Hopi language

Hopi (Hopi: Hopílavayi) is a Uto-Aztecan language spoken by the Hopi people (a Puebloan group) of northeastern Arizona, United States, but some Hopi are now monolingual English-speakers.

The use of Hopi has gradually declined over the course of the 20th century. In 1990, it was estimated that more than 5,000 people could speak Hopi as a native language (approximately 75% of the population), but only 40 of them were monolingual in Hopi. The 1998 language survey of 200 Hopi people showed that 100% of Hopi elders (60 years or older) were fluent, but fluency in adults (40–59) was only 84%, 50% in young adults (20–39), and 5% in children (2–19).[4]

Despite the apparent decline, Hopi and Navajo both are supported by bilingual education programs in Arizona, and children acquire the Native American languages as their first language.[5]

Native toUnited States
RegionNortheastern Arizona
Ethnicity7,350 Hopis (Golla 2007)[1]
Native speakers
6780 (2010 census)[1]
40 monolinguals (1990)[2]
Language codes
ISO 639-3hop

Teaching and language revitalization efforts

Many Hopi children are being raised in the language. A comprehensive Hopi-English dictionary edited by Emory Sekaquaptewa and others has been published, and a group, the Hopi Literacy Project, has focused its attention on promoting the language. As of 2013, "a pilot language revitalization project, the Hopi Lavayi Nest Model Program, for families with children birth through 5," is being planned for the village of Sipaulovi.[6]

In 2004, Mesa Media, a nonprofit organization, was created to help revitalize the language.[7]

Language variation

Benjamin Whorf identifies four varieties (dialects) of Hopi:

  • First Mesa (or Whorf's Polacca)
  • Mishongnovi (or Whorf's Toreva)
  • Shipaulovi (or Whorf's Sipaulovi)
  • Third Mesa (or Whorf's Oraibi)

First Mesa is spoken on First Mesa (which is the eastern mesa) in Polacca village in Walpi pueblo and in other neighboring communities.[8] A community of Arizona Tewa live on First Mesa, and its members speak Tewa, in addition to a variety of Hopi and English and Spanish.

Mishongnovi is spoken on Second Mesa (which is the central mesa) in Mishongnovi village. Mishongnovi has few speakers compared to First and Third Mesa dialects. Shipaulovi is also spoken on Second Mesa in Shipaulovi village, which is close to Mishongnovi village. Whorf notes that other villages on Second Mesa are of unknown dialectal affiliation.

An introductory textbook (Kalectaca 1978) has been written by a Shongopavi speaker. Shongopavi is another village on the Second Mesa, but its relation to other dialects has not been analyzed. The Third Mesa dialect is spoken on Third Mesa (which is the western mesa) at Oraibi village and in neighboring communities, as well as in Moenkopi village, which lies off Third Mesa and at a distance west of it.

The first published analysis of the Hopi language is Benjamin Whorf's study of Mishongnovi Hopi. His work was based primarily on a single off-reservation informant, but it was later checked by other reservation speakers. In his study, he states that Mishongnovi is the most archaic and phonemically complex of the dialects. The Third Mesa dialect preserves some older relics that have been lost in Mishongnovi.

Malotki (1983) reports that Third Mesa speakers of younger generations have lost the labialization feature of w on the different subject subordinator -qw after the vowels a, i, e, u where they have -q instead. This loss of labialization is also found on the simultaneity marker where younger speakers have -kyang against older -kyangw. In words with kw or ngw in the syllable coda, the labialization is also lost: naksu (younger) vs. nakwsu (older) "he started out", hikni (younger) vs. kikwni (older) "he will drink", tuusungti (younger) vs. tuusungwti (older) "he got frozen".

Language contact

Hopi is part of the Pueblo linguistic area (a Sprachbund) along with members of the Tanoan family, the Keresan languages, Zuni, and Navajo.

Hopi speakers have traditionally used Hopi as the language of communication with Zuni. They have also been in close contact with a Tanoan language for over 300 years since the Arizona Tewa, who speak Tewa, moved from the Galisteo Basin following the Pueblo Revolt to reside on First Mesa. The Arizona Tewa have traditionally acted as translators for the Hopi-speaking Tewa, Hopi, Navajo, Spanish, and English.

The Hopi had cursory contact with Spanish beginning with the explorers in 1540. In 1629 a small group of Franciscan missionaries started arriving in Hopi territory, building a church the following year. They remained there until 1680 when the Pueblo Revolt occurred and the Hopi expelled the Spanish from the region. Both the practices of the Spanish when there, and the stories of negative experiences of Puebloan refugees from the Rio Grande region, contributed to a Hopi attitude where acculturation was resisted or rejected.

A number of studies[9] have focused on loanwords borrowed into Hopi from other languages.



There are six basic vowels in Hopi:

Front Non-front
unrounded rounded unrounded rounded
High i [i] u [ɨ]
Mid e [ɛ] ö [ø] o [o]
Low a [a]

The vowel letter ⟨ö⟩ represents a sound that is similar to the vowel [ɛ] (as in English pet) but with rounded lips. This sound also occurs, among other languages, in French (deux) and German (schön).

