A grandfather clause (or grandfather policy or grandfathering) is a provision in which an old rule continues to apply to some existing situations while a new rule will apply to all future cases. Those exempt from the new rule are said to have grandfather rights or acquired rights, or to have been grandfathered in. Frequently, the exemption is limited; it may extend for a set time, or it may be lost under certain circumstances. For example, a "grandfathered power plant" might be exempt from new, more restrictive pollution laws, but the exception may be revoked and the new rules would apply if the plant were expanded. Often, such a provision is used as a compromise or out of practicality, to allow new rules to be enacted without upsetting a well-established logistical or political situation. This extends the idea of a rule not being retroactively applied.
The term originated in late nineteenth-century legislation and constitutional amendments passed by a number of U.S. Southern states, which created new requirements for literacy tests, payment of poll taxes, and/or residency and property restrictions to register to vote. States in some cases exempted those whose ancestors (grandfathers) had the right to vote before the Civil War, or as of a particular date, from such requirements. The intent and effect of such rules was to prevent poor and illiterate African-American former slaves and their descendants from voting, but without denying poor and illiterate whites the right to vote. Although these original grandfather clauses were eventually ruled unconstitutional, the terms grandfather clause and grandfather have been adapted to other uses.
The original grandfather clauses were contained in new state constitutions and Jim Crow laws passed between 1890 and 1908 by white-dominated state legislatures from seven of Southern states. They restricted voter registration, effectively preventing African Americans, and in Texas Mexican Americans, from voting. Racial restrictions on voting in place before 1870 were nullified by the Fifteenth Amendment.
After Democrats took control of state legislatures again after the Compromise of 1877, they began to work to restrict the ability of blacks to vote. Paramilitary groups such as the White League, Red Shirts, and rifle clubs had intimidated blacks or barred them from the polls in numerous elections before what they called the Redemption (restoration of white supremacy). Nonetheless, a coalition of Populists and Republicans in fusion tickets in the 1880s and 1890s gained some seats and won some governor positions. To prevent such coalitions in the future, the Democrats wanted to exclude freedmen and other blacks from voting; in some states they also restricted poor whites to avoid biracial coalitions.
White Democrats developed statutes and passed new constitutions creating restrictive voter registration rules. Examples included imposition of poll taxes and residency and literacy tests. An exemption to such requirements was made for all persons allowed to vote before the American Civil War, and any of their descendants. The term grandfather clause arose from the fact that the laws tied the then-current generation's voting rights to those of their grandfathers. According to Black's Law Dictionary, some Southern states adopted constitutional provisions exempting from the literacy requirements descendants of those who fought in the army or navy of the United States or of the Confederate States during a time of war.
After the U.S. Supreme Court found such provisions unconstitutional in Guinn v. United States (1915), states were forced to stop using the grandfather clauses to provide exemption to literacy tests. Without the grandfather clauses, tens of thousands of poor Southern whites were disenfranchised in the early 20th century. As decades passed, Southern states tended to expand the franchise for poor whites, but most blacks could not vote until after passage of the 1965 Voting Rights Act. Ratification in 1964 of the Twenty-fourth Amendment to the United States Constitution prohibited the use of poll taxes in federal elections, but some states continued to use them in state elections.
The 1965 Voting Rights Act had provisions to protect voter registration and access to elections, with federal enforcement and supervision where necessary. In 1966, the Supreme Court ruled in Harper v. Virginia Board of Elections that poll taxes could not be used in any elections. This secured the franchise for most citizens, and voter registration and turnout climbed dramatically in Southern states.
In spite of its origins, today the term grandfather clause does not retain any pejorative sense when used in unrelated contexts.
There is also a rather different, older type of grandfather clause, perhaps more properly a grandfather principle in which a government blots out transactions of the recent past, usually those of a predecessor government. The modern analogue may be repudiating public debt, but the original was Henry II's principle, preserved in many of his judgments, "Let it be as it was on the day of my grandfather's death", a principle by which he repudiated all the royal grants that had been made in the previous 19 years under King Stephen.
The Automobile Manufacturers Association was a trade group of automobile manufacturers which operated under various names in the United States from 1911 to 1999.
