Fernando Collor de Mello

Fernando Affonso Collor de Mello (Portuguese pronunciation: [feʁˈnɐ̃du aˈfõsu ˈkɔloʁ dʒi ˈmɛlu]; born August 12, 1949) is a Brazilian politician who served as the 32nd President of Brazil from 1990 to 1992, when he resigned in a failed attempt to stop his impeachment trial by the Brazilian Senate. Collor was the first President directly elected by the people after the end of the Brazilian military government. He became the youngest president in Brazilian history, taking office at the age of 40. After he resigned from the presidency, the impeachment trial on charges of corruption continued. Collor was found guilty by the Senate and disqualified from holding elected office for eight years (1992–2000). He was later acquitted of ordinary criminal charges in his judicial trial before Brazil's Supreme Federal Court, for lack of valid evidence.

Fernando Collor was born into a political family. He is the son of the former Senator Arnon Affonso de Farias Mello and Leda Collor (daughter of former Labour Minister Lindolfo Collor, led by his father, former governor of Alagoas and proprietor of the Arnon de Mello Organization, the branch of Rede Globo in the state. "Collor" is a Portuguese adaptation of the German surname Koehler, from his maternal grandfather Lindolfo Leopoldo Boeckel Collor.

Collor has served as Senator for Alagoas since February 2007. He first won election in 2006 and was reelected in 2014.

Fernando Collor de Mello

Foto oficial de Fernando Collor (cropped)
Collor's official photo as senator
32nd President of Brazil
In office
March 15, 1990 – December 29, 1992
Suspended: October 2, 1992 – December 29, 1992
Vice PresidentItamar Franco
Preceded byJosé Sarney
Succeeded byItamar Franco
Senator for Alagoas
Assumed office
February 1, 2007
55th Governor of Alagoas
In office
March 15, 1987 – May 14, 1989
Vice GovernorMoacir de Andrade
Preceded byJosé Tavares
Succeeded byMoacir de Andrade
Federal Deputy for Alagoas
In office
February 1, 1983 – February 1, 1987
57th Mayor of Maceió
In office
January 1, 1979 – January 1, 1983
Preceded byDílton Simões
Succeeded byCorinto Campelo
Personal details
Fernando Affonso Collor de Mello

August 12, 1949 (age 69)
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
Political partyPROS (2019–present)
Other political
ARENA (1979)
PDS (1979–1986)
PMDB (1986–1989)
PRN (1989–1992)
PRTB (2000–2007)
PTB (2007–2016)
PTC (2016–2019)
Celi Elisabete Júlia Monteiro de Carvalho
(m. 1975; div. 1981)

Rosane Brandão Malta
(m. 1981; div. 2005)

Caroline Serejo Medeiros (m. 2006)
ResidenceMaceió, Alagoas
Alma materUniversity of Brasília[1]
Fernando Collor de Mello's signature

Early career

Collor became president of Brazilian football club Centro Sportivo Alagoano (CSA) in 1976. After entering politics, he was successively named mayor of Alagoas' capital Maceió in 1979 (National Renewal Alliance Party), elected a federal deputy (Democratic Social Party) in 1982, and eventually elected governor of the small Northeastern state of Alagoas (Brazilian Democratic Movement Party) in 1986.

During his term as governor, he attracted publicity by allegedly fighting high salaries for public servants, whom he labeled marajás (maharajas)[2] (likening them to the former princes of India who received a stipend from the government as compensation for relinquishing their lands). How well his policies reduced public expense is disputed, but the political position certainly made him popular in the country.[3] This helped boost his political career, with the help of television appearances in nationwide broadcasts (quite unusual for a governor from such a small state).

Presidency (1990-1992)

Fernando Collor 1992 B&W
Official presidential portrait
Fernando Collor fala aos ministros e líderes do governo
President Fernando Collor during a meeting with ministers and government leaders at the Planalto Palace, 1990.