The vowel letter ⟨u⟩ represents a sound that is similar the vowel of English boot, but without rounded lips and further forward in the mouth.


Hopi dialects differ in their number of consonants. Below are two separate inventories of the Third Mesa and Mishongnovi dialects. The Third Mesa inventory has orthographic symbols and IPA transcriptions of those symbols when the IPA symbol differs from the orthographic symbol.

Third Mesa Hopi
Labial Alveolar Post-
Palatal Velar Glottal
fronted neutral backed
plain labial
Nasal m n ngy [ɲ] ng [ŋ] ngw [ŋʷ]
Stop p t ts ky [cj] k kw [kʷ] q [ḵ] [ʔ][10]
Fricative voiceless s h
voiced v [β] r [ʐ]
Approximant l y [j] w
Mishongnovi Hopi
Labial Alveolar Post-
Palatal Velar Glottal
fronted neutral backed
plain labial
Nasal voiceless ŋ̱̊
voiced m n ɲ ŋʷ ŋ̱
Stop plain p t ts kʲ [cʲ] k q [k̠] ʔ
preaspirated ʰp ʰt ʰts ʰk ʰkʷ ʰq [ʰk̠]
Fricative voiceless s h
voiced v r
Approximant voiceless ȷ̊
voiced l j w

As seen above, the Mishongnovi dialect has a larger number of consonants when compared with the Third Mesa dialect. The additional consonants are a series of preaspirated stops and a series of voiceless sonorants.

There is idiolectal free variation with the voiced labial fricative represented with ⟨v⟩, which varies between labiodental and bilabial [v ~ β]. Before a consonant (word-medially) and at the end of words, it is not voiced although its realization is dependent upon dialect; Third Mesa speakers have [p] while Mishongnovi speakers have [f].

The alveolar sibilants /ts/ and /s/ are apical. In some Third Mesa speakers, they are palatalized to [tsʲ] and [sʲ], which can sound similar to // and /ʃ/ of English. In Mishongnovi, /ts/ is palatalized when at the beginning of syllables and non-palatalized elsewhere.

Hopi has a number of stop contrasts at the velar place of articulation that occur before the low vowel /a/. Elsewhere, the contrasts are neutralized. The velar in environments of neutralization is called "neutral" k by Jeanne (1978). Before the front vowels /i/ and /ɛ/, it is palatalized with a fronted articulation and following palatal glide [j]. Thus, ⟨ki⟩ and ⟨ke⟩ are [cji] and [cjɛ], respectively. Before the non-front vowels /ɨ/ and /o/, it is a typical velar: ⟨ku⟩ is [kɨ] and ⟨ko⟩ is [ko]. Before the front rounded vowel /ø/, it has a backed articulation: ⟨kö⟩ is [ḵø]. Before /a/, there is a phonemic contrast with fronted velar with following palatal glide and the backed velar. Complicating this pattern are words borrowed from Spanish that have a velar followed by a low vowel. With the addition of these loanwords, a third velar contrast has been introduced into Hopi. Words with this borrowed velar are "neutral" and typically velar in articulation. Thus, there is a distinction between ⟨kya⟩ [cja] and ⟨qa⟩ [ḵa] in native words both of which are distinct from ⟨ka⟩ [ka] in loanwords.

The precise phonetics of these k consonants is unclear due to vague descriptions in the literature. Voegelin (1956) suggests that the fronted articulation represented by ⟨ky⟩ is distinguished more by presence of the palatal glide than by the difference in the articulatory position of the dorsal contact. He also mentions that the backed sound represented by ⟨q⟩ is "not-so-far-back". This suggests that this sound is post-velar and not quite uvular. Malotki (1983) describes the fronted sound and the sound from Spanish loanwords as palatal while the backed ones are velar. Whorf (1946) describes the fronted form as palatal with palatal glide before some vowels, The form from Spanish loanwords as "ordinary k", and the backed form as velar. Whorf's letter to Clyde Kluckhohn in Kluckhohn & MacLeish (1955) describes the backed velar as being like Arabic or Nootka ⟨q⟩, which suggests a uvular articulation. Whorf's phonemicization of Mishongnovi posits the fronted version occurring before all vowels but /ø/ (with a fronted allophone before /i/, /ɛ/, and /a/); the backed form occurring before non-high vowels (/ɛ/, /ø/, and /a/); and the form from Spanish loanwords before /a/.

Similarly to the velar stops, Hopi has a fronted dorsal nasal and a backed dorsal nasal represented as ⟨ngy⟩ and ⟨ng⟩, respectively. The fronted nasal is palatal [ɲ]. The backed nasal is described as velar ŋ in Third Mesa speech and thus forms a "neutral" series with "neutral" k. In Mishongnovi speech, Whorf describes the backed nasal as having the more rear articulation of the backed dorsal: [ŋ̱].

The retroflex sound represented with ⟨r⟩ varies between a retroflex fricative ([ʐ]) and a flap [ɾ], although the fricative realization is much more common. In Mishongnovi, this sound is only weakly fricative. In syllable coda position, it is devoiced to a voiceless fricative [ʂ].

