Hyderabad State (pronunciation (help·info)), also known as Hyderabad Deccan, was an Indian princely state located in the south-central region of India with its capital at the city of Hyderabad. It is now divided into Telangana state, Hyderabad-Karnataka region of Karnataka and Marathwada region of Maharashtra.
After the Partition of India, Hyderabad signed a standstill agreement with the new dominion of India, continuing all previous arrangements except for the stationing of Indian troops in the state. Hyderabad's location in the middle of the Indian union, as well as its diverse cultural heritage, was a driving force behind India's invasion and annexation of the state in 1948. Subsequently, Mir Osman Ali Khan, the 7th Nizam, signed an instrument of accession, joining India.
State of Hyderabad
Coat of arms
Hyderabad (dark green) and Berar Province, not a part of Hyderabad State but also the Nizam's Dominion between 1853 and 1903 (light green)
|Status||Independent/Mughal Successor State (1724–1798)|
Princely state of British India (1798–1947)
Unrecognised state (1947–1948)
|Common languages||Urdu (10.3%, official)|
Christianity and others (6%)
|Government||Independent/Mughal Successor State (1724–1798)|
Princely State (1798–1950)
|Qamaruddin Khan (first)|
|Osman Ali Khan (last, also was Rajpramukh from 1950)|
|Iwaz Khan (first)|
|Mir Laiq Ali (Last)|
|18 September 1948|
|1 November 1956|
|1941||215,339 km2 (83,143 sq mi)|
|Today part of||Telangana|
Hyderabad State was founded by Mir Qamar-ud-din Khan who was the governor of Deccan under the Mughals from 1713 to 1721. In 1724, he resumed rule under the title of Asaf Jah (granted by Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah). His other title, Nizam ul-Mulk (Order of the Realm), became the title of his position "Nizam of Hyderabad". By the end of his rule, the Nizam had become independent from the Mughals, and had founded the Asaf Jahi dynasty.
Following the decline of the Mughal power, the region of Deccan saw the rise of Maratha Empire. The Nizam himself saw many invasions by the Marathas in the 1720s, which resulted in the Nizam paying a regular tax (Chauth) to the Marathas. The major battles fought between the Marathas and the Nizam include Palkhed, Rakshasbhuvan, and Kharda. Following the conquest of Deccan by Bajirao I and the imposition of chauth by him, Nizam remained a tributary of the Marathas for all intent and purposes.
From 1778, a British resident and soldiers were installed in his dominions. In 1795, the Nizam lost some of his own territories to the Marathas. The territorial gains of the Nizam from Mysore as an ally of the British were ceded to the British to meet the cost of maintaining the British soldiers.
Hyderabad was a 212,000 km2 (82,000 sq mi) region in the Deccan, ruled by the head of the Asaf Jahi dynasty, who had the title of Nizam and on whom was bestowed the style of "His Exalted Highness" by the British. The last Nizam, Osman Ali Khan, was one of the world's richest men in the 1930s.
In 1798, Nizam ʿĀlī Khan (Asaf Jah II) was forced to enter into an agreement that put Hyderabad under British protection. He was the first Indian prince to sign such an agreement. (Consequently, the ruler of Hyderabad rated a 23-gun salute during the period of British India.) The Crown retained the right to intervene in case of misrule.
Hyderabad under Asaf Jah II was a British ally in the second and third Maratha Wars (1803–05, 1817–19), Anglo-Mysore wars, and would remain loyal to the British during the Indian Rebellion of 1857 (1857–58).
His son, Asaf Jah III Mir Akbar Ali Khan (known as Sikandar Jah) ruled from 1768 to 1829. During his rule, a British cantonment was built in Hyderabad and the area was named in his honor, Secunderabad. The British Residency at Koti was also built during his reign by the then British Resident James Achilles Kirkpatrick.
Asaf Jah V's reign from 1857 to 1869 was marked by reforms by his Prime Minister Salar Jung I. Before this time, there was no regular or systematic form of administration, and the duties were in the hand of the Diwan (Prime Minister), and corruption was thus widespread.
In 1867, the State was divided into five divisions and seventeen districts, and subedars (governors) were appointed for the five Divisions and talukdars and tehsildars for the districts. The judicial, public works, medical, educational, municipal, and police departments were re-organised. In 1868, sadr-i-mahams (Assistant Ministers) were appointed for the Judicial, Revenue, Police, and Miscellaneous Departments.
Asaf Jah VI Mir Mahbub Ali Khan became the Nizam at the age of three years. His regents were Salar Jung I and Shams-ul-Umra III. He assumed full rule at the age of 17, and ruled until his death in 1911.
The Nizam's Guaranteed State Railway was also established during his reign to connect Hyderabad State to the rest of British India. It was headquartered at Secunderabad Railway Station. The railway marked the beginning of industry in Hyderabad, and factories were built in Hyderabad city.