In 1989 Collor defeated Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in a controversial two-round presidential race with 35 million votes. In December 1989, days prior to the second round, businessman Abílio Diniz was the victim of a sensational political kidnapping. The act is recognized as an attempt to sabotage Lula's chances of victory[4] by associating the kidnapping with the left wing. At the time, Brazilian law barred any party from addressing the media on the days prior to election day. Lula's party thus had no opportunity to clarify the accusations that the party (PT) was involved in the kidnapping. Collor won in the state of São Paulo against many prominent political figures.[5] The first popularly elected President of Brazil in 29 years, Collor spent the early years of his government allegedly battling inflation, which at times reached rates of 25% per month.

The very day he took office, Collor launched the Plano Collor (Collor Plan), implemented by his finance minister Zélia Cardoso de Mello (not related to Collor). The plan attempted to reduce the money supply by forcibly converting large portions of consumer bank accounts into non-cashable government bonds, while at the same time increasing the printing of money bills, a counterbalancing measure to combat hyper-inflation.[6]

Free trade, privatization and state reforms

Fernando Collor acena para a população
Collor waves to the people.
Fernando Collor no Palácio do Planalto
President Collor speaking at the Planalto presidential palace, 1991.

Under Zélia's tenure, Brazil had a period of major changes, featuring what ISTOÉ magazine called an "unprecedented" "revolution"[7] in many levels of public administration: "privatization, opening its market to free trade, encouraging industrial modernization, temporary control of the hyper-inflation and public debt reduction."[8]

In the month before Collor took power, hyperinflation was 90 percent per month and climbing. All accounts over 50,000 cruzeiros (about US$500 at that time), were frozen for several weeks. He also proposed freezes in wages and prices, as well as major cuts in government spending. The measures were received unenthusiastically by the people, though many felt that radical measures were necessary to kill the hyperinflation. Within a few months, however, inflation resumed, eventually reaching rates of 10 percent a month.

During the course of his government, Collor was accused of condoning an influence peddling scheme. The accusations weighed on the government and led Collor and his team to an institutional crisis leading to a loss of credibility that reached the finance minister, Zélia.[7]

This political crisis had negative consequences on his ability to carry out his policies and reforms.[9] The Plano Collor I, under Zélia would be renewed with the implementation of the Plano Collor II; the government's loss of prestige would make that follow-up plan short-lived and largely ineffective.[8] The failure of Zélia and Plano Collor I led to their substitution by Marcílio Marques Moreira and his Plano Collor II. Moreira's plan tried to correct some aspects of the first plan, but it was too late. Collor's administration was paralyzed by the fast deterioration of his image, through a succession of corruption accusations.[10]

During the Plano Collor, yearly inflation was at first reduced from 30,000 percent in 1990 (Collor's first year in government) to 400 percent in 1991, but then climbed back up to 1,020 percent in 1992 (when he left office).[11] Inflation continued to rise to 2,294 percent in 1994 (two years after he left office).[12] Although Zélia acknowledged later that the Plano Collor didn't end inflation, she also stated: "It is also possible to see with clarity that, under very difficult conditions, we promoted the balancing of the national debt – and that, together with the commercial opening, it created the basis for the implementation of the Plano Real."[7]

Part of Collor's more conservative program was followed by his successors:[13] Itamar Franco, Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Lula da Silva.[14] Collor's administration privatized 15 different companies (including Acesita), and began the process of privatization for others, such as Embraer, Telebrás and Companhia Vale do Rio Doce.[8] Some members of Collor's government were also part of the later Cardoso administration in different or similar functions:

Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira, a minister in the previous Sarney and the following Fernando Henrique Cardoso administrations, stated that "Collor changed the political agenda in the country, because he implemented brave and very necessary reforms, and he pursued fiscal adjustments. Although other attempts had been made since 1987, it was during Collor's administration that old statist ideas were confronted and combated (...) by a brave agenda of economic reforms geared towards free trade and privatization."[15] According to Philippe Faucher, professor of political science at McGill University,[16] the combination of the political crisis and the hyperinflation continued to reduce Collor's credibility and in that political vacuum an impeachment process took place, precipitated by Pedro Collor's (Fernando Collor's brother) accusations and other social and political sectors which thought they would be harmed by his policies.[8]


In 1991, UNICEF chose three health programs: community agents, lay midwives and eradication of measles as the best in the world. These programs were promoted during Collor's administration. Until 1989, the Brazilian vaccination record, was considered the worst in South America. During Collor's administration, Brazil's vaccination program won a United Nations prize, as the best in South America. Collor's project Minha Gente (My People) won the UN award Project Model for the Humanity in 1993.