A different group called the Automobile Manufacturers' Association was active in the very early 1900s, but then dissolved. Another early group was the Association of Licensed Automobile Manufacturers, formed in 1903 and which was involved in licensing and collecting royalties from the George Baldwin Selden engine patent. Henry Ford effectively defeated the patent in court in 1911 and the Association of Licensed Automobile Manufacturers dissolved.However, the same manufacturers regrouped later in 1911 and formed the Automobile Board of Trade. In 1913, this became the National Automobile Chamber of Commerce.
In 1934, this group renamed itself to the Automobile Manufacturers Association. This was the name the group had the longest and became the best known by. It focused upon establishing a code for fair competition. In 1939, it moved its headquarters from New York City, where it had been close to bankers, to Detroit, where the manufacturers were all based. The organization had a budget of $1 million at the time. During the early stages of World War II, the association played a role in adapting American automotive manufacturing capabilities towards arms production efforts, especially regarding large aircraft engines. Within hours of the December 7, 1941 attack on Pearl Harbor, the association invited all companies in the larger automotive industry, regardless of whether they were association members, to join a new cooperative undertaking, the Automotive Council for War Production. Some 654 manufacturing companies joined, and produced nearly $29 billion in output, including tremendous numbers of motorized vehicles, tanks, engines, and other products for the Allied military forces. Between a fifth and a quarter of all U.S. wartime production was accounted for by the automotive industry. In 1950, the association published the book, Freedom's Arsenal: The Story of the Automotive Council for War Production, to document this achievement.
Following the 1955 Le Mans disaster and the 1957 NASCAR Mercury Meteor crashes into the grandstands, the Automobile Manufacturers Association placed a ban on factory-supported racing. As a result, the automotive industry essentially disappeared from the National Association for Stock Car Auto Racing (NASCAR). The ban began to end in 1962 when Henry Ford II announced that the Ford Motor Company would again begin participating openly in NASCAR.In August 1972, the group changed its name to the Motor Vehicle Manufacturers Association, to reflect the growing importance of truck makers. A major issue then developed over whether foreign-owned automakers with operations and in some cases manufacturing within the U.S. could join the group. In 1986 the association ruled that foreign transplants had to manufacture half their American sales within the country in order to join; a grandfather clause allowed Honda and Volvo to stay in. In May 1988, Toyota's attempt to join was rejected on this line. By 1992, Toyota and Nissan were able to meet the membership mark and qualify to join.In late 1992, the group expelled Honda, Volvo, and heavy truck makers and changed its name to the American Automobile Manufacturers Association. The association now was back to its traditional stance of representing the "Big Three" manufacturers. They also moved their headquarters from Detroit to Washington, D.C., in order to have a stronger governmental presence.However, their situation became problematic with the DaimlerChrysler merger of 1998, which meant there were only two American-only manufacturers, too few for an organization. The American Automobile Manufacturers Association was thus phased out in January 1999, and a new and different successor group, the Alliance of Automobile Manufacturers, was formed that included a large number of foreign-owned manufacturers.Carter Gymnasium
Carter Gymnasium is a 947-seat multi-purpose arena in Buies Creek, North Carolina. It was previously home to the Campbell University Fighting Camels men's basketball and women's basketball teams. It was one of the smallest college basketball venues in Division I (the G. B. Hodge Center, home to the University of South Carolina Upstate's program, is the current smallest Division I men's basketball arena). The building was named for textile executive Howard Carter. Built in 1952 and opened in 1953, the dimensions of the basketball court are smaller than regulation, but a grandfather clause allowed Campbell University to continue its tenure in the division. The Fighting Camels began play in 2008 in the new John W. Pope, Jr. Convocation Center. The new $30 million arena seats 3,000 spectators for athletic events.Disenfranchisement after the Reconstruction Era
Disenfranchisement after the Reconstruction Era in the United States of America was based on a series of laws, new constitutions, and practices in the South that were deliberately used to prevent black citizens from registering to vote and voting. These measures were enacted by the former Confederate states at the turn of the 20th century, and by Oklahoma when it gained statehood in 1907, although not by the former border slave states. Their actions were designed to frustrate the objective of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, ratified in 1870, which sought to protect the suffrage of freedmen after the American Civil War.
