Getúlio Dornelles Vargas (Portuguese: [ʒeˈtulju doɾˈnɛlis ˈvaɾɡɐs]; 19 April 1882 – 24 August 1954) was a Brazilian lawyer and politician, who served as President during two periods: the first was from 1930–1945, when he served as interim president from 1930–1934, constitutional president from 1934–1937, and dictator from 1937–1945. After being overthrown in a 1945 coup, Vargas returned to power as the democratically elected president in 1951, serving until his suicide in 1954. Vargas led Brazil for 18 years, the longest of any President, and second in Brazilian history only to Emperor Pedro II among heads of state. He favored nationalism, industrialization, centralization, social welfare and populism – for the latter, Vargas won the nickname "The Father of the Poor". Vargas is one of a number of populists who arose during the 1930s in Latin America, including Lazaro Cardenas and Juan Perón, who promoted nationalism and pursued social reform. He was a proponent of workers' rights as well as a staunch anti-communist.
Vargas was brought to power by political outsiders and the rank and file of the Armed Forces in the Revolution of 1930, a reaction to his loss in elections earlier that year. His ascent marked the end of the Brazilian Old Republic and São Paulo-Minas alliance dominated coffee with milk politics. He successfully influenced the outcome of the Brazilian presidential election of 1934, and used fears of a Communist uprising to institute an authoritarian corporatist regime in 1937 known as the New State, modeled off of Mussolini's Italy and Salazar's Portugal. Vargas went on to appease and eventually dominate his supporters, and pushed his political agenda as he built a propaganda machine around his figure.
Vargas sought to transform Brazil from a plantation-based economy into an industrialized powerhouse under the guidance of the government intervention. His embrace of developmentalism was expressed not only in strong rhetoric, but also by lending protection to domestic industries and in a heavy investment budget aimed at kick-starting "strategic" sectors and setting up the necessary infrastructure. Vargas created state monopolies for oil (Petrobras), mining (Vale), steelmaking (National Siderurgy Company), alkalis (National Alkalis Company) and automobiles (National Motors Factory). His policies shaped the Brazilian economic debate for decades, from the governments of Juscelino Kubitschek and leftist João Goulart to the right-wing military dictatorship of 1964 to 1985. The protectionist trend was reversed by the 1990s with the liberal reforms of Fernando Collor de Mello and Fernando Henrique Cardoso.
With the global rise of democracy in the aftermath of World War II, Vargas stepped down in 1945 and was succeeded by José Linhares the same year. Nevertheless, the economic growth that occurred under his administration made him a popular figure in Brazilian politics even after his resignation. His popularity awarded him a late presidential term in 1951, but growing political strife over his views and methods caused Vargas to become stressed, leading to his suicide by gunshot in 1954. He was the first president in the country to draw widespread support from the masses and is regarded as the most influential Brazilian politician of the twentieth century. He had also been a lawyer and landowner who occupied the 37th chair of the Brazilian Academy of Letters from 1943 until his death in 1954.
Vargas in 1930
|14th and 17th President of Brazil|
3 November 1930 – 29 October 1945
|Preceded by||Military Junta of 1930|
|Succeeded by||José Linhares|
31 January 1951 – 24 August 1954
|Vice President||Café Filho|
|Preceded by||Eurico Gaspar Dutra|
|Succeeded by||Café Filho|
|Senator for Rio Grande do Sul|
1 February 1946 – 30 January 1951
|13th President of Rio Grande do Sul|
25 January 1928 – 8 October 1930
|Vice President||João Neves da Fontoura|
|Preceded by||Borges de Medeiros|
|Succeeded by||Osvaldo Aranha|
|Minister of Finance|
15 November 1926 – 17 December 1927
|Preceded by||Aníbal Freire da Fonseca|
|Succeeded by||Oliveira Botelho|
|Federal Deputy for Rio Grande do Sul|
3 May 1923 – 15 November 1926
|State Deputy of Rio Grande do Sul|
20 November 1917 – 25 January 1923
20 November 1909 – 25 January 1913
Getúlio Dornelles Vargas
19 April 1882
São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, Empire of Brazil
|Died||24 August 1954 (aged 72)|
Catete Palace, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
|Cause of death||Suicide|
|Resting place||Praça XV de Novembro, São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil|
|Political party||Rio-Grandense Republican|
Darci Sarmanho (m. 1911)
Getúlio Filho (1917–43)
|Alma mater||Free Faculty of Law of Porto Alegre|
|Years of service||1898–1902|
|Unit||6th Infantry Battalion|
Vargas was born in São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul, southern Brazil, on 19 April 1882, to Manuel do Nascimento Vargas and Cândida Dornelles Vargas. His father had origins in São Paulo, being a descendant of early São Paulo families ("paulistas"): he was a descendant of Amador Bueno, a noted paulista from the colonial Brazilian era. His mother was descended from a wealthy family of Azorean Portuguese descent.