Corruption charges and impeachment

Manifestantes na Esplanada dos Ministérios pedem o impeachment de Fernando Collor de Mello (4987870444)
Protesters call for Collor's impeachment in front of the National Congress in September 1992.
Fernando Collor deixa a presidência
Impeachment: Fernando Collor leaves Planalto Palace for the last time as president, 2 October 1992.

In May 1992, Fernando Collor's brother Pedro Collor accused him of condoning an influence peddling scheme run by his campaign treasurer, Paulo César Farias. The Federal Police and the Federal Prosecution Service opened an investigation. On July 1, 1992, a Joint Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry, composed of Senators and members of the Chamber of Deputies, formed in Congress to investigate the accusation and review the evidence uncovered by police and federal prosecutors. Senator Amir Lando was chosen as the rapporteur of the Commission of Inquiry, chaired by Congressman Benito Gama. Farias, Pedro Collor, government officials and others were subpoenaed and gave depositions before it. Some weeks later, with the investigation progressing and under fire, Collor asked on national television for the people's support in going out in the street and protesting against "coup" forces. On August 11, 1992, thousands of students organized by the National Student Union (União Nacional dos Estudantes – UNE), protested on the street against Collor. Their faces, often painted in a mixture of the colors of the flag and protest-black, lead to them being called "Caras-pintadas" ("Painted Faces").[17]

On August 26, 1992, the final congressional inquiry was approved 16-5. The report concluded that there was proof that Fernando Collor had had personal expenses paid for by money raised by Paulo César Farias through his influence peddling scheme.

As a result, a petition to the Chamber of Deputies by citizens Barbosa Lima Sobrinho and Marcelo Lavenère Machado, respectively the then President of the Brazilian Press Association and the then-president of the Brazilian Bar Association formally accused Collor of crimes of responsibility (the Brazilian equivalent of "high crimes and misdemeanors", such as abuse of power) warranting removal from office per the constitutional and legal norms for impeachment. In Brazil, a formal petition for impeachment of the President must be submitted by one or more private citizens, not by corporations or public institutions.

The formal petition, submitted on September 1, 1992, began impeachment proceedings. The Chamber of Deputies set up a special committee on September 3, 1992 to study the impeachment petition. On September 24, 1992, the committee voted (32 votes in favour, one vote against, one abstention) to approve the impeachment petition and recommend that the full Chamber of Deputies accept the charges of impeachment. Under the Constitution of Brazil, the impeachment process required two thirds of the Chamber of Deputies to vote to allow the charges of impeachment to be escalated to the Senate. On September 29, 1992, Collor was impeached by the Chamber of Deputies, with more than two thirds of its members concurring. In the decisive roll call vote, 441 deputies voted for and 38 deputies voted against the admission of the charges of impeachment.[18]

Collor campaigning for Senate in Maceió, 2006.

On September 30, 1992, the accusation was formally sent from the Chamber of Deputies to the Senate, and proceedings for impeachment began in the upper house. The Senate formed a committee to examine the case file and determine whether all legal formalities had been followed. The Committee issued its report, recognizing that the charges of impeachment had been presented in accordance with the Constitution and the laws, and proposed that the Senate organize itself into a court of impeachment to conduct the trial of the president. October 1, 1992, this report was presented on the floor of the Senate, and the full Senate voted to accept it and to proceed. That day the then-president of the Federal Supreme Court, Justice Sydney Sanches, was notified of the opening of the trial process in the Senate, and began to preside over the process. On October 2, 1992, Collor received a formal summons from the Brazilian Senate notifying him that the Senate had accepted the report, and that he was now a defendant in an impeachment trial. Per the Constitution of Brazil, upon receipt of that writ of summons, Collor's presidential powers were suspended for 180 days, and vice president Itamar Franco became acting president. The Senate also sent an official communication to the office of the vice-president to formally acquaint him of the suspension of the President, and to give him notice that he was now the acting president.