The last Nizam of Hyderabad Mir Osman Ali Khan ruled the state from 1911 until 1948. He was given the title "Faithful Ally of the British Empire". Hyderabad was considered backward, but peaceful, during this time. The Nizam's rule saw growth of Hyderabad economically and culturally. The Osmania University and several schools and colleges were founded throughout the state. Many writers, poets, intellectuals and other eminent people (including Fani Badayuni, Dagh Dehlvi, Josh Malihabadi, Ali Haider Tabatabai, Shibli Nomani, Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Mirza Ismail) migrated from all parts of India to Hyderabad during the reign of Asaf Jah VII, and his father and predecessor Asaf Jah VI.
The Nizam also established Hyderabad State Bank. Hyderabad was the only state in British India which had its own currency, the Hyderabadi rupee. The Begumpet Airport was established in the 1930s with formation of Hyderabad Aero Club by the Nizam. Initially it was used as a domestic and international airport for the Nizam's Deccan Airways, the earliest airline in British India. The terminal building was created in 1937.
In order to prevent another great flood, the Nizam also constructed two lakes, namely the Osman Sagar and Himayath Sagar. The Osmania General Hospital, Jubilee Hall, Moazzam Jahi Market, State Library (then known as Asifia Kutubkhana) and Public Gardens (then known as Bagh e Aam) were constructed during this period.
In 1947 India gained independence and Pakistan came into existence. The British left the local rulers of the princely states the choice of whether to join one or the other, or to remain independent. On 11 June 1947, the Nizam issued a declaration to the effect that he had decided not to participate in the Constituent Assembly of either Pakistan or India.
The Nizam was in a weak position as his army numbered only 24,000 men, of whom only some 6,000 were fully trained and equipped.
On 21 August 1948, the Secretary-General of the Hyderabad Department of External Affairs requested the President of the United Nations' Security Council, under Article 35(2) of the United Nations Charter, to consider the "grave dispute, which, unless settled in accordance with international law and justice, is likely to endanger the maintenance of international peace and security".
On 4 September the Prime Minister of Hyderabad Mir Laiq Ali announced to the Hyderabad Assembly that a delegation was about to leave for Lake Success, headed by Moin Nawaz Jung. The Nizam also appealed, without success, to the British Labour Government and to the King for assistance, to fulfill their obligations and promises to Hyderabad by "immediate intervention". Hyderabad only had the support of Winston Churchill and the British Conservatives.
At 4 a.m. on 13 September 1948, India's Hyderabad Campaign, code-named "Operation Polo" by the Indian Army, began. Indian troops invaded Hyderabad from all points of the compass. On 13 September 1948, the Secretary-General of the Hyderabad Department of External Affairs in a cablegram informed the United Nations Security Council that Hyderabad was being invaded by Indian forces and that hostilities had broken out. The Security Council took notice of it on 16 September in Paris. The representative of Hyderabad called for immediate action by the Security Council under chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The Hyderabad representative responded to India's excuse for the intervention by pointing out that the Stand-still Agreement between the two countries had expressly provided that nothing in it should give India the right to send in troops to assist in the maintenance of internal order.
After the incorporation of Hyderabad State into India, M. K. Vellodi was appointed as Chief Minister of the state on 26 January 1950. He was a Senior Civil servant in the Government of India. He administered the state with the help of bureaucrats from Madras state and Bombay state.
In the 1952 Legislative Assembly election, Dr. Burgula Ramakrishna Rao was elected Chief Minister of Hyderabad State. During this time there were violent agitations by some Telanganites to send back bureaucrats from Madras state, and to strictly implement 'Mulki-rules' (local jobs for locals only), which was part of Hyderabad state law since 1919.
In 1956 during the reorganisation of the Indian States based along linguistic lines, the state of Hyderabad was split up among Andhra Pradesh and Bombay state (later divided into states of Maharashtra and Gujarat in 1960 with the original portions of Hyderabad becoming part of the state of Maharashtra) and Karnataka.
Wilfred Cantwell Smith states that Hyderabad was an area where the political and social structure from medieval Muslim rule had been preserved more or less intact into the modern times. At the head of the social order was the Nizam, who owned 5 million acres (10% of the land area) of the state, earning him Rs. 25 million a year. Another Rs. 5 million was granted to him from the state treasury. The last Nizam was reputed to be the wealthiest man in the world. He was supported by an aristocracy of 1,100 feudal lords who owned a further 30% of the state's land, with some 4 million tenant farmers. The state also owned 50% or more of the capital in all the major enterprises, allowing the Nizam to earn further profits and control their affairs.