The preaspirated stops /ʰp, ʰt, ʰts, ʰkʷ, ʰk, ʰq/ and voiceless sonorants /m̥, n̥, ŋ̱̊, l̥, ȷ̊, w̥/ of Mishongnovi only occur in syllable coda position. However, they do contrast with plain stops and voiced sonorants in this position. Whorf notes that the preaspirated stops also contrast with a similar sequence of /h/ + stop.


Hopi is written using the Latin alphabet. The vowel letters correspond to the phonemes of Hopi as follows: ⟨a⟩ /a/, ⟨e⟩ /ɛ/, ⟨i⟩ /ɪ/, ⟨o⟩ /o/, ⟨u⟩ /ɨ/ and ⟨ö⟩ /ø/. Long vowels are written double: ⟨aa⟩, ⟨ee⟩, ⟨ii⟩, ⟨oo⟩, ⟨uu⟩, ⟨öö⟩.

Consonants are written:

  • ⟨’⟩ /ʔ/
  • ⟨h⟩ /h/
  • ⟨k⟩ /k/
  • ⟨ky⟩ /kʲ/
  • ⟨kw⟩ /kʷ/
  • ⟨l⟩ /l/
  • ⟨m⟩ /m/
  • ⟨n⟩ /n/
  • ⟨ng⟩ /ŋ/
  • ⟨ngw⟩ /ŋʷ/
  • ⟨ngy⟩ /ɲ/
  • ⟨p⟩ /p/
  • ⟨q⟩ /k̠/
  • ⟨qw⟩ /k̠ʷ/
  • ⟨r⟩ /ʐ/
  • ⟨s⟩ /s/
  • ⟨t⟩ /t/
  • ⟨ts⟩ /ts/
  • ⟨v⟩ /β/
  • ⟨w⟩ /w/
  • ⟨y⟩ /j/

Falling accent is marked with a grave ⟨`⟩: tsirò 'birds'.

To distinguish certain consonants written as digraphs from similar looking phonemes meeting across syllable boundaries, a period is used: kwaahu ('eagle') but kuk.wuwàaqe ('to follow tracks').

Syllable structure

The most common syllable clusters are CV and CVC.

The CVCC cluster is very rare due to limited number of CC combinations in the language. This also makes it unusual to find the intrasyllabic clusters C-C and CC-C.


The stress pattern in Hopi follows a simple rule that applies to nearly all words.

  • In words with one or two vowels, the first vowel is stressed.
  • Where there are more than two vowels, the first vowel is stressed if it is long or it is directly followed by two consonants. Otherwise, the second vowel is stressed.

Some exceptions to this rule are sikisve "car", wehekna "spill" and warikiwta ""running". We would expect the second vowel to be stressed but in fact the first one is stressed in these examples.


The Third Mesa dialect of Hopi has developed tone on long vowels, diphthongs, and vowel + sonorant sequences. This dialect has either falling tones or level tones.

The falling tone (high-low) in the Third Mesa dialect corresponds to either a vowel + preaspirated consonant, a vowel + voiceless sonorant, or a vowel + h sequence in the Second Mesa dialect recorded by Whorf.



Hopi uses suffixes for a variety of purposes. Some examples are:

suffix purpose example meaning
ma go along wayma walking along
numa go around waynuma walking around
mi to, towards itamumi towards us
ni future tuuvani will throw
ngwu habitual suffix tuuvangwu usually throws
ve/pe location Ismo'walpe at Ismo'wala
q distance suffix atkyamiq all the way to the bottom
sa only suksa only one

Hopi also has free postpositions:

akw with (instrumental)
angkw from
ep at/in/on

Nouns are marked as oblique by either the suffixes -t for simple nouns or -y for dual nouns (those referring to exactly two individuals), possessed nouns or plural nouns.

Some examples are shown below:

nominative oblique meaning
himutski himutskit shrub
iisaw iisawuy coyote
itam itamuy we/us
nuva nuvat snow
nu' nuy I/me
paahu paahut spring water
pam put he/she/it
puma pumuy they
tuuwa tuuwat sand
um ung you

Verbs are also marked by suffixes but these are not used in a regular pattern. For example, the suffixes -lawu and -ta are both used to make a simple verb into a durative one (implying the action is ongoing and not yet complete) but it is hard to predict which suffix applies to which verbs. Second language learners of Hopi usually simply learn this by rote.

There are some gender specific terms in Hopi:

male speech female speech meaning
a'ni hin'ur very
kwakwha askwali thank you
lolma nukwangw good
owi, 'wi oo'o, 'wiya yes

Morphological processes

  • Elision - when the stress-shift would cause a clipped vowel not in the first syllable to have a low stress, that vowel is elided.
  • Lenition - initial p becomes v when it becomes internal to a word or when the word is preceded by another word used as an adjectival or an incorporated verbal modifier.
  • Reduplication - stem-initial CV, stem-final CV and word-final V are reduplicated.


Word order

The simplest type of sentence in Hopi is simply a subject and a predicate: 'Maana wuupa' (the girl is tall).

However, many Hopi sentences also include an object, which is inserted between the subject and the verb. Thus, Hopi is a subject–object–verb language.


Nouns are marked as subject or oblique, as shown above.

