americans when Jim Crow laws were in effect, when entrance to other resort areas was barred to non-whites. The community now holds approximately 345 homes. Arundel on the Bay is a special tax district; each year a portion of property taxes are reserved by Anne Arundel County for improvements and maintenance of the shoreline.

The community owns a private beach and pier, boat ramp, and boat launch for community use.

The Thomas Point Lighthouse is visible and a short boat ride from the Arundel on the Bay community beach.

Notable residents include Aris T. Allen, Jr., son of Dr. Aris T. Allen, the first African American chair of the Maryland Republican Party and Kurt Schmoke, former and first African American mayor of Baltimore.

Bob Douglas

Robert L. Douglas (November 4, 1882 – July 16, 1979) was the founder of the New York Renaissance basketball team. Nicknamed the "Father of Black Professional Basketball", Douglas owned and coached the Rens from 1923 to 1949, guiding them to a 2,318-381 record (.859). He was inducted into the Basketball Hall of Fame as a contributor in 1972, the first African American enshrined.

The Rens barnstormed throughout the United States, mostly in the Midwest, and played any team that would schedule them, black or white. Traveling as far as 200 miles for a game, they often slept on the bus and ate cold meals; they were barred from many hotels and restaurants by Jim Crow laws and norms of racial discrimination which prevailed in the northern United States at the time.

The Rens soon became a dominant team, winning as many as 88 consecutive games during the 1932–33 season. In the twenties and early thirties, their matches with the Original Celtics were basketball's greatest gate attraction. At the World Professional Basketball Tournament they won in 1939, lost to the eventual champion Harlem Globetrotters in 1940, and finished second to the National Basketball League champion Minneapolis Lakers in 1948.

Glenwood, Howard County, Maryland

Glenwood is an unincorporated community in Howard County, Maryland, United States. It is located between Baltimore and Washington, D.C., therefore attracting commuters to those employment centers. The community features acres of open space and is districted to Bushy Park Elementary, Glenwood and Folly Quarter Middle, and Glenelg High schools. Union Chapel was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1975 and Round About Hills was added in 2008.The area was settled in the early 18th century by the Ridgley and Warfield families forming large tobacco plantations "Bushy Park", "Longwood", "Ellerslie" and others. In 1822 James B. Matthews purchased a 200-acre farm and stone home from Caleb Dorsey. He opened a post office, on July 30, 1841 giving the area the name "Matthews Store" in the Howard District of Anne Arundel County, which operated until January 1874. The Union Chapel was built in 1833. The Anne Arundel community became part of the newly formed Howard County. Despite southern sympathies, the Civil war ended slave labor on the local farms, slavery was replaced with Jim Crow laws. The Phrenakosmian Hall was opened, renamed to the Howard Institute serving 25 children. On January 13, 1874 the Glenwood postal stop opened. It was renamed to Glenwood by James Matthew's son, Professor Lycurgus Matthews.In 1995, Glenwood land developer Randolph Ayersman made national news after police found that profits from drug sales were being used to buy and develop properties under A&A contracting in Glenwood.Glenwood is home to Glenwood Middle School, the Gary J. Arthur community center, and the Glenwood branch of the Howard County library.

Golden Frinks

Golden Asro Frinks (August 15, 1920 – July 19, 2004) was an American civil rights activist and a Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) field secretary who represented the New Bern, North Carolina SCLC chapter. He is best known as a principal civil rights organizer in North Carolina during the 1960s which landed him a reputation as "The Great Agitator", having been jailed eighty-seven times during his lifetime.

Frinks was also a United States Army veteran who fought in World War II and worked at the U.S. naval base in Norfolk, Virginia. After his military career, he began promoting equality for African Americans through organized demonstrations. Frinks' involvement in the Civil Rights Movement brought early civil rights victories to North Carolina, and his willingness to engage in nonviolent, direct action served as a catalyst for civil rights movements in Edenton and nearby towns.

After becoming a field secretary of the SCLC, Frinks built a close relationship with Martin Luther King Jr. and often worked with the civil rights leader in organizing desegregation movements until King's death in 1968. Frinks' work as a field secretary and his direct actions against the Jim Crow Laws began a new era for the civil rights movement in North Carolina and the desegregation of the South.