Next in the social structure were the administrative and official class, comprising about 1,500 officials. A number of them were recruited from outside the state. The lower level government employees were also predominantly Muslim. Effectively, the Muslims of the Hyderabad represented an 'upper caste' of the social structure.[a]
All power was vested in the Nizam. He ruled with the help of an Executive Council or Cabinet, established in 1893, whose members he was free to appoint and dismiss.The government of the Nizam recruited heavily from the North indian Hindu Kayastha caste for administrative posts. There was also an Assembly, whose role was mostly advisory. More than half its members were appointed by the Nizam and the rest elected from a carefully limited franchise. There were representatives of Hindus, Parsis, Christians and Depressed Classes in the Assembly. Their influence was however limited due to their small numbers.
The state government also had a large number of outsiders (called non-mulkis) — 46,800 of them in 1933, including all the members of the Nizam's Executive Council. Hindus and Muslims united in protesting against the practice which robbed the locals of government employment. The movement, however, fizzled out after the Hindu members raised the issue of 'responsible government', which was of no interest to the Muslim members and led to their resignation.
Up to 1920, there was no political organisation of any kind in Hyderabad. In that year, following British pressure, the Nizam issued a firman appointing a special officer to investigate constitutional reforms. It was welcomed enthusiastically by a section of the populace, who formed the Hyderabad State Reforms Association. However, the Nizam and the Special Officer ignored all their demands for consultation. Meanwhile, the Nizam banned the Khilafat movement in the State as well as all political meetings and the entry of "political outsiders". Nevertheless, some political activity did take place and witnessed co-operation between Hindus and Muslims. The abolition of the Sultanate in Turkey and Gandhi's suspension of the Non-co-operation movement in British India ended this period of co-operation.
An organisation called Andhra Jana Sangham (later renamed Andhra Mahasabha) was formed in November 1921, and focused on educating the masses of Telangana in political awareness. With leading members such as Madapati Hanumantha Rao, Burgula Ramakrishna Rao and M. Narsing Rao, its activities included urging merchants to resist offering freebies to government officials and encouraging labourers to resist the system of begar (free labour requested at the behest of state). Alarmed by its activities, the Nizam passed a powerful gagging order in 1929, requiring all public meetings to obtain prior permission. But the organisation persisted by mobilising on social issues such as the protection of ryots, women's rights, abolition of the devadasi system and purdah, uplifting of Dalits etc. It turned to politics again in 1937, passing a resolution calling for responsible government. Soon afterwards, it split along the moderate–extremist lines. The Andhra Mahasabha's move towards politics also inspired similar movements in Marathwada and Karnataka in 1937, giving rise to the Maharashtra Parishad and Karnataka Parishad respectively.
The Arya Samaj, a pan-Indian Hindu reformist movement that engaged in a forceful religious conversion programme, established itself in the state in the 1890s, first in the Bhir and Bidar districts. By 1923, it opened a branch in the Hyderabad city. Its mass conversion programme in 1924 gave rise to tensions, and the first clashes occurred between Hindus and Muslims. The Arya Samaj was allied to the Hindu Mahasabha, another pan-Indian Hindu communal organisation, which also had branches in the state. The anti-Muslim sentiments represented by the two organisations was particularly strong in Marathwada.
In 1927, the first Muslim political organisation, Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (Council for the Unity of Muslims, Ittehad for short) was formed. Its political activity was meager during the initial decade other than stating the objectives of uniting the Muslims and expressing loyalty to the ruler. However, it functioned as a 'watchdog' of Muslim interests and defended the privileged position of Muslims in the government and administration.
1937 was a watershed year in the Indian independence movement. The Government of India Act, 1935 introduced major constitutional reforms, with a loose federal structure for India and provincial autonomy. In the provincial elections of February 1937, the Indian National Congress emerged with a clear majority in most provinces of British India and formed provincial governments.
On the other hand, there was no move towards constitutional reforms in the Hyderabad state despite the initial announcement in 1920. The Andhra Mahasabha passed a resolution in favour of responsible government and the parallel organisations of Maharastrha Parishad and Karnataka Parishad were formed in their respective regions. The Nizam appointed a fresh Constitutional Reforms Committee in September 1937. However, the gagging orders of the 1920s remained curtailing the freedom of press and restrictions on public speeches and meetings. In response, a 'Hyderabad People's Convention' was created, with a working committee of 23 leading Hindus and 5 Muslims. The convention ratified a report, which was submitted to the Constitutional Reforms Committee in January 1938. However, four of the five Muslim members of the working committee refused to sign the report, reducing its potential impact.
In February 1938, the Indian National Congress passed the Haripura resolution declaring that the princely states are "an integral part of India," and that it stood for "the same political, social and economic freedom in the States as in the rest of India". Encouraged by this, the standing committee of the People's Convention proposed to form a Hyderabad State Congress and an enthusiastic drive to enroll members was begun. By July 1938, the committee claimed to have enrolled 1200 primary members and declared that elections would soon be held for the office-bearers. It called upon both Hindus and Muslims of the state to "shed mutual distrust" and join the "cause of responsible government under the aegis of the Ashaf Jahi dynasty." The Nizam responded by passing a new Public Safety Act on 6 September 1938, three days before the scheduled elections, and issued an order that the Hyderabad State Congress would be deemed unlawful.
