Feudal fascism

Feudal fascism, also revolutionary-feudal totalitarianism,[1] were official terms used by the post-Mao Zedong Communist Party of China to designate the ideology and rule of Lin Biao and the Gang of Four during the Cultural Revolution.

Rationale

In China's reform and opening up era, the Communist Party used the phrase to frame the excesses of the Cultural Revolution as coming from individual actors, such as those in the Gang of Four, rather than to the Party as a whole.[2] After the death of Lin Biao and the conclusion of the Cultural Revolution, the official Communist Party interpretation was that Lin Biao and the Gang of Four represented the remnants of feudal ideology in China who had used the terrorist methods of fascism to suppress people's democracy. This characterization also allowed Mao Zedong's successors Hua Guofeng and Deng Xiaoping to renounce the 1966–1976 period without attacking Mao Zedong himself. The methods criticized as feudal fascism included autocracy, ritualized dogma and military repression.[3] It also referred to a general lack of stable integration between the party and the state, which came from abuse of the mass line and a lack of regard to the Yan'an process for handling inter-party dissent.

Effects

In 1977, the People's Daily ran an editorial calling for more elections and other democratic institutions for China in order to prevent a repeat of feudal fascism.[4] One line from the Constitution of the Communist Party of China was considered particularly emblematic of feudal fascism and was stripped during the post-Cultural Revolution 10th Congress: "Mao Zedong Thought is Marxism–Leninism of the era in which imperialism is heading for total collapse and socialism is advancing to world-wide victory".[1] Soon afterwards, the reformist leaders Hu Yaobang and Deng Xiaoping began to rehabilitate citizens who had been labeled as capitalist roaders, bad elements and counter-revolutionaries. This sharp rise in political freedom led to the Democracy Wall movement,[4] with some dissidents suggesting that the period of "feudal fascism" began much earlier than the Cultural Revolution.[2] The movement grew to be such threatening to party rule that it was suppressed and reform proceeded more cautiously thereafter.[4]

References

  1. ^ a b Tsou, Tang (1999). The Cultural Revolution and Post-Mao Reforms: A Historical Perspective. University of Chicago Press. pp. 290–291.
  2. ^ a b Yan, Sun (1995). The Chinese Reassessment of Socialism, 1976-1992. Princeton University Press. pp. 127–128.
  3. ^ Lupher, Mark (October 1992). "Power Restructuring in China and the Soviet Union". Theory and Society. 21 (5): 665–701. doi:10.1007/bf00993494.
  4. ^ a b c Schell, Orville (1989). Discos and Democracy: China in the Throes of Reform. Random House. pp. 270–271.
1934 Montreux Fascist conference

The Fascist International Congress was a meeting held by deputies from a number of European Fascist organizations. The conference was held on 16–17 December 1934 in Montreux, Switzerland. The conference was organised and chaired by Comitati d'Azione per l'Universalità di Roma (CAUR), or the Action Committees for the Universality of Rome.

Argentine Fascist Party

The Argentine Fascist Party (Partido Fascista Argentino, PFA) was a fascist political party in Argentina from 1932 until its official disbandment in 1936, when it was succeeded by the National Fascist Union (Union Nacional Fascista, UNF). Founded by Italian Argentines, the party was formed as a breakaway faction from Argentina's National Fascist Party (Partido Nacional Fascista, PNF). It was based upon Italian Fascism and was recognized by Benito Mussolini's Italian National Fascist Party in 1935. In the 1930s the party became a mass organization, particularly in Córdoba. Nicholás Vitelli led the PFA's branch in Córdoba until his death in 1934, whereafter Nimio de Anquín took the leadership of the party. The PFA's main political allies in Córdoba were the Argentine Civic Legion and the Nationalist Action of Argentina/Affirmation of a New Argentina movement.

Argentine Patriotic League

The Argentine Patriotic League (Liga Patriótica Argentina) was a Nacionalista paramilitary group, officially created in Buenos Aires on January 16, 1919, during the Tragic week events. Presided over by Manuel Carlés, a professor at the Military College and the Escuela Superior de Guerra, it also counted among its members the deputy Santiago G. O'Farrell (1861-1926). The League was merged into the Argentine Civic Legion in 1931. The Argentine Patriotic League formed part of a larger movement of patriotic leagues active in Chile and Argentina during the early 20th century.