By the end of December, it was obvious that Collor would be convicted and removed from office by the Senate. In hopes of staving this off, Collor resigned on December 29, 1992 on the last day of the proceedings. Collor's resignation letter was read by his attorney in the floor of the Senate, and the impeachment trial was adjourned so that the Congress could meet in joint session, first to take formal notice of the resignation and proclaim the office of president vacant, and then to swear in Franco.

However, after the inauguration of Franco, the Senate resumed sitting as a court of impeachment with the president of the Supreme Court presiding. Collor's attorneys argued that with Collor's resignation, the impeachment trial could not proceed and should close without ruling on the merits. The attorneys arguing for Collor's removal, however, argued that the trial should continue, to determine whether or not the defendant should face the constitutional penalty of suspension of political rights for eight years. The Senate voted to continue the trial. It ruled that, although the possible penalty of removal from office had been rendered moot, the determination of the former President's guilt or innocence was still relevant because a conviction on charges of impeachment would carry with it a disqualification from holding public office for eight years. The Senate found that, since the trial had already begun, the defendant could not use his right to resign the presidency as a means to avoid a ruling.

FHC, Collor e Sarney
The former presidents Fernando Collor (center), Fernando Henrique Cardoso (left), and José Sarney (right), 2008.

Later, in the early hours of December 30, 1992, by the required two-thirds majority, the Senate found the former president guilty of the charges of impeachment. Of the 81 members of the Senate, 79 took part in the final vote: 76 Senators voted to convict the former president, and 3 voted to acquit. The penalty of removal from office was not imposed as Collor had already resigned, but as a result of his conviction the Senate barred Collor from holding public office for eight years. After the vote, the Senate issued a formal written opinion summarizing the conclusions and orders resulting from the judgement, as required by Brazilian law. The Senate's formal written sentence on the impeachment trial, containing its conviction of the former president and disqualification from public office for eight years, signed by the president of the Supreme Court and by the Senators on December 30, 1992, was published in the Diário Oficial da União (the Brazilian Federal Government's official journal) on December 31, 1992.[19]

In 1993, Collor challenged before the Brazilian Supreme Court the Senate's decision to continue the trial after his resignation but the Supreme Court ruled the Senate's action valid.

In 1994, the Supreme Court tried the ordinary criminal charges stemming from the Farias corruption affair; the ordinary criminal accusation was presented by the Brazilian federal prosecution service (Ministério Público Federal). The Supreme Court had original jurisdiction under the Brazilian Constitution because Collor was one of the defendants and the charges mentioned crimes committed by a President while in office. If found guilty of the charges, the former President would face a jail sentence.[20] However, Collor was found not guilty. The Federal Supreme Court threw out the corruption charges against him on a technicality,[20] citing a lack of evidence linking Collor to Farias' influence-peddling scheme. A key piece of evidence, Paulo César Farias' personal computer, was ruled inadmissible as it had been obtained during an illegal police search conducted without a search warrant.[21] Other pieces of evidence that were only gathered because of the information first extracted from files stored in Farias' computer were also voided, as the Collor defense successfully invoked the fruit of the poisonous tree doctrine before the Brazilian Supreme Court. Evidence that was only obtained because of the illegally obtained information was also struck from the record.

After his acquittal in the criminal trial, Collor again attempted to void the suspension of his political rights imposed by the Senate, without success, as the Supreme Court ruled that the judicial trial of the ordinary criminal charges and the political trial of the charges of impeachment were independent spheres. Collor thus only regained his political rights in 2000, after the expiration of the eight year disqualification imposed by the Brazilian Senate.