Pronouns are also marked as either nominative or oblique. For example, the singular subject pronoun "you" in Hopi is um, and the form for the singular object pronoun is ung.

Demonstratives are marked by case in Hopi, shown first in their nominative form and then in their oblique form:

/it - this

pam/put - he (closer object)

miˈ/mit - to (further object)

ima/imuy - these

puma/pumuy - they (closer object)

mima/mimuy - those (further object)


Hopi has plural verbs. Dual noun subjects take the dual suffix -vit but singular verbs. Hopi does not have dual pronouns; instead, the plural pronouns may be used with singular verbs for a dual meaning. Noun and verb plurality is indicated, among other devices, by partial reduplication, marked in the gloss below with a tilde (~).

Noun subject Pronoun subject
Sg  taaqa nøøsa ni’ nøøsa
a man ate I ate
Du  taaqa-vit nøøsa itam nøøsa
two men ate we two ate
Pl  taa~taqt nøø~nøsa itam nøø~nøsa
several men ate we all ate


Benjamin Lee Whorf, a well-known linguist and still one of the foremost authorities on the relationships obtaining between southwestern and Central American languages, used Hopi to exemplify his argument that one's worldview is affected by one's language and vice versa. Among Whorf's best-known claims was that Hopi had "no words, grammatical forms, construction or expressions that refer directly to what we call 'time.'"[11] Whorf's statement has been misunderstood to mean that Hopi has no concept of duration or succession of time, but in fact, he meant only that the Hopi have no conception of time as an object or a substance that may be divided and subdivided. Furthermore, according to John A. Lucy, many of Whorf's critics have failed to read his writings accurately, preferring instead to proffer uncharitable caricatures of his arguments.[12] The existence of temporal concepts in the Hopi language was extensively documented by Ekkehart Malotki,[13] and other linguists and philosophers are skeptical of Whorf's broader argument and his findings on Hopi have been disputed or rejected by some.[14]

See also


  1. ^ a b Hopi at Ethnologue (18th ed., 2015)
  2. ^ Hopi at Ethnologue (14th ed., 2000).
  3. ^ Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2017). "Hopi". Glottolog 3.0. Jena, Germany: Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History.
  4. ^ "Status of Hopi language". Archived from the original on 2015-12-15. Retrieved 2015-09-08.
  5. ^ "Dual-language programs grow in Arizona public schools". azednews.com. Tuba City Unified Superintendent Dr. Harold Begay is devoted to seeing the Navajo and Hopi languages and cultures thrive long into the future through district programs.
  6. ^ Pardo, Cynthia (2013-10-18). "Preserving Hopi Language - Crucial to Children's Early Success". Navajo-Hopi Observer. Flagstaff, Arizona. Archived from the original on 2013-10-29. Retrieved 2013-10-24.
  7. ^ "About Us - Mesa Media". www.mesamedia.org.
  8. ^ Polacca is at the base of First Mesa, unlike the other villages, which are on the top of the mesa. Polacca is shared by Hopi and Tewa peoples.
  9. ^ Dockstader (1955), Hymes (1956), Kennard (1963), Hill (1997)
  10. ^ The glottal stop is found much more frequently in Hopi than in English, particularly at the beginning of a word, before the final consonant, or at the ends of words after a vowel.
  11. ^ Carroll, John B. (ed.)(1956). Language Thought and Reality: Selected Writings of Benjamin Lee Whorf. MIT Press, Boston, Massachusetts. ISBN 978-0-262-73006-8
  12. ^ Lucy, John (1992). Language Diversity and Thought: A Reformulation of the Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK.
  13. ^ Malotki, 1983
  14. ^ "Setting the Record Straight About Native Languages: Language Complexity". Native Languages of the Americas. Retrieved 2007-05-01.