Negotiations with the Nizam's government to lift the ban ended in failure. The Hyderabad issue was widely discussed in the newspapers in British India. P. M. Bapat, a leader of the Indian National Congress from Pune, declared that he would launch a satyagraha (civil disobedience movement) in Hyderabad starting 1 November. The Arya Samaj and Hindu Mahasabha also planned to launch satyagrahas on the matter of Hindu civil rights. The Hindu communal pot had been boiling since early 1938 when an Arya Samaj member in Osmanabad district was said to have been murdered for refusing to convert to Islam. In April, there was a communal riot in Hyderabad that pitted Muslims against Hindus that raised the allegation of 'oppression of Hindus' in the press in British India. The Arya Samaj leaders hoped to capitalise on these tensions. Perhaps in a bid not to be outdone, the activists of the Hyderabad State Congress formed a 'Committee of Action' and initiated a satyagraha on 24 October 1938. The members of the organisation openly declared they belonged to the Hyderabad State Congress and courted arrest. The Arya Samaj-Hindu Mahasabha combine also launched their own satyagraha on the same day.
The Indian National Congress refused to back the satyagraha of the State Congress. The Haripura resolution had in fact been a compromise between the moderates and the radicals. Gandhi had been wary of direct involvement in the states lest the agitations degenerate into violence. The Congress high command was also keen on a firmer collaboration between Hindus and Muslims, which the State Congress lacked. Padmaja Naidu wrote a lengthy report to Gandhi where she castigated the State Congress for lacking unity and cohesion and for being 'communal in [her] sense of the word'. On 24 December, the State Congress suspended the agitation after 300 activists had courted arrest. These activists remained in jail till 1946.
The Arya Samaj-Hindu Mahasabha combine continued their agitation and intensified it in March 1939. However, the response from the state's Hindus was lacklustre. Of the 8,000 activists that courted arrest by June, about 20% were estimated to be state's residents; the rest were mobilised from British India. The surrounding British Indian provinces of Bombay and Central Provinces and, to limited extent, Madras, all governed by Indian National Congress, facilitated the mobilisation, with towns such as Ahmednagar, Sholapur, Vijayawada, Pusad and Manmad used as staging posts. Increasingly strident anti-Hyderabad propaganda continued in British India. By July–August, the tensions had eased. The Hindu Mahasabha dispatched the Shankaracharya of Jyotirmath on a peace mission, who testified that there was no religious persecution of Hindus in the state. The Nizam government set up a Religious Affairs Committee and announced constitutional reforms by 20 July. Subsequently, the Hindu Mahasabha suspended its campaign on 30 July and the Arya Samaj on 8 August. All the imprisoned activists of the two organisations were released.
In the 1936–37 Indian elections, the Muslim League under Muhammad Ali Jinnah had sought to harness Muslim aspirations, and had won the adherence of MIM leader Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung, who campaigned for an Islamic State centred on the Nizam as the Sultan dismissing all claims for democracy. The Arya Samaj, a Hindu revivalist movement, had been demanding greater access to power for the Hindu majority since the late 1930s, and was curbed by the Nizam in 1938. The Hyderabad State Congress joined forces with the Arya Samaj as well as the Hindu Mahasabha in the State.
Noorani regards the MIM under Nawab Bahadur Yar Jung as explicitly committed to safeguarding the rights of religious and linguistic minorities. However, this changed with the ascent of Qasim Razvi after the Nawab's death in 1944.
Even as India and Hyderabad negotiated, most of the sub-continent had been thrown into chaos as a result of communal Hindu-Muslim riots pending the imminent partition of India. Fearing a Hindu civil uprising in his own kingdom, the Nizam allowed Razvi to set up a voluntary militia of Muslims called the 'Razakars'. The Razakars – who numbered up to 200,000 at the height of the conflict – swore to uphold Islamic domination in Hyderabad and the Deccan plateau:8 in the face of growing public opinion amongst the majority Hindu population favouring the accession of Hyderabad into the Indian Union.
According to an account by Mohammed Hyder, a civil servant in Osmanabad district, a variety of armed militant groups, including Razakars and Deendars and ethnic militias of Pathans and Arabs claimed to be defending the Islamic faith and made claims on the land. "From the beginning of 1948 the Razakars had extended their activities from Hyderabad city into the towns and rural areas, murdering Hindus, abducting women, pillaging houses and fields, and looting non-Muslim property in a widespread reign of terror." "Some women became victims of rape and kidnapping by Razakars. Thousands went to jail and braved the cruelties perpetuated by the oppressive administration. Due to the activities of the Razakars, thousands of Hindus had to flee from the state and take shelter in various camps". Precise numbers are not known, but 40,000 refugees have been received by the Central Provinces.:8 This led to terrorizing of the Hindu community, some of whom went across the border into independent India and organized raids into Nizam's territory, which further escalated the violence. Many of these raiders were controlled by the Congress leadership in India and had links with extremist religious elements in the Hindutva fold. In all, more than 150 villages (of which 70 were in Indian territory outside Hyderabad State) were pushed into violence.