During the later elections of Reconstruction era, beginning in the 1870s, white Democrats used violence by paramilitary groups, as well as fraud, to suppress black Republican voters and turn Republicans out of office. After regaining control of the state legislatures, Democrats were alarmed by a late 19th-century alliance between Republicans and Populists that cost them some elections. After achieving control of state legislatures, white Democrats added to previous efforts and achieved widespread disenfranchisement by law: from 1890 to 1908, Southern state legislatures passed new constitutions, constitutional amendments, and laws that made voter registration and voting more difficult, especially when administered by white staff in a discriminatory way. They succeeded in disenfranchising most of the black citizens, as well as many poor whites in the South, and voter rolls dropped dramatically in each state. The Republican Party was nearly eliminated in the region for decades, and the Democrats established one-party control throughout the southern states.In 1912, the Republican Party was split when Roosevelt ran against the party regular, Taft. In the South by this time, the Republican Party had been hollowed out by the disenfranchisement of African Americans, who were largely excluded from voting. Democrat Woodrow Wilson was elected as the first southern President since 1856. He was re-elected in 1916, in a much closer presidential contest. During his first term, Wilson satisfied the request of Southerners in his cabinet and instituted overt racial segregation throughout federal government workplaces, as well as racial discrimination in hiring. During World War I, American military forces were segregated, with black soldiers poorly trained and equipped.
Disenfranchisement had far-reaching effects in Congress, where the Democratic Solid South enjoyed "about 25 extra seats in Congress for each decade between 1903 and 1953." Also, the Democratic dominance in the South meant that southern Senators and Representatives became entrenched in Congress. They favored seniority privileges in Congress, which became the standard by 1920, and Southerners controlled chairmanships of important committees, as well as leadership of the national Democratic Party. During the Great Depression, legislation establishing numerous national social programs were passed without the representation of African Americans, leading to gaps in program coverage and discrimination against them in operations. In addition, because black Southerners were not listed on local voter rolls, they were automatically excluded from serving in local courts. Juries were all white across the South.
Political disenfranchisement did not end until after passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which authorized the federal government to monitor voter registration practices and elections where populations were historically underrepresented, and to enforce constitutional voting rights. The challenge to voting rights has continued into the 21st century, as shown by numerous court cases in 2016 alone, though attempts to restrict voting rights for political advantage have not been confined to the Southern states. Another method of seeking political advantage through the voting system is the gerrymandering of electoral boundaries, as was the case of North Carolina, which in January 2018 was declared by a federal court to be unconstitutional. Such cases are expected to reach the Supreme Court.Face mask (gridiron football)
In gridiron football, the face mask is the part of the helmet that directly covers the face. It is a major protection for the players, made of metal covered either with rubber or plastic (although early facemasks were made with pure plastic).Details of the face mask may vary according to each player and their needs. For example, the quarterback's face mask in previous years could be just a single horizontal bar, since he has a need to see the entire field. (Single-bar face masks are no longer allowed in most levels, except for players who began using the single bar before the rules were implemented.) Positions such as linemen, however, may have several bars on their face mask, both horizontal and vertical.
In the leather helmet era, an early attempt at face protection was the "executioner" helmet which covered the nose and much of the face. This helmet literally was a face mask bearing a strong likeness to traditional execution face masks. Another early attempt in the leather helmet era at face protection was the nose guard. These simply covered the player's nose. In modern times, the term "nose guard" describes a player on the interior defensive line, usually aligned opposite the offensive center.
Face masks first came into vogue in football during the second half of the 1950s, after the hard-shell plastic helmet became commonplace, and were adopted voluntarily and universally by the NFL within one decade. Garo Yepremian was the last NFL player to not wear a face mask, only adopting one partway through the 1966 season. Single bars were initially the only available design, and this evolved over the course of the next several decades into the current cage-like designs, which became the norm at all levels by the early 1980s. Single-bar face masks were officially banned in professional football in 2004, with the remaining players still using them allowed to continue wearing them under a grandfather clause; Scott Player was the last player in professional football to wear the single-bar, finishing his career in 2009.The term "face mask" in the game is also used to refer to the foul of illegally touching the equipment. In most leagues, tackling or otherwise restraining a player by grabbing the face mask is illegal due to the risk of injury, and the penalty is severe, drawing 15 yards, and also a first down if committed by the defense. In high school, the penalty is only 5 yards if the act was considered to be "incidental."Guinn v. United States
Guinn v. United States, 238 U.S. 347 (1915), was a United States Supreme Court decision that dealt with provisions of state constitutions that set qualifications for voters. It found grandfather clause exemptions to literacy tests to be unconstitutional. The Oklahoma Constitution, while appearing to treat all voters equally, allowed an exemption to the literacy requirement for those voters whose grandfathers had either been eligible to vote before January 1, 1866 or were then a resident of "some foreign nation", or were soldiers. It was an exemption that favored white voters while it disenfranchised black voters, most of whose grandfathers had been slaves and therefore unable to vote before 1866.