  • Brew, J. O. (1979). Hopi prehistory and history to 1850. In A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 9, pp. 514–523). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
  • Connelly, John C. (1979). Hopi social organization. In A. Ortiz (Ed.), Handbook of North American Indians: Southwest (Vol. 9, pp. 539–553). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.
  • Dockstader, Frederick J. (1955). "Spanish loanwords in Hopi: A preliminary checklist". International Journal of American Linguistics. 21 (2): 157–159. doi:10.1086/464324.
  • Harrington, John P. (1913). [Linguistic fieldnotes based on work with a speaker of Oraibi Hopi]. (National Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Institution).
  • Hill, Kenneth C. (1997), "Spanish loanwords in Hopi.", in Hill, J.H.; Mistry, P.J.; Campbell, L. (eds.), The life of language: Papers in linguistics in honor of William Bright, Trends in linguistics: Studies and monographs (108), Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter., pp. 19–24
  • Hopi Dictionary Project (University of Arizona Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology). (1998). Hopi dictionary: Hopìikwa Lavàytutuveni: A Hopi-English dictionary of the Third Mesa dialect with an English-Hopi finder list and a sketch of Hopi grammar. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press. ISBN 0-8165-1789-4
  • Hymes, D. H. (1956). "The supposed Spanish loanword in Hopi for 'jaybird'". International Journal of American Linguistics. 22 (2): 186–187. doi:10.1086/464362.
  • Jeanne, LaVerne Masayesva (1978). Aspects of Hopi grammar (PhD thesis). MIT.
  • Jeanne, LaVerne Masayesva (1982). "Some phonological rules of Hopi". International Journal of American Linguistics. 48 (3): 245–270. doi:10.1086/465734. JSTOR 1264788.
  • Kalectaca, Milo. (1978). Lessons in Hopi. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press.
  • Kennard, Edward A. (1963). "Linguistic acculturation in Hopi". International Journal of American Linguistics. 29 (1): 36–41. doi:10.1086/464709.
  • Kennard, Edward A.; & Albert Yava. (1999). Field Mouse Goes to War: Tusan Homichi Tuwvöta. Palmer Lake, Colorado: Filter Press.
  • Kluckhohn, Clyde; MacLeish, Kenneth (1955). "Moencopi variations from Whorf's Second Mesa Hopi". International Journal of American Linguistics. 21 (2): 150–156. doi:10.1086/464323. JSTOR 1263941.
  • Lucy, John. (1992). Language Diversity and Thought: A Reformulation of the Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK
  • Manaster-Ramer, A. (1986). "Genesis of Hopi tones". International Journal of American Linguistics. 52 (2): 154–160. doi:10.1086/466010. JSTOR 1265374.
  • Malotki, Ekkehart. (1983). Hopi time: A linguistic analysis of the temporal concepts in the Hopi language. Trends in linguistics: Studies and monographs (No. 20). Mouton De Gruyter.
  • Seaman, P. David. (1977). Hopi Linguistics: An Annotated Bibliography. Anthropological Linguistics, 19 (2), 78-97. https://www.jstor.org/stable/30027313
  • Seqaquaptewa, E. (1994). Iisaw niqw tsaayantotaqam tsiròot. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light.
  • Seqaquaptewa, E. (1994). Iisaw niqw yöngösonhoya. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light.
  • Stephen, Alexander M. (1936). Hopi journal of Alexander M. Stephen. Parsons, E. C. (Ed.). Columbia University contributions to anthropology (No. 23). New York: Columbia University Press.
  • Titiev, Mischa (1946). "Suggestions for the further study of Hopi". International Journal of American Linguistics. 12 (2): 89–91. doi:10.1086/463895.
  • Voegelin, C. F. (1956). "Phonemicizing for dialect study: With reference to Hopi". Language. 32 (1): 116–135. doi:10.2307/410660. JSTOR 410660.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee. (1936). [Notes on Hopi grammar and pronunciation; Mishongnovi forms]. In E. C. Parsons (Ed.), Hopi journal of Alexander M. Stephen (Vol. 2, pp. 1198–1326). Columbia University contributions to anthropology (No. 23). New York: Columbia University Press.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee (1936). "The punctual and segmentative aspects of verbs in Hopi". Language. 12 (2): 127–131. doi:10.2307/408755. JSTOR 408755.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee (1938). "Some verbal categories of Hopi". Language. 14 (4): 275–286. doi:10.2307/409181. JSTOR 409181.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee. (1941). The relation of habitual thought and behavior to language. In L. Spier, A. I. Hallowell, & S. S. Newman (Eds.), Language, culture, and personality: Essays in memory of Edward Sapir (pp. 75–93). Menasha, WI: Sapir Memorial Publication Fund.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee. (1946). The Hopi language, Toreva dialect. In C. Osgood (Ed.), Linguistic structures of native America (pp. 158–183). Viking Fund publications in anthropology (No. 6). New York: The Viking Fund, Inc.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee (1950). "An American Indian model of the universe". International Journal of American Linguistics. 16 (2): 67–72. doi:10.1086/464066. JSTOR 1262850.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee (1952). "Linguistic factors in the terminology of Hopi architecture". International Journal of American Linguistics. 19 (2): 141–145. doi:10.1086/464204. JSTOR 1262812.
  • Whorf, Benjamin Lee. (1956). Discussion of Hopi linguistics. In J. B. Carroll (Ed.), Language, thought, and reality: Selected writings of Benjamin L. Whorf (pp. 102–111). New York: John Wiley.

External links

2433 Sootiyo

2433 Sootiyo, provisional designation 1981 GJ, is a stony asteroid from the middle region of the asteroid belt, approximately 13 kilometers in diameter. It was discovered on 5 April 1981, by American astronomer Edward Bowell at Lowell's Anderson Mesa Station near Flagstaff, Arizona. The asteroid was named "Sootiya" meaning "star boy" in the Hopi language.

Benjamin Lee Whorf

Benjamin Lee Whorf (; April 24, 1897 – July 26, 1941) was an American linguist and fire prevention engineer. Whorf is widely known as an advocate for the idea that differences between the structures of different languages shape how their speakers perceive and conceptualize the world. This principle has frequently been called the "Sapir–Whorf hypothesis", after him and his mentor Edward Sapir, but Whorf called it the principle of linguistic relativity, because he saw the idea as having implications similar to Einstein's principle of physical relativity.Throughout his life Whorf was a chemical engineer by profession, but as a young man he took up an interest in linguistics. At first this interest drew him to the study of Biblical Hebrew, but he quickly went on to study the indigenous languages of Mesoamerica on his own. Professional scholars were impressed by his work and in 1930 he received a grant to study the Nahuatl language in Mexico; on his return home he presented several influential papers on the language at linguistics conferences.