Hyder mediated some efforts to minimize the influence of the Razakars. Razvi, while generally receptive, vetoed the option of disarming them, saying that with the Hyderabad state army ineffective, the Razakars were the only means of self-defence available. By the end of August 1948, a full blown invasion by India was imminent.
Nehru was reluctant to invade, fearing a military response by Pakistan. India was unaware that Pakistan had no plans to use arms in Hyderabad, unlike Kashmir where it had admitted its troops were present. Time magazine pointed out that if India invaded Hyderabad, the Razakars would massacre Hindus, which would lead to retaliatory massacres of Muslims across India.
There were reports of looting, mass murder and rape of Muslims in reprisals by Hyderabadi Hindus. Jawaharlal Nehru appointed a mixed-faith committee led by Pandit Sunder Lal to investigate the situation. The findings of the report (Pandit Sunderlal Committee Report) were not made public until 2013 when it was accessed from the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in New Delhi.
The Committee concluded that while Muslim villagers were disarmed by the Indian Army, Hindus were often left with their weapons. The violence was carried out by Hindu residents, with the army sometimes indifferent, and sometimes participating in the atrocities.:11 The Committee stated that large-scale violence against Muslims occurred in Marathwada and Telangana areas. It also concluded: "At a number of places members of the armed forces brought out Muslim adult males from villages and towns and massacred them in cold blood." The Committee generally credited the military officers with good conduct but stated that soldiers acted out of bigotry.:11 The official "very conservative estimate" was that 27,000 to 40,000 died "during and after the police action." Other scholars have put the figure at 200,000, or even higher. Among Muslims some estimates were even higher and Smith says that the military government's private low estimates [of Muslim casualties] were at least ten times the number of murders with which the Razakars were officially accused. In William Dalrymple's words the scale of the killing was horrific. Although Nehru played down this violence, he was privately alarmed at the scale of anti-Muslim violence.
Patel reacted angrily to the report and disowned its conclusions. He stated that the terms of reference were flawed because they only covered the part during and after the operation. He also cast aspersions on the motives and standing of the committee. These objections are regarded by Noorani as disingenuous because the commission was an official one, and it was critical of the Razakars as well.
According to Mohammed Hyder, the tragic consequences of the Indian operation were largely preventable. He faulted the Indian army with neither restoring local administration, nor setting up their own military administration. As a result, the anarchy led to several thousand "thugs", from the camps set up across the border, filling the vacuum. He stated "Thousands of families were broken up, children separated from their parents and wives, from their husbands. Women and girls were hunted down and raped." The Committee Report mentions mass rape of Muslim women by Indian troops.
Various major industries emerged in various parts of the State of Hyderabad before its incorporation into the Union of India, especially during the first half of the twentieth century. Hyderabad city had a separate powerplant for electricity. However, the Nizams focused industrial development on the region of Sanathnagar, housing a number of industries there with transportation facilities by both road and rail.
|Nizam's Guaranteed State Railway||1879|
|Karkhana Zinda Tilismat||1920|
|Hyderabad Deccan Cigarette Factory||1922|
|Vazir Sultan Tobacco Company, Charminar cigarette factory||1930|
|Azam Jahi Mills Warangal||1934|
|Nizam Sugar Factory||1937|
|Allwyn Metal Works||1942|
|Deccan Airways Limited||1945|
|Sirpur Paper Mills||1942|
If the Indian army invaded Hyderabad, Razvi's Razakars would kill Hyderabad Hindus. Throughout India Hindus would retaliate against Moslems.
The lowest estimates, even those offered privately by apologists of the military government, came to at least ten times the number of murders with which previously the Razakars were officially accused...
Chowmahalla Palace or Chowmahallatuu (4 Palaces), is a palace of the Nizams of Hyderabad state. It was the seat of the Asaf Jahi dynasty and was the official residence of the Nizams of Hyderabad while they ruled their state. The palace was built by Nizam Salabat Jung. The palace remains the property of Barkat Ali Khan Mukarram Jah, heir of the Nizams. Other members of the Hyderabadi Nizam family have also wed here.The place is named chowmahalla, which means four palaces. The word char, and its variation chau, means four and the word mahal means palace in Urdu and Hindi. It is more likely derived from Farsi words, as it was the official language of the Hyderabad State at the time. All ceremonial functions including the accession of the Nizams and receptions for the Governor-General were held at this palace.
The palace is located in the old city in Hyderabad near the Charminar.