Blueshirts (Falange)

The Blueshirts (Spanish: Camisas Azules) was the Falangist paramilitary militia in Spain. The name refers to the blue uniform worn by members of the militia. The colour blue was chosen for the uniforms in 1934 by the FE de las JONS because it was, according to José Antonio Primo de Rivera, "clear, whole, and proletarian," and is the colour typically worn by mechanics, as the Falange sought to gain support among the Spanish working class. In Francoist Spain the Blueshirts were officially reorganized and officially renamed the Falange Militia of the FET y de las JONS in 1940.

Brit HaBirionim

Brit HaBirionim (Hebrew: ברית הבריונים, The Strongmen Alliance (Alliance of Thugs)) was a clandestine, self-declared fascist faction of the Revisionist Zionist Movement (ZRM) in Mandatory Palestine, active between 1930 and 1933. It was founded by the trio of Abba Ahimeir, Uri Zvi Greenberg and Yehoshua Yeivin.

Christofascism

Christofascism is a combination of Christian and fascism coined by Dorothee Sölle in 1970. Sölle, a liberation theology proponent, used the term to describe the Christian church which she characterized as totalitarian and imperialistic.

Crypto-fascism

Crypto-fascism is the secret support for, or admiration of, fascism. The term is used to imply that an individual or group keeps this support or admiration hidden to avoid political persecution or political suicide. The common usage is "crypto-fascist", one who practices this support.

Fascio

Fascio (pronounced [ˈfaʃʃo]; plural fasci) is an Italian word literally meaning "a bundle" or "a sheaf", and figuratively "league", and which was used in the late 19th century to refer to political groups of many different (and sometimes opposing) orientations. A number of nationalist fasci later evolved into the 20th century Fasci movement, which became known as fascism.

Fascism in Canada

Fascism in Canada (French: Fascisme au Canada) consisted of a variety of movements and political parties in Canada during the 20th century. Largely a fringe ideology, fascism has never commanded a large following amongst the Canadian people, and was most popular during the Great Depression. Most Canadian fascist leaders were interned at the outbreak of World War II under the Defence of Canada Regulations and in the post-war period, fascism never recovered its former small influence.

The Canadian Union of Fascists, based in Winnipeg, Manitoba, was modeled on Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists. Its leader was Chuck Crate.

Parti National Social Chrétien was founded in Quebec in February 1934 by Adrien Arcand. In October 1934, the party merged with the Canadian Nationalist Party, which was based in the prairie provinces. In June 1938, it merged with Nazi groups from Ontario and Quebec (many of which were known as Swastika clubs), to form the National Unity Party.Fascist concepts and policies, such as eugenics, formulated in the US, found a friendly reception in Canada in some provinces, such as Alberta, where, under a Social Credit government, alleged mental defectives and other 'non-producers' were involuntarily sterilized to prevent the birth of more similar people. Social democrat Tommy Douglas, Premier of Saskatchewan, wrote his 1933 master thesis paper endorsing some of the ideas of eugenics, but later abandoned and rejected such notions.

Fascist Manifesto

The Manifesto of the Italian Fasci of Combat (Italian: Il manifesto dei fasci italiani di combattimento), commonly known as the Fascist Manifesto, was the initial declaration of the political stance of the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento ("Italian League of Combat") the movement founded in Milan by Benito Mussolini in 1919 and an early exponent of Fascism. The Manifesto was authored by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and the futurist poet Filippo Marinetti.

Fascist architecture

Fascist architecture is a style of architecture developed by architects of fascist societies in the early 20th century. The style gained popularity in the late 1920s with the rise of modernism along with the nationalism associated with fascist governments in western Europe. The style resembles that of ancient Rome. However, the fascist-era buildings lack ostentatious design, and were constructed with symmetry and simplicity. Both Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler utilized the new style of architecture as one of many attempts to unify the citizens of their nations, mark a new era of nationalist culture, and exhibit the absolute rule of the nation. Today, new fascist architecture is scarce because of the Axis powers' defeat in World War II, as the fascist political ideology quickly went into decline.

Heroic capitalism

Heroic capitalism or dynamic capitalism was a concept that Italian Fascism took from Werner Sombart's explanations of capitalist development. This phase was known by Sombart as early capitalism. In 1933, Benito Mussolini claimed that capitalism began with dynamic or heroic capitalism (1830-1870) followed by static capitalism (1870-1914) and then reached its final form of decadent capitalism, known also as supercapitalism, which began in 1914.Mussolini argued that although he did not support this type of capitalism he considered it at least a dynamic and heroic form. Some Fascists, including Mussolini, considered it a contribution to the industrialism and technical developments, but they claimed not to favour the creation of supercapitalism in Italy due to its strong agricultural sector.Mussolini claimed that dynamic or heroic capitalism inevitably degenerates into static capitalism and then supercapitalism due to the concepts of bourgeois economic individualism. Instead, he proposed a state supervised economy, although he contrasted it to Russian state supercapitalism. Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private initiatives and property while allowing the state and the syndicalist movement to intervene in the economy in the matters where private initiative intervenes in public affairs. This system would lead also to some nationalizations when necessary and the greatest participation of the employees in all the aspects of the company and in the utility given by the company.