The son of a traditional family of "gaúchos", he embarked on a military career. Vargas enlisted as a private in 1899 in the sixth infantry battalion and later joined the military college at Rio Pardo. Vargas then turned to law school at Porto Alegre in the Rio Grande, and while there he published a political newspaper, O Debate. Vargas was the chosen orator in his graduating class of 1907 and was immediately appointed district attorney. In 1909 he opened his own law office in São Borja. Entering Republican politics, he was elected to the Legislative Assembly of Rio Grande do Sul and later to the federal Chamber of Deputies in 1922, where he became the floor leader for his state's delegation in Congress. He served as Finance Minister from 1926 to 1928 under President Washington Luís, from which post he resigned to enter the gubernatorial race in his home state. Once elected Governor of Rio Grande do Sul, he became a leading figure in the national opposition, urging the end of electoral corruption through the adoption of the universal and secret ballot. As Governor of Rio Grande do Sul he distinguished himself as an excellent administrator. During his term as governor he reorganized the agricultural system. He established a state mortgage and agricultural bank. He also created the department of agriculture in his state. Vargas also worked hard to improve schools and infrastructure during his term as governor.
He and his wife Darci Lima Sarmanho, whom he married in March 1911, had five children: Lutero, Alzira, Jandira, Manuel e Getulinho. According to legend, Vargas' real love was not his wife, but Aimee de Sa Sottomaior, later Aimée de Heeren, recognized by the international fashion press as one of the world's most glamorous and beautiful women. The relationship was a Brazilian state secret, although Vargas did mention her in a diary published after the death of his wife. Aimee de Herren, later living between France and the United States and admired by other famous statesmen such as the Kennedy brothers, never confirmed nor denied the rumor.
Between the two World Wars, Brazil was a rapidly industrializing nation popularly regarded as "the sleeping giant of the Americas" and a potential world power. However, the oligarchic and decentralized confederation of the Old Republic, dominated by landed interests, in effect showed little concern for promoting industrialization, urbanization, and other broad interests of the new middle class. The coffee planters of São Paulo, in particular, were content with exporting their product abroad while relying on foreign investment to build the economy. In addition, they feared reforms that might lead to radical social change. Through the agreements of café com leite, São Paulo and their junior partner, Minas Gerais, rotated the presidency and dominated national politics, securing political stability and the economic success of the upper classes. However, resentment had grown among the middle class, who shared the landowners' fears of radical social change, but who wanted to invest in industrialization and restrict foreign investment. In 1926, Washingtion Luis, a native of Macaé a city of Rio de Janeiro but he ran for São Paulo, was elected president. His election had been assisted by the political machine of Borges de Medeiros, and so he nominated one of that machine's members, Getulio Vargas, to be his Finance Secretary. Although Vargas was only to serve two years as Finance Secretary before returning to Rio Grande do Sul to become governor, he gained valuable recognition and experience on the national level.
The Great Depression set off the tensions that had been building in Brazilian society for some time, spurring revolutionary leaders to action. The elections of 1930 pitted Júlio Prestes of the establishment, São Paulo-faction, against Vargas, who led a broad coalition of middle-class industrialists, planters from outside São Paulo, and the reformist faction of the military known as the tenentes. The middle class resented free market and café com leite policies that let foreign companies out-compete them and restricted industrialization. The non-São Paulo landowners feared radical change and had no desire for the economic nationalism advocated by the bourgeoisie, but did want to end the dominance of São Paulo. The tenentes had been led through the Brazilian countryside by Luis Carlos Prestes to rally support for a military coup, and though they failed to find support, they had become exposed to rural poverty and now favored social reform. Together, these disparate groups made up the Liberal Alliance. Support was especially strong in the provinces of Minas Gerais, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Sul, because in nominating another Paulista to succeed himself, Washington Luis had violated the traditional alteration between Minas Gerais and São Paulo. Vargas campaigned carefully, needing to please a large range of supporters. He used populist rhetoric and promoted bourgeois concerns. He opposed the primacy of São Paulo, but did not challenge the planters' legitimacy and kept his calls for social reform moderate. The election itself was plagued by corruption and denounced by both sides, and when it had become clear that the São Paulo candidate, Júlio Prestes, had won the election, tensions were high. When the vice-presidential candidate of the Liberal Alliance was assassinated, the military decided to initiate a bloodless coup. On October 24, 1930, they ousted President Washington Luís and the president-elect Júlio Prestes, installing Vargas as 'interim president'.
Vargas was a wealthy pro-industrial nationalist and anti-communist who favoured corporatism. Although he had been careful not to offend the landowners during the campaign, he did advocate moderate social reform and economic nationalism. He began by addressing the crisis in the coffee industry, which was suffering from low prices due to the Great Depression. Vargas implemented the traditional solution of valorization, in which the state bought up extra coffee supplies. In addition, Vargas promoted the diversification of agriculture, especially with cotton.