The UNESCO Asia Pacific Merit award for cultural heritage conservation was presented to Chowmahalla Palace on 15 March 2010. UNESCO representative Takahiko Makino formally handed over the plaque and certificate to Princess Esra, former wife and GPA holder of Prince Mukarram Jah Bahadur.Falaknuma Palace
Falaknuma is a palace in Hyderabad, Telangana, India. It originally belonged to the Paigah family, and was later owned by the Nizam of Hyderabad. It is on a hillock and covers a 32-acre (13 ha) area in Falaknuma, 5 kilometers from Charminar.
It was built by Nawab Sir Viqar-ul-Umra - Prime Minister of Hyderabad and the uncle & brother-in-law of the sixth Nizam. Falak-numa means "Like the Sky" or "Mirror of Sky" in Urdu.Govindbhai Shroff
Govindbhai Shroff, also known as the freedom fighter, led a movement to fight against the Nizam of Hyderabad during the Hyderabad Campaign of 1948. As a result, the Marathwada region was liberated from the Hyderabad State on 17 September 1948. In 1966, people responded to the call of Shroff by taking part in hunger strikes, morchas, rail rokos, bandhs and other form of protests to press for a broad track gauge.Gulzar Houz
Gulzar Houz is a historical fountain located in Hyderabad, India. It is located near Charminar. The fountain is in the middle of the road between Charminar and Madina building.The area between the four arches of Charkaman was a vast square called Jilu Khana or the Guard's Square. In the centre of the square was the Char-Su-Ka-Hauz (the cistern of four cardinal points). This was later known as "Suka-Hauz" and now Gulzar Houz.
It was an octagonal shaped water reservoir made for quenching the thirst of the Nizam's soldiers. At that time, there were four streams flowing from this fountain, dividing each of the Radial roads into two halves.Hyderabad State (1948–56)
Hyderabad State was a state in Independent India, formed after the accession of the princely state of Hyderabad into the Indian Union on 24 November 1949. It existed from 1948 to 1956.
Following the States Reorganisation Act Hyderabad State was merged with Andhra State in 1956 and renamed Andhra Pradesh.Hyderabadi Muslims
Hyderabadi Muslims are an ethnoreligious community of Dakhini Urdu-speaking Muslims, part of a larger group of Dakhini Muslims, from the area that used to be the princely state of Hyderabad, India, including cities like Hyderabad, Aurangabad, Latur, Gulbarga and Bidar.
While the term "Hyderabadi" now only refers to residents in and around the city of Hyderabad, the term Hyderabadi Muslims can refer to those native Muslim residents of the erstwhile princely state. The native language of the Hyderabadi Muslims is Hyderabadi Urdu, which is a form of the Dakhini language.
With their origins in the Muslim Bahmani Sultanate and then the Deccan sultanates, Hyderabadi Muslim culture became defined in the latter half of the reign of the Asif Jahi Dynasty in Hyderabad. The culture exists today mainly in the old city of Hyderabad, Aurangabad, Bidar and among the Hyderabadi Muslim diaspora around the world, in particular, Pakistan, the Arab states of the Persian Gulf, USA, Canada and the United Kingdom.Indian annexation of Hyderabad
Operation Polo is the code name of the Hyderabad "police action" in September 1948, by the newly independent India against the Hyderabad State. It was a military operation in which the Indian Armed Forces invaded the Nizam-ruled princely state, annexing it into the Indian Union.At the time of Partition in 1947, the princely states of India, who in principle had self-government within their own territories, were subject to subsidiary alliances with the British, giving them control of their external relations. In the Indian Independence Act 1947 the British abandoned all such alliances, leaving the states with the option of opting for full independence. However, by 1948 almost all had acceded to either India or Pakistan. One major exception was that of the wealthiest and most powerful principality, Hyderabad, where the Nizam, Osman Ali Khan, Asif Jah VII, a Muslim ruler who presided over a largely Hindu population, chose independence and hoped to maintain this with an irregular army recruited from the Muslim aristocracy, known as the Razakars. The Nizam was also beset by the Telangana uprising, which he was unable to subjugate.In November 1947, Hyderabad signed a standstill agreement with the dominion of India, continuing all previous arrangements except for the stationing of Indian troops in the state. However, with the rise of militant razakars, India found it necessary to station Indian troops and invaded the state in September 1948 to compel the Nizam. Subsequently, the Nizam signed an instrument of accession, joining India.The operation led to massive violence on communal lines. The Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru appointed a commission known as the Sunderlal Committee. Its report, which was not released until 2013, concluded that "as a very reasonable & modest estimate...the total number of deaths in the state...somewhere between 30,000 & 40,000." Other responsible observers estimated the number of deaths to be 200,000 or higher.King Kothi Palace
King Kothi Palace or Nazri Bagh Palace is a royal palace in Hyderabad, Telangana, India. It was the palace where the erstwhile ruler of Hyderabad State, Mir Osman Ali Khan lived.List of Chief Ministers of Telangana