List of fascist movements by country

This is a list of political parties, organizations, and movements that have been claimed to follow some form of fascist ideology. Since definitions of fascism vary, entries in this list may be controversial. For a discussion of the various debates surrounding the nature of fascism, see fascism and ideology and definitions of fascism.

This list has been divided into four sections for reasons of length:

List of fascist movements by country A–F

List of fascist movements by country G–M

List of fascist movements by country N–T

List of fascist movements by country U–Z

National Fascist Party (Argentina)

The National Fascist Party of Argentina (Partido Nacional Fascista) was a fascist political party formed in 1923. In 1932, a group broke away from the party to form the Argentine Fascist Party, which eventually became a mass movement in the Córdoba region of Argentina.

National Fascist Union (Argentina)

The National Fascist Union (Unión Nacional Fascista, UNF) was a fascist political party formed in Argentina in 1936, as the successor to the Argentine Fascist Party.In August 1936, UNF leader Nimio de Anquín attempted to force students at a law school in Cordoba to pledge a statement of support for the Spanish general Francisco Franco. Police responded with a crackdown against Argentine nationalists. Support for the UNF surged after two nationalists were shot in the Colegio Montserrat in 1938. In the aftermath of the Montserrat murders, Anquin denounced the middle and upper class for complicity and cowardice and claimed that "communism, Judaism, and degenerate Radicalism" were responsible for causing the murders. Anquín called for the mourners to swear "by God, honour, and the Fatherland, to return the homicidal bullet".By 1939, the UNF was largely defunct, and Anquín returned to his hometown to resume his earlier career as a lecturer.

Palingenetic ultranationalism

Palingenetic ultranationalism is a theory concerning generic fascism formulated by British political theorist Roger Griffin. The key element of this theory is the belief that fascism can be defined by its core myth, namely that of revolution in order to achieve a "national rebirth" — palingenesis. Griffin argues that the unique synthesis of palingenesis and ultranationalism differentiates fascism from para-fascism and other authoritarian nationalist ideologies. This is what he calls the "fascist minimum" without which there is no fascism.The idea was first put forth in the 1991 book The Nature of Fascism, and has been expanded in a paper titled "Staging The Nation's Rebirth: The Politics and Aesthetics of Performance in the Context of Fascist Studies" in the 1994 volume Fascism and Theatre: The Politics and Aesthetics in the Era of Fascism.

Proletarian nation

Proletarian nation was a term used by 20th century Italian nationalist intellectuals such as Enrico Corradini and later adopted by Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini to refer to Italy and other poorer countries that were subordinate to the Western imperialist powers. These powers were described by Mussolini as "plutocratic nations" (nazioni plutocratiche). Corradini associated the proletariat with the economic function of production and believed that the producers should be at the forefront of a new imperialist proletarian nation. Mussolini considered that the military struggles unfolding in Europe in the mid-20th century could have revolutionary consequences that could lead to an improvement in the position of Italy in comparison with the major imperialist powers such as Britain.

Nazism rejected the Marxist concept of internationalist class struggle, it identified "class struggle between nations" and sought to resolve internal class struggle in the nation while it identified Germany as a proletarian nation fighting against plutocratic nations.

Tropical fascism

In African political science, tropical fascism is a type of post-colonial state which is either considered fascist or is seen to have strong fascist tendencies. Gnassingbé Eyadéma dictator of Togo and leader of the Rally of the Togolese People, Mobutu Sese Seko dictator of Zaire and leader of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and Idi Amin dictator of Uganda have all been considered an example of tropical fascism in Africa. The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic and larger Hutu Power movement, a Hutu ultranationalist and supremacist movement that organized and committed the Rwandan Genocide aimed at exterminating the Tutsi people of Rwanda, has been regarded as a prominent example of tropical fascism in Africa. Pol Pot and The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia has been called a tropical fascist regime, as they officially renounced communism in 1981.

Young Egypt Party (1933)

The Young Egypt Party (Arabic: حزب مصر الفتاة‎, Misr El-Fatah) was an Egyptian political party.

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