Like FDR in the U.S., Vargas employed economic stimulus. A state interventionist policy utilizing tax breaks, lowered duties, and import quotas allowed Vargas to expand the domestic industrial base. Vargas linked his pro-industrial policies to nationalism, advocating heavy tariffs to "protect our manufacturers to the point where it will become unpatriotic to feed or clothe ourselves with imported goods." Vargas quelled a female workers' strike in São Paulo by co-opting much of their platform but requiring their "factory commissions" to use government mediation in the future. Vargas, reflecting the influence of the tenentes, even advocated a program of social welfare and reform similar to the New Deal. One of Vargas' first acts in a pattern of Populist gestures was the promotion of Pedro Ernesto Baptista's candidacy for mayor of Rio de Janeiro. He also introduced voting reforms for the election of the constituent assembly that would draft the 1934 constitution, including a secret ballot, votes for women, and a voting age of eighteen instead of twenty-one.
Opposition to Vargas was radicalised in the 1932 movement that was aimed at the restoration of democracy and the establishment of a new constitution. The revolt was beaten back, but a new constitution was written in 1934. After that, Vargas seized absolute power and controlled dissidents through press and mail censorship. His tenuous coalition also lacked a coherent program, being committed to a broad vision of modernization, but little more specific. Vargas, especially during his early years, was always in danger of being ousted by one or more of the groups in his coalition, including the anti-São Paulo planters, the bourgeoisie, and the military.
The parallels between Vargas and the European police states began to appear by 1934, when a new constitution was enacted with some direct almost-fascist influences.
Brazil's 1934 constitution, passed on 16 July, contained provisions that resembled Italian and Spanish corporatism, which had the enthusiastic support of the pro-fascist wing of the disparate tenente movement and industrialists, who were attracted to Mussolini's co-optation of unions through state-run, sham syndicates. As in Italy, and later Spain and Germany, Fascist-style programs would serve two important aims, stimulating industrial growth and suppressing the communist influence in the country. Its stated purpose, however, was uniting all classes in mutual interests. The constitution established a new Chamber of Deputies that placed government authority over the private economy, which established a system of state-guided capitalism aimed at industrialization and reducing foreign dependency. "Progressive nationalization" would be used to bring natural resources under state control, and the government would have the right to set minimum wages, mediate in strikes, and enact labor legislation. Nonetheless, a significant amount of political power was still preserved for the states and the federalism of the Old Republic continued.
After 1934, the regime designated corporate representatives according to class and profession, but maintained private ownership of Brazilian-owned business. Based on increased labor rights and social investment, Brazilian corporatism was actually a strategy to increase industrial output utilizing a strong nationalist appeal. Vargas, and later Juan Perón in neighboring Argentina, emulated some of Mussolini's strategy of mediating class disputes and co-opting workers' demands under the banner of nationalism. Under the increase of workers' rights also, Vargas greatly expanded labor regulations with the consent of industry, pacified by strong industrial growth. The working day was set at eight hours in commerce and industry, minimum wages were established nationwide, and benefits programs such as pensions and paid vacations were guaranteed.
Despite the material gains of labor, Vargas began slowly shifting to the right. Reforms were not extended to cover the 85% of workers in the agricultural sector, and little effort was made even to enforce the minimum wage in rural areas. Meanwhile, the president came into increasing conflict with Luis Carlos Prestes, the former leader of the tenentes who was now in charge of the Brazilian Communist Party. Prestes was also in charge of the National Liberation Alliance (ANL), which was banned in 1935 after Prestes criticized Vargas. A rebellion of the ANL and Communists in 1935 gave Vargas the excuse he needed to consolidate his power.
Vargas faced having to step down as president in 1938 because his own 1934 constitution prohibited the president from succeeding himself. On 29 September 1937, Gen. Dutra, his rightist collaborator, revealed "the Cohen Plan", which detailed a plan for a Communist revolution. He publicly demanded that the government declare a state of siege. On 10 November 1937, Vargas announced in a nationwide radio address that he was seizing emergency powers. He also dissolved Congress and canceled the elections due for January 1938. On the same night, the constitution was recast into a severely authoritarian document that concentrated virtually all power in Vargas' hands. The regime created by this document is known as the Estado Novo (New State). The short interval strongly suggests that the self-coup had been planned well in advance.
Under the Estado Novo, Vargas abolished political parties, imposed censorship, established a centralized police force, and filled prisons with political dissidents, while evoking a sense of nationalism that transcended class and bound the masses to the state. He ended up repressing his erstwhile supporters, the "Integralists," as well, once the communists were already defeated. The Integralists wished for a total fascist dictatorship, which was more than he desired.