This led him to begin studying linguistics with Edward Sapir at Yale University while still maintaining his day job at the Hartford Fire Insurance Company. During his time at Yale he worked on the description of the Hopi language, and the historical linguistics of the Uto-Aztecan languages, publishing many influential papers in professional journals. He was chosen as the substitute for Sapir during his medical leave in 1938. Whorf taught his seminar on "Problems of American Indian Linguistics". In addition to his well-known work on linguistic relativity, he wrote a grammar sketch of Hopi and studies of Nahuatl dialects, proposed a deciphering of Maya hieroglyphic writing, and published the first attempt towards a reconstruction of Uto-Aztecan.

After his death from cancer in 1941 his manuscripts were curated by his linguist friends who also worked to spread the influence of Whorf's ideas on the relation between language, culture and cognition. Many of his works were published posthumously in the first decades after his death. In the 1960s Whorf's views fell out of favor and he became the subject of harsh criticisms by scholars who considered language structure to primarily reflect cognitive universals rather than cultural differences. Critics argued that Whorf's ideas were untestable and poorly formulated and that they were based on badly analyzed or misunderstood data.

In the late 20th century, interest in Whorf's ideas experienced a resurgence, and a new generation of scholars began reading Whorf's works, arguing that previous critiques had only engaged superficially with Whorf's actual ideas, or had attributed to him ideas he had never expressed. The field of linguistic relativity studies remains an active focus of research in psycholinguistics and linguistic anthropology, and continues to generate debate and controversy between proponents of relativism and proponents of universalism. By comparison, Whorf's other work in linguistics, the development of such concepts as the allophone and the cryptotype, and the formulation of "Whorf's law" in Uto-Aztecan historical linguistics, have met with broad acceptance.

Ekkehart Malotki

Ekkehart Malotki (born 1938) is a German-American linguist, known for his extensive work on the documentation of the Hopi language and culture, specifically for his refutation of the myth that the Hopi have no concept of time. He is professor emeritus at Northern Arizona University. He studied with philosopher and linguist Helmut Gipper at the Westfälische Wilhelms-Universität at Münster and his early work was a continuation of his mentor's. Malotki conducted four years of research on the Third Mesa, studying Hopi spatial and temporal reference. He published two large volumes, one in German, Hopi-Raum (Hopi Space) and one in English, Hopi Time. Subsequently he published a large number of texts and myths in the Hopi language. He was also a principal data constructer and co-editor of the great Hopi Dictionary: Hopìikwa Lavàytutuveni, and he supplied the Hopi subtitles for the Qatsi trilogy.

Emory Sekaquaptewa

Emory Sekaquaptewa (1928 – December 14, 2007) was a Hopi leader and scholar from the Third Mesa village of Hotevilla. Known as the "First Hopi" or "First Indian," he is best known for his role in compiling the first dictionary of the Hopi language. He became Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona in 1972, and was Professor in its Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology from 1990-2007.

Fifth World (Native American mythology)

The Fifth World in the context of creation myths describes the present world as interpreted by several groups of Native Americans in the United States and Central America. The central theme of the myth holds that there were four other cycles of creation and destruction that preceded the Fifth World. The creation story is taken largely from the mythological, cosmological, and eschatological beliefs and traditions of earlier Mesoamerican cultures.


The Hopi are a Native American tribe, often recognized for populating the North American continent and in particular, Arizona. As of the 2010 census, there are 19,338 Hopi in the United States. The Hopi language is one of 30 in the Uto-Aztecan language family. The majority of Hopi people are enrolled in the Hopi Tribe of Arizona but some are enrolled in the Colorado River Indian Tribes. The Hopi Reservation covers a land area of 2,531.773 sq mi (6,557.26 km2).

The Hopi encountered Spaniards in the 16th century, and are historically referred to as Pueblo people, because they lived in villages (pueblos in the Spanish language). The Hopi are descended from the Ancient Pueblo Peoples (Hopi: Hisatsinom), who constructed large apartment-house complexes and had an advanced culture that spanned the present-day Four Corners region of the United States, comprising southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, and southwestern Colorado. They lived along the Mogollon Rim, especially from the 12th–14th century, when they disappeared.

The name Hopi is a shortened form of their autonym, Hopituh Shi-nu-mu ("The Peaceful People" or "Peaceful Little Ones"). The Hopi Dictionary gives the primary meaning of the word "Hopi" as: "behaving one, one who is mannered, civilized, peaceable, polite, who adheres to the Hopi Way. In contrast to warring tribes that subsist on plunder."Hopi is a concept deeply rooted in the culture's religion, spirituality, and its view of morality and ethics. To be Hopi is to strive toward this concept, which involves a state of total reverence and respect for all things, to be at peace with these things, and to live in accordance with the instructions of Maasaw, the Creator or Caretaker of Earth. The Hopi observe their traditional ceremonies for the benefit of the entire world.