Jackson Advocate

Jackson Advocate is an African-American weekly newspaper in Jackson, Mississippi, founded in 1938 by Percy Greene. Greene, a veteran of World War I and a Civil Rights leader in the 1940s and 1950s, was determined to make a contribution to the struggle of African-American people in the South during a time when they were severely oppressed by legal segregation and Jim Crow laws. In 1940 Greene and 30 other publishers formed a consortium of African-American newspapers to bring relevant information to black readers in the USA. That association led to the Negro Newspaper Publishers Association, which promoted coverage of injustices against and accomplishments by African Americans. In 1978, Charles Tisdale became the owner and publisher of the Jackson Advocate, positions which he held until his death aged 80 in 2007.The paper has received numerous awards and citations in its 68 years of service in reporting news and events in the African-American community, including the Mississippi Legislative Black Caucus Award for Excellence, the Southern Christian Leadership Conference Journalism Award, and the National Black Chamber of Commerce Newspaper of the Year. In 1988 Newsday magazine referred to the Advocate as a "national treasure".

Jim Crow (character)

The Jim Crow persona was a theater character by Thomas D. Rice and an ethnic depiction in accordance with contemporary white ideas of African-Americans and their culture. The character was based on a folk trickster named Jim Crow that was long popular among black slaves. Rice also adapted and popularized a traditional slave song called "Jump Jim Crow" (1828).The character dressed in rags, battered hat and torn shoes. Rice blackened his face and hands using burnt cork and impersonated a very nimble and irreverently witty African American field hand who sang, "Come listen all you galls and boys, I'm going to sing a little song, my name is Jim Crow, weel about and turn about and do jis so, eb'ry time I weel about I jump Jim Crow."

List of Jim Crow law examples by state

This is a list of examples of Jim Crow laws, which were state and local laws in the United States enacted between 1876 and 1965. Jim Crow laws existed mainly in the South and originated from the Black Codes that were passed from 1865 to 1866 and from prewar segregation on railroad cars in northern cities. The laws sprouted up in the late 19th century after Reconstruction and lasted until the 1960s. They mandated de jure segregation in all public facilities, with a supposedly "separate but equal" status for Americans of African descent. In reality, this led to treatment that was usually inferior to that provided for Americans of European descent, systematizing a number of economic, educational and social disadvantages.State-sponsored school segregation was repudiated by the Supreme Court of the United States in 1954 in Brown v. Board of Education. Generally, segregation and discrimination were outlawed by the Civil Rights Act of 1964.

Midnight ramble

A midnight ramble was a segregation-era midnight showing of films for an African American audience, often in a cinema where, under Jim Crow laws they would never have been admitted at other times. The films shown were often from among the over 500 films that were made between 1910 and 1950 in the United States with black producers, writers, actors and directors.

Racial equality

Racial equality occurs when institutions give equal opportunity to people of all races. In other words, institutions ignore persons' racial physical traits or skin color, and give everyone legally, morally, and politically equal opportunity. In Western society today, there is more diversity and more integration among races. Initially, attaining equality has been difficult for African, Asian, and Latino people, especially in schools. However, in the United States, racial equality, has become a law that regardless of what race an individual is, they will receive equal treatment, opportunity, education, employment, and politics.

Racial segregation in Atlanta

Racial segregation in Atlanta has known main phases after the freeing of the slaves in 1865: a period of relative integration of businesses and residences; Jim Crow laws and official residential and de facto business segregation after the Atlanta Race Riot of 1906; blockbusting and black residential expansion starting in the 1950s; and gradual integration from the late 1960s onwards. A recent study conducted by Nate Silver of fivethirtyeight.com, found that Atlanta was the second most segregated city in the U.S. and the most segregated in the South.

Reconstruction Amendments

The Reconstruction Amendments are the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments to the United States Constitution, adopted between 1865 and 1870, the five years immediately following the Civil War. The last time the Constitution had been amended was with the Twelfth Amendment more than 60 years earlier in 1804. The Reconstruction amendments were important in implementing the Reconstruction of the American South after the war. Their proponents saw them as transforming the United States from a country that was (in Abraham Lincoln's words) "half slave and half free" to one in which the constitutionally guaranteed "blessings of liberty" would be extended to the entire populace, including the former slaves and their descendants.