During the Estado Novo Vargas made major changes to the Brazilian economy for the betterment of Brazil. But also with help and pressure from the United States, because of the second World War. Vargas began to prioritize the middle class and provided for higher education and better job opportunities. Vargas also began to focus on industrialization; this led to the creation of the first steel mill in Brazil at Volta Redonda. To help further modernize and industrialize Brazil Vargas nationalized oil production and refinement. To improve the life of the laborer Vargas implemented the forty hour work week, a minimum wage, and other regulations to protect middle class and poorer workers.
The 1937 Constitution provided for elections to a new Congress, as well as a referendum to confirm Vargas' actions. However, neither were held — ostensibly due to the dangerous international situation. Instead, under an article of the Constitution that was supposed to be transitional pending new elections, Vargas assumed legislative as well as executive powers. Also, under the 1937 Constitution Vargas should have remained President for only six more years (until November 1943), but instead stayed in office until 1945. For all intents and purposes, Vargas ruled for eight years under what amounted to martial law.
Vargas employed ambiguous policies towards Axis and Allied orbits. At first, Brazil seemed to be entering the Axis orbit — even before the 1937 declaration of the Estado Novo. Between 1933 and 1938, Germany became the main market for Brazilian cotton, and its second largest importer of Brazilian coffee and cacao. The German Bank for South America even established three hundred branches in Vargas' Brazil.
The rapid increase in civilian and military trade between Brazil and Nazi Germany gave US officials reason to begin wondering about Vargas' international alignment.
The repressions that followed the communist's coup d'état attempt in Brazil in November 1935 increased the cooperation between Brazil and Germany. After Brazil deported the revolutionary Jewish German Olga Benário Prestes, wife of Luís Carlos Prestes to Germany in 1937, Brazil was invited to be part of the Axis Powers at the side of Japan, Italy and Germany. However, when Brazil refused this invitation at the advent of the "Estado Novo" at the end of that same year, the relations between Brazil and the countries of the Axis started to chill.
This estrangement also occurred in part due to the German-Italian-Japanese powers becoming frustrated in regards to what they believed the Estado Novo should represent. The policy of forced assimilation and nationalization imposed by Vargas and the military over every immigrant community, including the German, Italian, Spanish and Japanese ones, as well as the prohibition of any political activities that were not directly endorsed by the central power in Rio de Janeiro, which included the Nazi Party in Brazil and its allies, the Brazilian Integralists, motivated Italian-Spanish-German support of the Integralists' coup d'état attempt in May 1938. The failure of that action and the British naval blockade on the trade of Germany, Italy and Spain on the Atlantic, especially from 1940 onwards, led to a sharp deterioration of relations between Brazil and the Axis powers.
From 1940, the US started to reach out to Brazilians with its "Good Neighbor Policy". The US also granted large loans to Brazil, which Vargas used to industrialize the country. Vargas, always a shrewd, low-key, and reasoned pragmatist, sided with the anti-fascist Allies for economic reasons after a period of ambiguity, since the Allies were more viable trading partners and helped with money. However, he and the military were slowly forced to liberalize the regime because of complications arising from this alliance. In siding with the Allies, one agreement that Vargas made was to help the Allies with rubber production in order to receive loans and credit from the US. In reprisal for breaking off diplomatic relations in January 1942, and assigning air bases to Americans in the north of Brazil, Hitler ordered the extension of the Axis naval offensive over the South Atlantic. After Brazil's merchant ships were sunk by German and Italian submarines, at the cost of hundreds of civilian deaths, Brazil sided with the Allies, declared war on Germany and Italy on 22 August 1942 and eventually sent an expeditionary force to fight in the Italian Front in the second half of 1944.
This siding with the anti-fascist Allies created a paradox at home not unnoticed by Brazil's middle class — an authoritarian regime, still with some fascistic overtones, joining forces with the anti-fascist Allies. This increased the anti-dictatorship sentiment at home even more. Vargas astutely responded to the newly liberal sentiments of a middle class that was no longer fearful of disorder and proletarian discontent by moving away from repression. He promised "a new postwar era of liberty" that included amnesty for political prisoners, presidential elections, and the legalization of opposition parties, including the moderated and irreparably weakened Communist Party. The forces released by this political liberalization severely weakened the Estado Novo and was substantial enough to prompt his own war ministry to force Vargas' resignation on 29 October 1945. Democracy returned a few months later with the 1945 presidential election.