The Chief Minister of Telangana is the chief executive of the south Indian state of Telangana. As per the Constitution of India, the governor is a state's de jure head, but de facto executive authority rests with the chief minister. Following elections to the Telangana Legislative Assembly, the state's governor usually invites the party (or coalition) with a majority of seats to form the government. The governor appoints the chief minister, whose council of ministers are collectively responsible to the assembly. Given that he has the confidence of the assembly, the chief minister's term is for five years and is subject to no term limits.Telangana's first and current chief minister is K. Chandrashekar Rao of the Telangana Rashtra Samithi. He is the chief minister since the secession of Telangana from Andhra Pradesh on 2 June 2014.Marathwada
Marathwada (IPA:Marāṭhvāḍā) is a region of the Indian state of Maharashtra. The usage of the word "Marathwada" exists since the times of the Nizams. The region coincides with the Aurangabad Division of Maharashtra. It borders the states of Karnataka and Telangana, and it lies to the west of the Vidarbha and east of Khandesh regions of Maharashtra. The largest city of Marathwada is Aurangabad. Its people speak Marathi and Dakhini.Mehboob ki Mehendi, Hyderabad
Mehboob ki Mehendi is a place in Hyderabad, Telangana, India. It was a mujra joint, a time honoured tradition of Music and Dance, during the reign of the Nizams in Hyderabad State.Mehdi Nawaz Jung
Nawab Mehdi Nawaz Jung (23 May 1894 – 28 June 1967) was an Indian bureaucrat and was Secretary to the Executive Council during the Nizam rule. He also served as the Governor of Gujarat from 1960-1965.
His house known as Banjara Bhavan, located at Banjara Hills was a very Picturesque Area of Hyderabad which was promoted by Mehdi Nawaz Jung for habitation, is a Grade-I notified heritage building by HMDA.Nizam's Guaranteed State Railway
Nizam's Guaranteed State Railway (NGSR) was a Railway Company in India between 1879 and 1950, and was owned by the Nizam's of Kingdom of Hyderabad. The full style of the system was His Exalted Highness, The Nizam's Guaranteed State Railway which had its beginnings in a line built privately by the HEH the Nizam, much to the dismay of the British authorities. It was owned and worked by a company under a guarantee from the Hyderabad State, capital for which was raised by the issue of redeemable mortgage debentures. In 1951 the NGSR was nationalised and merged into Indian Railways.Nizam Museum
Nizam's Museum or H.E.H Nizam's Museum is a museum located in Hyderabad at Purani Haveli, a palace of the erstwhile Nizams. This museum showcases the gifts that the last Nizam of Hyderabad state, Osman Ali Khan, Asaf Jah VII received on his silver jubilee celebrations.The museum is a repository mainly of souvenirs, gifts and mementos presented by dignitaries to the last Nizam gifts and mementos presented to the last Nizam on the occasion of the silver jubilee celebrations in 1936. Models made of silver of all the landmark buildings in Hyderabad, and citations in Urdu aboutNizam of Hyderabad
The Nizam of Hyderabad (Nizam-ul-Mulk, also known as Asaf Jah) was a monarch of the Hyderabad State, now divided into Telangana state, Hyderabad-Karnataka region of Karnataka and Marathwada region of Maharashtra. Nizam, shortened from Nizam-ul-Mulk, meaning Administrator of the Realm, the title of the rulers of Hyderabad State, was the premier Prince of India, since 1724, belonging to the Asaf Jahi dynasty.
The Asaf Jahi dynasty was founded by Mir Qamar-ud-Din Siddiqi, a viceroy of the Deccan under the Mughal Empire from 1713 to 1721. He intermittently governed the region after Aurangzeb's death in 1707. In 1724, Mughal control weakened, and Asaf Jah became virtually independent of them; Hyderabad would then become a tributary of the Maratha Empire, losing a series of battles for independence through the 18th century. When the British achieved paramountcy over India, the Nizams were allowed to continue to rule their princely states as client kings. The Nizams retained internal power over Hyderabad State until the 17 September 1948 when Hyderabad was integrated into the new Indian Union. The Asaf Jah dynasty had only seven rulers; however there was a period of 13 unstable years after the rule of the first Nizam when three of his sons (Nasir Jung, Muzafar Jung and Salabath Jung) ruled. They were never officially recognised as rulers. The seventh and last Nizam was Mir Osman Ali Khan, who fell from power when Hyderabad was annexed by India in 1948.Ravi Narayana Reddy
Raavi Narayana Reddy, (5 June 1908 – 7 September 1991), was a founding member of the Communist Party of India. He was a leader in the Telangana Rebellion against the rule of Osman Ali Khan, Asaf Jah VII. Reddy was also a philanthropist, social reformer, and parliamentarian.State Bank of Hyderabad
State Bank of Hyderabad (SBH) was a nationalized bank in India, with headquarters at Gunfoundry, Abids, Hyderabad, Telangana. It was one of the five associate banks of State Bank of India (SBI) and was one of the scheduled banks in India. It was founded in 1941 as the Hyderabad State Bank. From 1956 until 31 March 2017, it had been an associate bank of the SBI, the largest such. The State Bank of Hyderabad was merged with SBI on 1 April 2017.