"In 1915, in the case of Guinn v. United States, the Supreme Court declared the grandfather clauses in the Maryland and Oklahoma constitutions to be repugnant to the Fifteenth Amendment and therefore null and void." This also affected similar provisions in the constitutions of Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, North Carolina, and Virginia. While the grandfather clause was ruled unconstitutional, state legislatures worked to develop other means of restricting voter registration. It took years for cases challenging those laws to reach the Supreme Court.Historical federal electoral districts of Canada
This is a list of past arrangements of Canada's electoral districts. Each district sends one member to the House of Commons of Canada. In 1999 and 2003, the Legislative Assembly of Ontario was elected using the same districts within that province. 96 of Ontario's 107 provincial electoral districts, roughly those outside Northern Ontario, remain coterminous with their federal counterparts.
Federal electoral districts in Canada are re-adjusted every ten years based on the Canadian census and proscribed by various constitutional seat guarantees, including the use of a Grandfather clause, for Quebec, the Central Prairies and the Maritime provinces, with the essential proportions between the remaining provinces being "locked" no matter any further changes in relative population as have already occurred. Any major changes to the status quo, if proposed, would require constitutional amendments approved by seven out of ten provinces with two-thirds of the population to ratify constitutional changes allowing changes in the existing imbalance of seats between various provinces. During the 2012 federal electoral redistribution, an attempt was made to get around this by adding additional seats. These 30 new seats, if given final approval, would be the largest increase in the number of seats at any single redistribution since confederation.
List of Canadian electoral districts, 1867–1871 - 181 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1871–1872 - 185 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1872–1873 - 200 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1873–1882 - 206 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1882–1886 - 211 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1886–1892 - 215 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1892–1903 - 213 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1903–1907 - 214 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1907–1914 - 221 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1914–1924 - 235 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1924–1933 - 245 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1933–1947 - 245 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1947–1952 - 262 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1952–1966 - 265 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1966–1976 - 264 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1976–1987 - 282 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1987–1996 - 295 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 1996–2003 - 301 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 2003–2013 - 308 seats
List of Canadian electoral districts 2013-present - 338 seatsKLSU
KLSU (91.1 FM) is the student-run college radio station for Louisiana State University in Baton Rouge, Louisiana with a radio format of variety music and specialty programming. The radio station is part of the university's Student Media Program and employs students as DJs and management staff. KLSU broadcasts across the Baton Rouge area at 23,000 watts of power, and is able to reach up to 40 miles beyond the LSU campus. The station is licensed under the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) as a non-commercial educational (NCE) radio station. KLSU is one of 700 college radio stations across the United States that submits music chart reports to the weekly publication College Music Journal magazine.
KLSU is unusual in that its callsign begins with a K but is located on the east side on the Mississippi River (which should have it beginning with a W), and the callsign was not the beneficiary of the FCC grandfather clause. During the application period for the station, it was discovered that another station had the desired callsign (WLSU). Since the station was located within a mile of the Mississippi River, the FCC granted an exemption to the K-W rule so it could have LSU in its callsign.