Despite the passage of many labor laws that significantly improved the lives of laborers (such as paid vacation, minimum wage, and maternity leave), there were still many shortcomings in the enforcement and implementation of labor legislation. While it was impossible for the minimum wage laws to be evaded by large businesses or in large towns, the minimum rural salary of 1943 was, in many cases, simply not abided by employers. In fact, many social policies never extended to rural areas. While each state varied, social legislation was enforced less by the government and more by the good will of employers and officials in the remote regions of Brazil. Vargas' legislation did more for the industrial workers than for the more numerous agricultural workers, despite the fact that only relatively few industrial workers joined the unions that the government encouraged. The state-run social security system was inefficient and the Institute for Retirement and Social Welfare produced few results. The popular backlash due to these shortcomings was evidenced by the rising popularity of the National Liberation Alliance.
When he left the Estado Novo presidency, the economic surplus of Brazil was high and the industry was growing. After four years, however, pro-US President Eurico Dutra wasted huge quantities of money protecting foreign, mostly US, industry, and distanced himself from the ideas of nationalism and modernization of the country championed by Vargas. Vargas returned to politics in 1951 and through a free and secret ballot was re-elected President of the Republic. Hampered by the economic crisis largely engendered by the policies of Dutra, Vargas pursued a nationalist policy, turning to the country's natural resources and away from foreign dependency. As part of this policy, he founded Petrobrás (Brazilian Petroleum), a large, multinational petroleum concern largely owned by the Government of Brazil.
Vargas' political adversaries initiated a crisis which culminated in the "Rua Tonelero" incident, where Major Rubens Vaz was killed during an attempt on the life of Vargas' main adversary, Carlos Lacerda. Lieutenant Gregório Fortunato, chief of Vargas' personal guard, also called "Black Angel", was accused of masterminding the assassination attempt. This aroused a reaction in the military against Vargas and the generals demanded his resignation. In a last-ditch effort Vargas called a special cabinet meeting on the eve of August 24, but rumors spread that the armed forces officers were implacable.
Vargas' suicide note was found and read on the radio two hours after his son discovered the body. The famous last lines read, "Serenely, I take my first step on the road to eternity. I leave life to enter history." Vargas' suicide has been interpreted in various ways. "His death by suicide simultaneously traded on the image of a valiant warrior selflessly fighting for the protection of national interests, alongside the image of a crafty and calculating statesman, whose political machinations reeked of demagoguery and self-interest." Riots broke out in Rio de Janeiro and Porto Alegre on August 24, 1954.
The Vargas family refused a state funeral, but his successor João Café Filho declared official days of mourning. Vargas' body was on public view in a glass-topped coffin. The route of the cortege carrying the body from the Presidential Palace to the airport was lined with tens of thousands of Brazilians. The burial and memorial service were in his hometown of São Borja, Rio Grande do Sul.
The Museu Histórico Nacional was given the furnishings of the bedroom where Vargas committed suicide, and a museum gallery recreates the scene and is a site of remembrance. On exhibit in the Palace is his nightshirt with a bullet hole in the chest. The popular outrage that his suicide caused had supposedly been so strong that it thwarted the ambitions of his enemies, among them rightists, anti-nationalists, and pro-United States elements, for several years.
Getúlio Dornelles Vargas is buried in his native São Borja in Rio Grande do Sul.
It should not be forgotten that Getúlio Vargas was an avowed agnostic, who named his first son with the decidedly un-Catholic name Lutero and, moreover, for whom one of the main achievements of his trabalhista politics was to avoid the formation of a confessional form of unionism in a country deeply shaped by Catholicism. That does not mean that religion was absent from politics during varguismo: As an older but very nuanced analysis of the role of religiosity during varguismo has demonstrated, the process of the construction of a popular base of Vargas supporters involved the channeling of popular religious feelings toward the state, by way of the development of a form of civic ritualism and a cult of the figure of the dictator.
| 3rd Academic of the 37th chair of the
Brazilian Academy of Letters
29 December 1943 – 24 August 1954
Borges de Medeiros
| President of Rio Grande do Sul
| President of Brazil
Brazilian Military Junta of 1930
| Head of State and Government of Brazil
Eurico Gaspar Dutra
| President of Brazil
Indirect presidential elections were held in Brazil on 17 July 1934. Unlike previous elections which had been public, this election was carried out by the Constituent Assembly. The result was a predictable victory for Getúlio Vargas, who received 175 of the 248 votes.1950 Brazilian general election
General elections were held in Brazil on 3 October 1950. The presidential elections were won by Getúlio Vargas of the Brazilian Labour Party, whilst the Social Democratic Party remained the largest party in both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, although they lost their majority in the former. Voter turnout was 72.1% in the presidential election, 72.0% in the Chamber elections and 77.7% in the Senate elections.Augusto Tasso Fragoso
General Augusto Tasso Fragoso, better known as Tasso Fragoso (São Luiz, Maranhão August 28, 1869 – September 20, 1945) was a Brazilian soldier and author. He led a coup d'etat that deposed Washington Luís on 24 October 1930 and prevented president-elect Julio Prestes from assuming the presidency of the Republic of Brazil. He was chief of the Provisional Governing Council (Junta Governativa Provisória) which handed the presidency to Getúlio Vargas on 3 November 1930. He was also the cousin of Portuguese President António Óscar Fragoso Carmona.Brazilian Labour Party (current)
The Brazilian Labour Party (Portuguese: Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, PTB) is a political party in Brazil founded in 1981 by Ivete Vargas, niece of President Getúlio Vargas. It claims the legacy of the historical PTB, although many historians reject this because the early version of PTB was a center-left party with wide support in the low class. Despite the name suggesting a left unionist labor party, the PTB joined a coalition which is by the centre/centre-right PSDB.Brazilian Labour Party (historical)
The Brazilian Labour Party (Portuguese: Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, PTB) was a centre-left populist political party in Brazil founded in 1945 by supporters of President Getúlio Vargas. It was dismantled by the military after 1964 coup d'état.Brazilian Military Junta of 1930
The Provisional Government Junta of Brazil (Junta Governativa Provisória) was a body governing Brazil between the ouster of President Washington Luís and the oath of Getúlio Vargas (October 24 – November 2, 1930). The Junta of 1930 is also referred to as the First Junta.