The Thirteenth Amendment (proposed in 1864 and ratified in 1865) abolished slavery and involuntary servitude, except for those duly convicted of a crime. The Fourteenth Amendment (proposed in 1866 and ratified in 1868) addresses citizenship rights and equal protection of the laws for all persons. The Fifteenth Amendment (proposed in 1869 and ratified in 1870) prohibits discrimination in voting rights of citizens on the basis of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude." All races, regardless of prior slavery, could vote in some states of the early United States, such as New Jersey, provided that they could meet other requirements, such as property ownership.

These amendments were intended to guarantee freedom to former slaves and to establish and prevent discrimination in certain civil rights to former slaves and all citizens of the United States. The promise of these amendments was eroded by state laws and federal court decisions over the course of the 19th century. In 1876 and later, some states passed Jim Crow laws that limited the rights of African-Americans. Important Supreme Court decisions that undermined these amendments were the Slaughter-House Cases in 1873, which prevented rights guaranteed under the Fourteenth Amendment's privileges or immunities clause from being extended to rights under state law; and Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896 which originated the phrase "separate but equal" and gave federal approval to Jim Crow laws. The full benefits of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth amendments were not realized until the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education in 1954 and laws such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965.

Roanoke Tribune

The Roanoke Tribune was founded in 1939 in Roanoke, Virginia.

Fleming Alexander founded the Roanoke Tribune newspaper in 1939 at 5 Gilmer Avenue, later moved to 312 Henry Street, and then to Melrose Avenue in Roanoke. As an African-American newspaper, it brought attention against the Jim Crow laws of Roanoke and Western Virginia, and championed black representation on Roanoke's public boards and better schools for the black children in the segregated South. Beginning in 1950, the company began a weekly newspaper in Charlottesville, The Charlottesville Tribune, edited by T. J. Sellers, which ran for only a couple of years.

The Tribune took an early stand against segregation. The motto on the masthead proclaimed: "Only Negro newspaper published in South Western Virginia." The newspaper has a printed purpose: "1) to promote self-esteem; 2) to encourage RESPECT for self and differences in others, and 3) to help create lasting vehicles through which diverse peoples can unite on some common basis."Later, because of poor health after a car accident in 1971, Fleming Alexander sold the Roanoke Tribune to his daughter, Claudia Alexander Whitworth. The Roanoke Tribune celebrated its 75th anniversary on April 9, 2014.

School segregation in the United States

School segregation in the United States has a long history; in fact, some of the elementary students from the white section would throw rocks at and even burn down the black schools. In 1787, African Americans in Boston, including Prince Hall, campaigned against inequality and discrimination in the city's public schools. They petitioned the state legislature protesting that their taxes supported the schooling of white students while there was no public school open to their children. In 1835, a mob attacked and destroyed Noyes Academy, an integrated school in Canaan, New Hampshire founded by abolitionists in New England. In 1849, the Massachusetts Supreme Court ruled that segregated schools were allowed under the state's constitution (Roberts v. City of Boston).Segregation began in its de jure form in the American South with the passage of Jim Crow laws in the late 19th century. It was influenced by discrimination in the northern states as well as the history of slavery in the southern states. Patterns of residential segregation and Supreme Court rulings regarding previous school desegregation efforts also have a role.

Separate but equal

Separate but equal was a legal doctrine in United States constitutional law according to which racial segregation did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which guaranteed "equal protection" under the law to all people. Under the doctrine, as long as the facilities provided to each race were equal, state and local governments could require that services, facilities, public accommodations, housing, medical care, education, employment, and transportation be segregated by race, which was already the case throughout the states of the former Confederacy. The phrase was derived from a Louisiana law of 1890, although the law actually used the phrase "equal but separate".The doctrine was confirmed in the Plessy v. Ferguson Supreme Court decision of 1896, which allowed state-sponsored segregation. Though segregation laws existed before that case, the decision emboldened segregation states during the Jim Crow era, which had commenced in 1876 and supplanted the Black Codes, which restricted the civil rights and civil liberties of African Americans during the Reconstruction Era.