The Bank's head office was situated at Gunfoundry Area, Hyderabad, India. SBH had over 2,000 branches and about 18,000 employees. The Bank's business has crossed Rs. 2.4 trillion as on 31.12.2015 with a net profit of Rs. 8.12 billion.
The bank has performed well in the past decades, winning several awards for its banking practices. Mrs. Arundhati Bhattacharya was the current Chairman and Shri Mani Palavesan is the current Managing Director.
It was the chief banker of Telangana State.Telangana
Telangana ( (listen)) is a state in India situated on the centre-south stretch of the Indian peninsula on the high Deccan Plateau. It is the twelfth largest state and the twelfth-most populated state in India with a geographical area of 112,077 km2 (43,273 sq mi) and 35,193,978 residents as per 2011 census. On 2 June 2014, the area was separated from the northwestern part of Andhra Pradesh as the newly formed 29th state with Hyderabad as its historic permanent capital. Its other major cities include Warangal, Nizamabad, Khammam and Karimnagar. Telangana is bordered by the states of Maharashtra to the north, Chhattisgarh to the east, Karnataka to the west, and Andhra Pradesh to the east and south. The terrain of Telangana region consists mostly of hills, mountain ranges, and thick dense forests distribution of 27,292 sq. km. As of 2019, the state of Telangana is divided into 33 districts.
Throughout antiquity and the Middle Ages, the region now known as Telangana was ruled by multiple major Indian powers such as the Cholas, Mauryans, Satavahanas, Chalukyas, Kakatiyas, Delhi Sultanate, Bahmani Sultanate, Golconda Sultanate. During the 16th and 17th centuries, the region was ruled by the Mughals. The region is known for its Ganga-Jamuni Tehzeeb. During the 18th century and the British Raj, Telangana was ruled by the Nizam of Hyderabad. In 1823, the Nizams lost control over Northern Circars (Coastal Andhra) and Ceded Districts (Rayalseema), which were handed over to the East India Company. The annexation by the British of the Northern Circars deprived Hyderabad State, the Nizam's dominion, of the considerable coastline it formerly had, to that of a landlocked princely state with territories in Central Deccan, bounded on all sides by British India. Thereafter, the Northern Circars were governed as part of Madras Presidency until India's independence in 1947, after which the presidency became India's Madras state.The Hyderabad state joined the Union of India in 1948 after an Indian military invasion. In 1956, the Hyderabad State was dissolved as part of the linguistic reorganisation of states and Telangana was merged with the Telugu-speaking Andhra State (part of the Madras Presidency during the British Raj) to form Andhra Pradesh. A peasant-driven movement began to advocate for separation from Andhra Pradesh starting in the early 1950s, and continued until Telangana was awarded separate statehood on 2 June 2014.The economy of Telangana is the eighth-largest state economy in India with ₹8.43 lakh crore (US$120 billion) in gross domestic product and a per capita GDP of ₹181,000 (US$2,500). The state has emerged as a major focus for robust IT software, industry and services sector. The state is also the main administrative centre to a large number of Indian defence aero-space and research labs like Bharat Dynamics Limited, Defence Metallurgical Research Laboratory, Defence Research and Development Organisation and Defence Research and Development Laboratory.The cultural hearts of Telangana, Hyderabad and Warangal, are noted for their wealth and renowned historical structures – Charminar, Qutb Shahi Tombs, Paigah Tombs, Falaknuma Palace, Chowmahalla Palace, Warangal Fort, Kakatiya Kala Thoranam, Thousand Pillar Temple and the Bhongir Fort in Yadadri Bhuvanagiri district. The historic city Golconda during the Kakatiya reign was once known for the mines that have produced some of the world's most famous gems, including the Koh-i-Noor, Hope Diamond, Daria-i-Noor, Regent Diamond, Nassak Diamond and Noor-ul-Ain. Religious edifices like the Lakshmi Narasimha Temple in Yadadri Bhuvanagiri district, Makkah Masjid in Hyderabad, and Medak Cathedral are several of its most famous places of worship.Telangana Rebellion
The Telangana Rebellion (IAST: tělaṃgāṇā věţţi cākiri udyamaṃ, "Telangana Bonded Labour Movement"; alternatively, tělaṃgāṇā raitāṃga sāyudha pōrāţaṃ, "Telangana Peasants Armed Struggle") was a peasant rebellion against the feudal lords of the Telangana region and, later, the princely state of Hyderabad, between 1946 and 1951.
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