The Junta was headed by General Augusto Tasso Fragoso who, during that time, was de facto Acting President of Brazil. Two remaining members were Admiral Isaías de Noronha and General Mena Barreto.
The second Brazilian Junta governed in 1969.Brazilian Revolution of 1930
The Revolution of 1930 (Portuguese: Revolução de 1930), also known as the 1930 coup d'état or coup of 1930 was an armed movement in Brazil led by the states of Minas Gerais, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Sul, culminating in a coup. The revolution ousted President Washington Luís on October 24, 1930, prevented the inauguration of President-elect Júlio Prestes, and ended the Old Republic.In 1929, leaders of São Paulo broke the alliance with the mineiros (i.e. people from Minas Gerais state), known as the "coffee with milk policy" ("política do café-com-leite" in Portuguese), and indicated the paulista Júlio Prestes as a candidate for the presidency. In response, the President of Minas Gerais, Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, supported the opposition candidate from the south, Getúlio Vargas.On March 1, 1930, elections for President were held and victory was won by the government's candidate, Júlio Prestes, who was the president of São Paulo state. However, he did not take office because the coup was triggered on October 3, 1930; he was instead exiled.
Getúlio Vargas assumed the leadership of the provisional government on November 3, 1930, a date that marks the end of the Old Republic.Café Filho
João Fernandes Campos Café Filho GCTE (Portuguese: [ˈʒuɐ̃w feɾˈnɐ̃dis ˈkɐ̃pus kaˈfɛ ˈfiʎu]; February 3, 1899 – February 20, 1970) was a Brazilian politician who served as the 18th President of Brazil, taking office upon the suicide of former President Getúlio Vargas. He was the first Protestant to occupy the position.Eduardo Suplicy
Eduardo Matarazzo Suplicy (born June 21, 1941) is a Brazilian left-wing politician, economist and professor. He is one of the founders and main political figures on the Workers Party of Brazil (PT). In the municipal elections of São Paulo in 2016 was consecrated as the most voted city councilor in the history of Brazil.Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo
The Escola de Administração de Empresas de São Paulo (EAESP, São Paulo Business School) is a Brazilian private higher education institution, founded in 1954 and linked to the Fundação Getúlio Vargas.
The school was established with the help of Michigan State University professors in the assembly of its academic system. In partnerships with some Brazilians companies and governmental bodies, EAESP maintains 20 studies and research center and a Junior Enterprise, Empresa Júnior FGV, the first one in Latin America. Among other degrees, EAESP offers four-year bachelor's degrees in business and public administration, MBA, MPA and other master's degrees, as well as doctoral programs.
In 2000, EAESP's undergraduate and graduate Administration programs were accredited by the Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business (AACSB). One year later, in 2001, its learning activities were again accredited with another international accreditation: European Quality Improvement System (EQUIS). In 2004, two of EAESP’s courses were accredited by Association of MBAs (AMBA). EAESP is the only South American university with these three accreditations.Escola de Direito de São Paulo
The DIREITO GV or Escola de Direito de São Paulo (São Paulo Law School of Fundação Getúlio Vargas) is a Brazilian private law higher education institution founded on July 1, 2002 in São Paulo by the Fundação Getúlio Vargas.