In April 2016, KLSU significantly upgraded their power from 5,700 watts class A to 23,000 watts class C3.Ken Burrough
Kenneth Othell Burrough (born July 14, 1948) is a former professional American football player who at 6'4", 210 lb (95 kg) primarily played wide receiver with the Houston Oilers in the National Football League (NFL). He was a track star and played quarterback at William M. Raines High School in Jacksonville, Florida, and played wide receiver at Texas Southern University in Houston, Texas, being named an All-American in 1969.Burrough was selected by the New Orleans Saints in the first round (10th overall) of the 1970 NFL Draft. That first season, he missed much playing time due to minor injuries and only caught 13 passes for 196 yards and two touchdowns. In January 1971, a trade was announced in which Burrough and fellow Saint player Dave Rowe went to the Oilers in exchange for Hoyle Granger, Terry Stoepel, Charles Blossom, and a draft choice to be named later.Burrough played eleven seasons with the Oilers from 1971 through the 1981 season. In 1975, Burrough was selected to the Pro Bowl, leading all NFL wide receivers with 1,063 receiving yards and in fact was the only receiver to gain more than a thousand yards for the season. He scored eight touchdowns for the season and averaged 20.1 yards per reception. In his book More Distant Memories: Pro Football's Best Ever Players of the 50's, 60's, and 70's, Danny Jones wrote that Burrough was "one of the most dangerous game breakers in the NFL along with Cliff Branch [Raiders], Mel Gray [Cardinals], and O.J. Simpson [Bills]." Six of Burrough's eight touchdowns were of 50 or greater yards. In a week thirteen game against the playoff-bound Raiders, Burrough caught four passes for 112 yards and two touchdowns, including a screen pass from quarterback Dan Pastorini which he converted to a 68-yard touchdown by displaying his open field running skills.Burrough was also selected to the Pro Bowl in 1977. The Oilers won post-season games in 1978 and 1979 seasons, making it to the AFC Championship both years.
Burrough was the last NFL player to wear number 00 on his jersey; the league restricted all numbers to between 1 and 89 in 1973 (later expanded to 1 and 99 in 1987), but Burrough and Jim Otto, both of whom wore 00 at the time, were covered under a grandfather clause for the rest of their careers.Burrough ranks 85th on NFL All-Time Yards per Reception List with 16.9 yards per pass reception.
In 2016, Burrough was inducted into the Black College Football Hall of Fame.Kevin Collins (ice hockey)
Kevin Collins (born December 15, 1950 in Springfield, Massachusetts) is a retired National Hockey League linesman. His career started in 1971 and ended in 2005. During his career (in which he never wore a helmet due to a grandfather clause), he officiated 2,438 regular season games, 296 playoff games, twelve Stanley Cup Finals (including Game 7 in 1994 and 2001) and two All-Star games. He also worked the 1996 World Cup of Hockey, four Canada Cups and the 1998 Nagano Olympics. From the 1994-95 season until his retirement, he wore uniform number 50.List of Presidents of the United States by time in office
This is a list of Presidents of the United States by time in office. The basis of the list is the difference between dates; if counted by number of calendar days all the figures would be one greater, with the exception of Grover Cleveland, who would receive two days.
Since 1789, there have been 44 people sworn into office as President of the United States, and 45 presidencies, as Grover Cleveland served two non-consecutive terms and is counted chronologically as both the 22nd and 24th president. Of the individuals elected president, four (William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, Warren G. Harding, and Franklin D. Roosevelt) died of natural causes while in office, four (Abraham Lincoln, James A. Garfield, William McKinley, and John F. Kennedy) were assassinated, and one (Richard Nixon) resigned.
William Henry Harrison spent the shortest time in office, and Franklin D. Roosevelt spent the longest. Roosevelt is the only president to have served more than two terms. Following ratification of the Twenty-second Amendment in 1951, presidents—beginning with Dwight D. Eisenhower—have been ineligible for election to a third term or for election to a second full term after serving more than two years of a term to which some other person was elected president. The amendment contained a grandfather clause that explicitly exempted the incumbent president, then Harry S. Truman, from the new term limitations, which first applied to Dwight D. Eisenhower.Lodge Bill
The Lodge Bill or Federal Elections Bill or Lodge Force Bill of 1890 was a bill drafted by Representative Henry Cabot Lodge (R) of Massachusetts, and sponsored in the Senate by George Frisbie Hoar; it was endorsed by President Benjamin Harrison. The bill would have authorized the federal government to ensure that elections were fair. In particular, it would have allowed federal circuit courts (after being petitioned by a small number of citizens from any precinct) to appoint federal supervisors of congressional elections. Said supervisors would have many duties, including: attending elections, inspecting registration lists, verifying doubtful voter information, administering oaths to challenged voters, stopping illegal aliens from voting, and certifying the vote count.The bill was created primarily to enforce the ability of blacks, predominantly Republican at the time, to vote in the South, as provided for in the constitution. The Fifteenth Amendment already formally guaranteed that right, but white southern Democrats had passed laws related to voter registration and electoral requirements, such as requiring payment of poll taxes and literacy tests (often waived if the prospective voter's grandfather had been a registered voter, the "grandfather clause"), that effectively prevented blacks from voting. That year Mississippi passed a new constitution that disfranchised most blacks, and other states would soon follow the "Mississippi plan".