In practice the separate facilities provided to African Americans were rarely equal; usually they were not even close to equal, or they did not exist at all. For example, in the 1930 census, negros were 42% of Florida's population. Yet according to the 1934–36 report of the Florida Superintendent of Public Instruction, the value of "white school property" in the state was $70,543,000, while the value of African-American school property was $4,900,000. The report says that "in a few south Florida counties and in most north Florida counties many Negro schools are housed in churches, shacks, and lodges, and have no toilets, water supply, desks, blackboards, etc. [See Station One School.] Counties use these schools as a means to get State funds and yet these counties invest little or nothing in them." At that time, high school education for African Americans was provided in only 28 of Florida's 67 counties.The doctrine of "separate but equal" was overturned by a series of Supreme Court decisions, starting with Brown v. Board of Education of 1954. However, the overturning of segregation laws in the United States was a long process that lasted through much of the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, involving federal legislation (especially the Civil Rights Act of 1964), and many court cases.

Southern Manifesto

The Declaration of Constitutional Principles (known informally as the Southern Manifesto) was a document written in February and March 1956, in the United States Congress, in opposition to racial integration of public places. The manifesto was signed by 101 congressmen (99 Southern Democrats and two Republicans) from Alabama, Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Virginia. The document was drafted to counter the landmark Supreme Court 1954 ruling Brown v. Board of Education, which determined that segregation of public schools was unconstitutional. School segregation laws were some of the most enduring and best-known of the Jim Crow laws that characterized the American South and border states at the time.Senators led the opposition, with Strom Thurmond writing the initial draft and Richard Russell the final version. The manifesto was signed by 19 senators and 82 representatives, including the entire Congressional delegations of the states of Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, South Carolina and Virginia. All of the signatories were Southern Democrats except two Virginia Republicans, Joel Broyhill and Richard Poff. However, three Southern Senate Democrats refused to sign: Albert Gore Sr. and Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, and Lyndon B. Johnson of Texas. Their opposition earned them the enmity of their colleagues for a time.

The Southern Manifesto accused the Supreme Court of "clear abuse of judicial power" and promised to use "all lawful means to bring about a reversal of this decision which is contrary to the Constitution and to prevent the use of force in its implementation." It suggested that the Tenth Amendment should limit the reach of the Supreme Court on such issues.

William Henry Pope (U.S. politician)

William Henry Pope (February 15, 1847 – February 15, 1913) was an American soldier, lawyer, and State Senator from Texas. Pope was influential in writing and passing Texas Jim Crow laws and described himself as the "Jim Crow Senator".

William Madison Whittington

William Madison Whittington (May 4, 1878 – August 20, 1962) was a Democratic politician from Mississippi. Whittington was a Representative to the 69th United States Congress in 1925, and the twelve succeeding Congresses (March 4, 1925-January 3, 1951).

Born in Little Springs, Mississippi, Whittington attended the public schools of Franklin County. He graduated from Mississippi College at Clinton in 1898 and from the law department of the University of Mississippi at Oxford in 1899 where he was a member of St. Anthony Hall, also known as the Delta Psi fraternity. He was admitted to the bar in 1899 and commenced practice in Roxie, Mississippi, January 1, 1901. In January 1904 he moved to Greenwood, Mississippi, where he continued the practice of law and also engaged in agricultural pursuits. He served as a member of the city council, Greenwood, Mississippi, from January 1, 1907, to January 1, 1911. He served as member of the State senate from January 1, 1916, to January 1, 1920. He was reelected in 1923 for a four-year term and served from January 1 to August 16, 1924, when he resigned to accept the Democratic nomination for Representative in Congress. He served as delegate to the Democratic National Conventions in 1920, 1928, 1936, 1940, and 1948.

Due to Jim Crow laws, Whittington was elected to the House by just 4,000 people, despite living in a district of 435,000.He served as chairman of the Committee on Flood Control (Seventy-fifth through Seventy-ninth Congresses), Committee on Public Works (Eighty-first Congress). He was not a candidate for renomination in 1950, when he resumed the practice of law.

He was a resident of Greenwood, Mississippi, until his death August 20, 1962, and was interred in Odd Fellows Cemetery.

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