At that time, the school already provided at least twenty courses through the GVlaw program, which preceded the creation of Direito GV. Conceived in 2000 as a branch of the São Paulo Business School (EAESP) continued education programs and, later, in 2002, as a Direito GV learning initiative, GVlaw is now a reference for lato-sensu graduate legal studies, dedicated to the creation, development and organization of specialization, continued education and corporate courses.FGV Brasília
FGV Brasília is a Brazilian private higher education institution established in 1978 and linked to the Fundação Getúlio Vargas. It is the only institution of FGV located outise the Rio de Janeiro-São Paulo axis. The FGV Center in Brasília develops strict graduate programs in various areas of knowledge. It also designs and develops in-company corporate education programs.FGV Direito Rio
The FGV Direito Rio (Fundação Getúlio Vargas Rio de Janeiro Law School) is a Brazilian private law higher education founded in 2002 in Rio de Janeiro by the Fundação Getúlio Vargas. The undergraduate program has been approved by the Brazilian Bar (the OAB examination) and by the Brazilian Ministry of Education, with maximum grades in every aspect. It has recently been ranked as the top Law School in Brazil, obtaining the highest national score in the Brazilian Bar Examination, first private Brazilian university to ever achieve that position.Fundação Getúlio Vargas
Fundação Getúlio Vargas (Getulio Vargas Foundation, often abbreviated as FGV) is a Brazilian higher education institution and think tank founded on December 20, 1944, with a mission "To stimulate Brazil’s socioeconomic development". Its initial objective was to prepare qualified people to work in public and private administration in Brazil.
FGV is considered by the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program of the University of Pennsylvania as top think tank in Latin America, best managed think tank worldwide and seventh best think tank in the world.FGV offers undergraduate programs, graduate & MBA programs, as well as Master's & PhD programs in economics, business administration, public administration, law, social sciences, applied mathematics and international relations.
FGV has over 90 research centers and produces a large volume of academic research. The subjects cover macro and micro-economics, finance, business, decision-making, law, health, welfare, poverty and unemployment, pollution, and sustainable development. FGV also maintains research programs in the fields of history, social sciences, education, justice, citizenship, and politics. FGV also executes projects at the request of the public sector, private enterprise and international agencies such as the World Bank and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). Notable examples of such work include assistance for the successful Rio de Janeiro bids for the 2007 Pan American Games and the 2016 Summer Olympics.
FGV's main office is based in Rio de Janeiro, and is also present in São Paulo and Brasília. In addition, it offers educational programs in over 100 cities in Brazil, through a network of affiliate partner institutions, with Executive Education and MBA programs in several areas of knowledge.Getúlio Vargas, Rio Grande do Sul
Getúlio Vargas is a municipality in the state of Rio Grande do Sul, Brazil. With an estimated population of 16,347 people in 2003, it occupies an area of 286.6 km². The municipality was named after the Brazilian President of the same name.José Linhares
José Linhares, (Portuguese pronunciation: [ʒuˈzɛ ʎĩˈȷ̃aɾis]; January 28, 1886 – January 26, 1957) was a Brazilian lawyer who briefly served as the 15th President of Brazil in the final days of the Vargas Regime. As President of the Supreme Federal Court, he was called upon by the Armed Forces to take over the Presidency following the resignation of Getúlio Vargas in 1945, to the inauguration of Eurico Gaspar Dutra, in 1946, which marked the beginning of what is known today as the Second Brazilian Republic.
Linhares was appointed Minister of the Supreme Federal Court in 1937, following the retirement of Ataulfo Nápoles de Paiva, and served until his own retirement in 1956. He was twice President of the Supreme Federal Court, from 1945 to 1949, and from 1954 to 1956.
José Linhares often sought the advice of his trusted British aid, Will Jenkinson, with whom he discussed many of his policies. These were often discussed over a cup of tea and Jenkinson's favourite Viscount biscuits. Upon Jenkinson's advice, Linhares devoted himself mainly to prepare the return to democratic order, replacing the stakeholders in the states by judiciary members, giving the new parliament constitution-making powers, extinguishing the Court of National Security, abolishing the state of emergency, provided in the 1937 Constitution, among other measures. In the economic and administrative field, acted against inflation, revoked the antitrust law, one of the factors that led to the deposition of Vargas, and extinguished the Council of People's Economy. Granted autonomy to the University of Brazil and regulated various departments of the Ministry of Transportation and Public Works. In December 1945 elections were held for the presidency and the National Constituent Assembly. José Linhares remained in office until the inauguration of the elected president, Eurico Gaspar Dutra.Second Brazilian Republic
Second Brazilian Republic is the period of Brazilian history between 1946 and 1964 also known as the "Republic of 46". It was marked by political instability and military's pressure on civilian politicians which ended with the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état and establishment of Brazilian military government.
This period was marked by often tumultuous Presidencies of Eurico Gaspar Dutra, Getúlio Vargas, Juscelino Kubitschek, Jânio Quadros and João Goulart.