After passing the House by just six votes, the Lodge bill was successfully filibustered in the Senate, with little action by the President of the Senate, Vice President Levi P. Morton, because Silver Republicans in the West traded it away for Southern support of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act and Northern Republicans traded it away for Southern support of the McKinley Tariff.Julius Caesar Chappelle (1852–1904) was among the earliest black Republican legislators in the United States, representing Boston and serving from 1883–1886. In 1890, Chappelle gave a political speech for the right of blacks to vote at an "enthusiastic" meeting at Boston's Faneuil Hall to support the federal elections bill. He was featured in a front page article in The New York Age newspaper covering his support of the Lodge bill. (The Republican Party had been founded by abolitionists and other slavery opponents called Free Soilers, explaining why black voters were overwhelmingly Republican in this era.)Montgomery County Department of Liquor Control
The Department of Liquor Control is a government agency within the County of Montgomery, Maryland and is the wholesaler or beer, wine and sprits alcoholic beverage throughout the county's 507-square-mile (1,310 km2) area. Montgomery County Department of Liquor Control also exercises control over retail sales for off-premises consumption, either through government-operated package stores or designated agents.
Between 1880 and 1933, sale of alcohol was prohibited within Montgomery County.The Montgomery County Department of Liquor Control was established on July 1, 1951. Montgomery County's Liquor Control Board was created under the terms of Section 159 of Article 2B of the Annotated Code of Maryland. The Board of License Commissioners, which had been created on December 5, 1933, became a completely separate entity. The Board is responsible for licensing and regulation of liquor, a responsibility which they share with the county police department.The Department of Liquor Control (DLC) distributes beer, wine and spirits to nearly 1,100 licensed businesses and sells alcohol to go through its 25 owned and operated retail stores throughout the county. The DLC is the only authorized seller of spirits for off-premises consumption in the county. Revenue generated from the sale of alcohol, about 30-35 million dollars annually, is deposited in the Montgomery County General Fund for the county to use on projects and services. The Public Health community, including the CDC, has identified the control model as a public safety initiative because it limits alcohol outlet density and associated issues.Independent from the County DLC, Maryland state law bans grocery stores from selling beer and wine. Four grocery chains — Giant Food, Safeway, Shoppers Food & Pharmacy, and Magruder's — received an exception under a grandfather clause and these four are allowed to have one location that sells beer and wine in Montgomery County. In addition to the aforementioned grocery chains, one Montgomery County location of 7-Eleven convenience store — in Aspen Hill — was granted an exception to sell beer and wine. These licenses can be transferred to any of the chain’s other locations in Montgomery County subject to approval by the county Board of License Commissioners. The 7-Eleven license was challenged in 2017 by small business retailers and eventually revoked in 2018 for violating the chain store restriction. The chain store law was enacted in the early 1980s after a push from small, local retail businesses. The chain store law is independent of the DLC. In fact, the majority of control jurisdictions have alcohol sales in chain stores.Myers v. Anderson
Myers v. Anderson, 238 U.S. 368 (1915), was a United States Supreme Court decision that held Maryland state officials liable for civil damages for enforcing a grandfather clause. Grandfather clauses exempted voters from requirements such as poll taxes and literacy tests if their grandfathers had been registered voters, and were largely designed to disenfranchise former black slaves and their descendants. Despite striking down the Maryland law as discriminatory, the court noted that economic discrimination in the form of property requirements should be presumed to be "free from constitutional objection."Myers was a companion case to Guinn v. United States (1915), which struck down an Oklahoma grandfather clause that effectively exempted white voters from a literacy test, finding it to be discriminatory and a violation of the Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution.Nicholas Sacco
Nicholas J. Sacco (born November 17, 1946) is an American Democratic Party politician, who has been serving in the New Jersey State Senate since 1994, where he represents the 32nd Legislative District. Sacco serves in the Senate as the Chairman of the Transportation Committee, and is also a member of the Law and Public Safety and Veterans' Affairs Committee. He concurrently serves as mayor of North Bergen as he is allowed to hold two offices under a grandfather clause in a bill that prohibited dual office holding.Nurses Registration Act 1901
The Nurses Registration Act was passed on 12 September 1901 in New Zealand, providing for the registration of trained nurses.The legislation came into effect on 1 January 1902, leading New Zealand to become the first country in the world to regulate nurses nationally. On 10 January 1902 Ellen Dougherty became the first registered nurse in New Zealand, and in the world.Like other New Zealand acts requiring registration of professions there was a transition or grandfather clause allowing registration of nurses with at least four years experience even if they did not have the training specified for new nurses by the act and regulations (see clause 5 of act).O'Reilly Auto Parts 500
The O'Reilly Auto Parts 500 is a Monster Energy NASCAR Cup Series stock car race held at Texas Motor Speedway (TMS) in Fort Worth, Texas. Even though it is advertised as a "500-mile" race, because TMS is a track that is 1.5 miles (2.4 km) in length, the actual race distance is 501 miles (806.3 km).Sleeve tattoo
A sleeve tattoo (or tattoo sleeve) is a large tattoo, or a collection of smaller tattoos, that has a unified theme, that covers most or all of a person's arm, usually from shoulder to wrist.