Traditionally, Hopi are organized into matrilineal clans. The children are born into the same clan structure as the mother. These clan organizations extend across all villages. Children are named by the women of the father's clan. After the child is introduced to the Sun, the women of the paternal clan gather, and name the child in honor of the father's clan. Children can be given over forty names. The village members decide the common name. Current practice is to either use a non-Hopi or English name or the parent's chosen Hopi name. A person may also change the name upon initiation to traditional religious societies, or a major life event.

The Hopi have always viewed their land as sacred. Agriculture is a very important part of their culture, and their villages are spread out across the northwestern part of Arizona. The Hopi did not have a conception of land being bounded and divided. The Hopi people settled on the high mesas both for protection (against raiding tribes), and irrigation in these areas. The Hopi are caretakers of the land that they inherited from their ancestors.

On December 16, 1882, President Chester A. Arthur passed an executive order creating a reservation for the Hopi. It was smaller than the surrounding land that was annexed by the Navajo reservation, which is the largest in the country.On October 24, 1936, the Hopi people ratified a Constitution. That Constitution created a unicameral government where all powers are vested in a Tribal Council. While there is an executive branch (tribal chairman and vice chairman) and judicial branch, their powers are limited under the Hopi Constitution. The traditional powers and authority of the Hopi Villages were preserved in the 1936 Constitution.Today, the Hopi Reservation is entirely surrounded by the much larger Navajo Reservation. The two nations used to share the Navajo–Hopi Joint Use Area, but this was a source of conflict. The partition of this area, commonly known as Big Mountain, by Acts of Congress in 1974 and 1996, has also resulted in long-term controversy.

Hopi (disambiguation)

Hopi are a Native American people.

Hopi may also refer to:

Hopi language, Uto-Aztecan language spoken by the Hopi people

Hopi (missile), a nuclear air-to-surface missile developed by the U.S. Navy in the 1950s

2938 Hopi, main-belt asteroid

Hebi, also spelled as Hopi, city in Henan, China

Hands Off the People of Iran, or HOPI, a British organisation

Hopi time controversy

The Hopi time controversy is the academic debate about how the Hopi language grammaticalizes the concept of time, and about whether the differences between the ways the English and Hopi languages describe time are an example of linguistic relativity or not. In popular discourse the debate is often framed as a question about whether the Hopi "had a concept of time", despite it now being well established that they do.

The debate originated in the 1940s when American linguist Benjamin Lee Whorf argued that the Hopi conceptualized time differently from the Standard Average European speaker, and that this difference correlated with grammatical differences between the languages. Whorf argued that Hopi has "no words, grammatical forms, construction or expressions that refer directly to what we call 'time'", and concluded that the Hopi had "no general notion or intuition of time as a smooth flowing continuum in which everything in the universe proceeds at equal rate, out of a future, through the present, into a past". Whorf used the Hopi concept of time as a primary example of his concept of linguistic relativity, which posits that the way in which individual languages encode information about the world, influences and correlates with the cultural world view of the speakers. Whorf's relativist views fell out of favor in linguistics and anthropology in the 1960s, but Whorf's statement lived on in the popular literature often in the form of an urban myth that "the Hopi have no concept of time". In 1983 linguist Ekkehart Malotki published a 600-page study of the grammar of time in the Hopi language, concluding that he had finally refuted Whorf's claims about the language. Malotki's treatise gave hundreds of examples of Hopi words and grammatical forms referring to temporal relations. Malotki's central claim was that the Hopi do indeed conceptualize time as structured in terms of an ego-centered spatial progression from past, through present into the future. He also demonstrated that the Hopi language grammaticalizes tense using a distinction between future and non-future tenses, as opposed to the English tense system, which is usually analyzed as being based on a past/non-past distinction. Many took Malotki's work as a definitive refutation of the linguistic relativity hypothesis. Linguist and specialist in the linguistic typology of tense Bernard Comrie concluded that "Malotki's presentation and argumentation are devastating". Psychologist Steven Pinker, a well-known critic of Whorf and the concept of linguistic relativity, accepted Malotki's claims as having demonstrated Whorf's complete ineptitude as a linguist.Subsequently, the study of linguistic relativity was revived using new approaches in the 1990s, and Malotki's study came under criticism from relativist linguists and anthropologists, who did not consider that the study invalidated Whorf's claims. The main issue of contention is the interpretation of Whorf's original claims about Hopi, and what exactly it was that he was claiming made Hopi different from what Whorf called "Standard Average European" languages. Some consider that the Hopi language may be best described as a tenseless language, and that the distinction between non-future and future posited by Malotki may be better understood as a distinction between realis and irrealis moods. Regardless of exactly how the Hopi concept of time is best analyzed, most specialists agree with Malotki that all humans conceptualize time by an analogy with space, although some recent studies have also questioned this.

Humphreys Peak

Humphreys Peak (Hopi: Aaloosaktukwi, Navajo: Dookʼoʼoosłííd) is the highest natural point in the U.S. state of Arizona, with an elevation of 12,633 feet (3,851 m) and is located within the Kachina Peaks Wilderness in the Coconino National Forest, about 11 miles (17.7 km) north of Flagstaff, Arizona. Humphreys Peak is the highest of a group of dormant volcanic peaks known as the San Francisco Peaks.