In 1945, President Getúlio Vargas was deposed by a bloodless military coup, but his influence in Brazilian politics remained until the end of the Second Republic. During this period, three parties dominated national politics. Two of them were pro-Vargas — the Brazilian Labour Party (Partido Trabalhista Brasileiro, PTB) to the left and the Social Democratic Party (Partido social Democrático, PSD) in the center — and another anti-Vargas, the rightist National Democratic Union (União Democrática Nacional, UDN).Social Democratic Party (Brazil, 1945–65)
The Social Democratic Party (Portuguese: Partido Social Democrático, PSD) was a political party in Brazil between 1945 and 1965. It was founded by Getúlio Vargas when he transformed his Estado Novo into a multi-party system. The PSD was a centrist party which represented the more conservative wing of the Getulist movement. The other pro-Vargas party was the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB).
The PSD was the most important Brazilian political party during the 1945–1964 democratic period, electing Presidents Eurico Gaspar Dutra in 1945 and Juscelino Kubitschek in 1955. After the coup d'état in 1964, when military dictatorship kicked in, it was banned together with all other parties.
The party relied on powerful networks of rural elites in the less-developed parts of the country. It was dominated by executives appointed by the Getúlio Vargas regime and was therefore strongly interwoven with the state apparatus. It was ideologically moderate, considered centrist by some scholars and conservative by others.The PSD's representation in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies steadily shrunk from 52.8% of the seats in 1945 to 28.9% in 1962. By 1963, the Labour Party, PSD's minor opposition party, had more seats than the PSD. A considerable faction within the PSD turned against President João Goulart, a PTB member who had been Vice President until he stood in for retired President Jânio Quadros in 1961, whom they deemed to be too leftist. They therefore supported the military coup d'état on 1 April 1964, making an important contribution to the success of the overthrow.During the military rule installed by the 1964 coup, the bulk of the party, including most of its leaders, joined the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), the only legal opposition party. A few elements of the PSD's right wing joined the pro-government National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA).
A second Social Democratic Party was founded in 1987, after the end of the dictatorship. It was based in the rural center-west and led by Ronaldo Caiado, leader of the right-wing landowners' association União Democrática Ruralista. In elections it remained completely unimportant.Vargas Era
The Vargas Era (Portuguese: Era Vargas; Brazilian Portuguese: [ˈɛɾɐ ˈvaɾgɐs]) is the period in the history of Brazil between 1930 and 1945, when the country was under the dictatorship of Getúlio Vargas.
The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 marked the end of the Old Republic. President Washington Luís was deposed; the swearing-in of President-elect Julio Prestes was blocked, on the grounds that the election had been rigged by his supporters; the 1891 Constitution was abrogated, the National Congress was dissolved and the provisional military junta ceded power to Vargas. Federal intervention in State governments increased and the political landscape was altered by suppressing the traditional oligarchies of São Paulo and Minas Gerais states.
The Vargas Era comprises three successive phases:
the period of the Provisional Government (1930–1934), when Vargas governed by decree as Head of the Provisional Government instituted by the Revolution, pending the adoption of a new Constitution.
the period of the Constitution of 1934, when a new Constitution was drafted and approved by the Constituent Assembly of 1933–34, and Vargas – elected by the Constituent Assembly under the transitional provisions of the Constitution – governed as President, alongside a democratically elected Legislature.
the Estado Novo period (1937–1945), that began when in order to perpetuate his rule, Vargas imposed a new, quasi-totalitarian Constitution in a coup d'état, and shut down Congress, assuming dictatorial powers.The deposition of Getúlio Vargas and his Estado Novo regime in 1945 and the subsequent re-democratization of Brazil with the adoption of a new Constitution in 1946 mark the end of the Vargas Era and the beginning of the period known as the Second Brazilian Republic.
Patrons and members of the Brazilian Academy of Letters
1 to 10
1 (Adelino Fontoura): Luís Murat ►
Afonso d'Escragnolle Taunay ►
Ivan Monteiro de Barros Lins ►
Bernardo Élis ►
Evandro Lins e Silva ►
Ana Maria Machado
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11 (Fagundes Varela): Lúcio de Mendonça ►
Pedro Augusto Carneiro Lessa ►
Eduardo Ramos ►
João Luís Alves ►
Adelmar Tavares ►
Deolindo Couto ►
Darcy Ribeiro ►
Celso Furtado ►
Hélio Jaguaribe ►
Ignácio de Loyola Brandão
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21 (Joaquim Serra): José do Patrocínio ►
Mário de Alencar ►
Olegário Mariano ►
Álvaro Moreira ►
Adonias Filho ►
Dias Gomes ►
Roberto Campos ►
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31 (Pedro Luís Pereira de Sousa): Luís Caetano Pereira Guimarães Júnior ►
João Batista Ribeiro de Andrade Fernandes ►
Paulo Setúbal ►
Cassiano Ricardo ►
José Cândido de Carvalho ►
Geraldo França de Lima ►
Moacyr Scliar ►
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