There is a difference between an arm covered in tattoos and a sleeve tattoo. A sleeve tattoo has a unified theme, whereas an arm covered in tattoos may have many tattoos of different styles that does not have an overall unity.
The term "sleeve" is a reference to the tattoo's size similarity in coverage to a long shirt sleeve on an article of clothing. In this manner, the term is also used as a verb; for example, "getting sleeved" means to have one's entire arm tattooed. The term is also sometimes used in reference to a large leg tattoo that covers a person's leg in a similar manner.
Half-sleeves or quarter-sleeves are tattoos that cover only part of an arm, usually above the elbow, but can also be found below the elbow. A sleeve implies complete tattoo coverage of a particular area, so a half sleeve is a tattoo that covers the entire upper or lower arm. A "quarter sleeve" usually covers the area of skin from the shoulder midway to the elbow.Sleeve tattoos are a collaboration between a tattoo artist and customer to demonstrate a personal and unified artistic theme. Other times, a sleeve is created when a person has many smaller tattoos on their arm and later has them connected with background tattooing to form a sleeve. Planned sleeves generally require many long hours of tattooing and can take weeks, months or years to complete.
Some organizations have proposed rules banning sleeves among their members; the United States Marine Corps prohibited Marines from getting arm- or leg-sleeve tattoos after April 1, 2007. Those with sleeves already are protected under a grandfather clause. Nevertheless, tattoo sleeves have become so popular that several clothing companies have produced apparel that simulates the look of tattoo sleeves using transparent mesh fabric printed with tattoo designs.
Also, when both arms are completely tattooed as part of a full body tattoo, these are usually called sleeve tattoos.
Sleeve tattoos which are commonly found with faces of animals representing a feeling/culture i.e wolf tattoosWZUN-FM
WZUN-FM (102.1 MHz "Sunny 102") is a commercial FM radio station licensed to Phoenix, New York, and serving the Syracuse metropolitan area. The station is owned by Edward Levine's Galaxy Communications through licensee Galaxy Syracuse Licensee LLC. It airs a classic hits radio format.
The studios and offices are on Walton Street in Syracuse. The transmitter is off Van Buren Road in Van Buren. Programming is also heard on a 175 watt translator in Fulton, W291BU at 106.1 MHz.Williams v. Mississippi
Williams v. Mississippi, 170 U.S. 213 (1898), is a United States Supreme Court case that reviewed provisions of the state constitution that set requirements for voter registration. The Supreme Court did not find discrimination in the state's requirements for voters to pass a literacy test and pay poll taxes, as these were applied to all voters.
In practice, the subjective nature of literacy approval by white registrars worked to drastically decrease and essentially disfranchise African American voters.
The Court considered the new Mississippi constitution passed in 1890. It upheld disfranchisement clauses which established requirements for literacy tests and poll taxes paid retroactively from one's 21st birthday as prerequisites for voter registration. A grandfather clause effectively exempted illiterate whites, but not blacks, from the literacy test by relating qualifications to whether one's grandfather had voted before a certain date. Because the provisions applied to all potential voters, the Court upheld them, although in practice the provisions had discriminatory effects on African Americans.