The summit can be most easily reached by hiking the 4.8 miles (7.7 km) long Humphreys Summit Trail that begins at the Arizona Snowbowl ski resort in the Coconino National Forest.Humphreys Peak was named in about 1870 for General Andrew A. Humphreys, a U.S. Army officer who was a Union general during the American Civil War, and who later became Chief of Engineers of the United States Army Corps of Engineers. However, a General Land Office map from 1903 showed the name San Francisco Peak applied to this feature (apparently borrowed from San Francisco Mountain on which the peak stands). Thus the United States Board on Geographic Names approved the variant name in 1911. In 1933, the application of the names was rectified.

Jerusalem cricket

Jerusalem crickets (or potato bugs) are a group of large, flightless insects of the genus Stenopelmatus. They are native to the western United States and parts of Mexico.

Despite their common names, these insects are neither true crickets (which belong to the family Gryllidae) nor true bugs (which belong to the order Hemiptera), nor are they native to Jerusalem. These nocturnal insects use their strong mandibles to feed primarily on dead organic matter but can also eat other insects. Their highly adapted feet are used for burrowing beneath moist soil to feed on decaying root plants and tubers.

While Jerusalem crickets are not venomous, they can emit a foul smell and are capable of inflicting a painful bite.

LaVerne Jeanne

LaVerne Masayesva Jeanne is an anthropologist and linguist at the University of Nevada at Reno, where she is an emerita associate professor.She received her PhD at MIT, where she studied with linguist Ken Hale. Together with Navajo Paul R. Platero, Jeanne is one of the first two Native Americans to have received a degree in linguistics.

Her work has been primarily focused on the Hopi language (her mother language). Her 1978 thesis (supervised by Hale) was entitled Aspects of Hopi Grammar. She also co-authored a heavily cited article in Language with Hale, Michael Krauss, Colette Craig, and others on the state of endangered languages.

Palatki Heritage Site

The Palatki Heritage Site is an archaeological site and park located in the Coconino National Forest, near Sedona, in Arizona, United States. In the Hopi language Palatki means 'red house'.

Qatsi trilogy

The Qatsi trilogy is the informal name given to a series of non-narrative films produced by Godfrey Reggio and scored by Philip Glass:

Koyaanisqatsi: Life Out of Balance (1982)

Powaqqatsi: Life in Transformation (1988)

Naqoyqatsi: Life as War (2002)The titles of all three motion pictures are words from the Hopi language, in which the word qatsi translates to "life." The series was produced by the Institute For Regional Education, who also created the Fund For Change.

San Francisco Peaks

The San Francisco Peaks (Spanish: Sierra de San Francisco) are a volcanic mountain range in north central Arizona, just north of Flagstaff and a remnant of the former San Francisco Mountain. The highest summit in the range, Humphreys Peak, is the highest point in the state of Arizona at 12,633 feet (3,851 m) in elevation. The San Francisco Peaks are the remains of an eroded stratovolcano. An aquifer within the caldera supplies much of Flagstaff's water while the mountain itself is in the Coconino National Forest, a popular recreation site. The Arizona Snowbowl ski area is on the western slopes of Humphreys Peak, and has been the subject of major controversy involving several tribes and environmental groups.

Second Mesa, Arizona

Second Mesa is a census-designated place (CDP) in Navajo County, Arizona, on the Hopi Reservation, atop the 5,700-foot (1,740 m) mesa. As of the 2010 census, the CDP population was 962, spread among three Hopi Indian villages, Musungnuvi (or Mishongnovi), Supawlavi (or Sipaulovi), and Songoopavi (or Shungopavi). The Hopi Cultural Center is on Second Mesa.


Sikyátki is an archeological site and former Hopi village spanning 40,000 to 60,000 square metres (430,000 to 650,000 sq ft) on the eastern side of First Mesa, in what is now Navajo County in the U.S. state of Arizona. The village was inhabited by Kokop clan of the Hopi from the 14th to the 17th century. Jesse Walter Fewkes led a Smithsonian Institution funded excavation of the site in 1895. During the excavations many well-preserved ceramic sherds were found. The designs on the sherds inspired the artist Nampeyo; sparking the Sikyátki revival in polychrome pottery.

Sikyátki, which means "Yellow House" in the Hopi language, according to oral tradition was burned and its population exterminated by the neighboring village of Wálpi. The dispute erupted into violence when a villager from Sikyátki cut off the head of a sister of a man from Wálpi who had offended him.

Techqua Ikachi, Land - My Life

Techqua Ikachi, Land – My Life is a feature documentary by Swiss/German director Anka Schmid, the Swiss artist Agnes Barmettler and the Hopi Native American James Danaqyumptewa from 1989. The documentary shows the history and life of Native Americans of the Hopi tribe in Arizona, in particular their problems with the American government in their fight for sovereignty. It is being told from the perspective of the Hopi tribe.

The Dark Wind (1991 film)

The Dark Wind is a 1991 American mystery drama film based on The Dark Wind by Tony Hillerman, one of a series of mysteries set against contemporary Navajo life in the Southwest. It stars Lou Diamond Phillips as Jim Chee and Fred Ward as Joe Leaphorn.


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