Collor's version of the impeachment

For several years after his removal from office, Collor maintained a website which has since been taken offline. In discussing the events surrounding the corruption charges, the former website stated: "After two and half years of the most intense investigation in Brazilian history, the Supreme Court of Brazil declared him innocent of all charges. Today he is the only politician in Brazil to have an officially clear record validated by an investigation by all interests and sectors of the opposition government. Furthermore, President Fernando Collor signed the initial document authorizing the investigation."[22]


Plenário do Congresso (20688904098)
Senator Collor speaks at the Brazilian Senate in August 2015.

In 2000, Collor joined the Brazilian Labour Renewal Party (PRTB) and ran for mayor of São Paulo. His candidacy was declared invalid by the electoral authorities, as his political rights were still suspended by the filing deadline.[23] In 2002, with political rights restored, he ran for Governor of Alagoas, but lost to incumbent Governor Ronaldo Lessa, who was seeking reelection.[24]

In 2006, Collor was elected to the Federal Senate representing his state of Alagoas, with 44.03% of the vote, running again against Lessa. The following year he abandoned PRTB and switched to the Brazilian Labour Party (PTB)[25]. Collor has been, since March 2009, Chairman of the Senate Infrastructure Commission. Collor ran again for Governor of Alagoas in 2010.[26] However, he lost the race, finishing a narrow third after Lessa and incumbent Teotonio Vilela Filho, thus eliminated from the runoff. This was Collor's second electoral loss.

In 2014, Collor was re-elected to the Senate with 55% of the vote.[27]

On August 20, 2015, Collor was charged by the Prosecutor General of Brazil with corruption, as a development of Operation Car Wash (Portuguese: Operação Lava Jato). Details of the charge were kept under wraps so as not to jeopardize the investigation.[28]

In 2016 Collor abandoned PTB and joined the Christian Labour Party (PTC), a small christian democratic party which had no representatives in the Congress at the time. Collor also voted to impeach Rousseff as Senator.

In August 2017, Collor was accused by the Brazil's Supreme Federal Court of receiving around US$9 million in bribes between 2010 and 2014 from Petrobras subsidiary BR Distributor.[29]


Foreign honours

MY Darjah Utama Seri Mahkota Negara (Crown of the Realm) - DMN
PRT Military Order of the Tower and of the Sword - Grand Cross BAR

See also


  1. ^ "Fernando Afonso Collor de Mello - Biografia". UOL Educação.
  2. ^ Solingen, Etel (1998). Regional Orders at Century's Dawn. p. 147.
  3. ^ Bezerra, Ada Kesea Guedes; Silva, Fábio Ronaldo. "O marketing político e a importância da imagem-marca em campanhas eleitorais majoritárias" (PDF). Biblioteca On-line de Ciências da Comunicação (in Portuguese).
  4. ^ Chauí, Marilena (October 29, 2010). "Um alerta". Carta Maior. Archived from the original on July 6, 2011. Retrieved October 31, 2010.
  5. ^ Lattman-Weltman, Fernando. "29 de Setembro de 1992: o impeachment do Collor" [September 29, 1992: the impeachment of Collor]. Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil. Archived from the original on August 14, 2007.
  6. ^ "A História do Plano Collor" [The History of the Collor Plan]. sociedadedigital.com.br. Archived from the original on November 28, 2010.
  7. ^ a b c "Zélia está voltando" [Zélia is returning]. ISTOÉ Dinheiro. October 25, 2006. Retrieved July 28, 2017.
  8. ^ a b c d "Revista Brasileira de Economia – Os efeitos da privatização sobre o desempenho econômico e financeiro das empresas privatizadas". scielo.br.
  9. ^ "unopec.com.br" (PDF). unopec.com.br. Archived from the original (PDF) on March 26, 2009.
  10. ^ [1] Archived December 1, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
  11. ^ "The Hyperinflation in Brazil, 1980–1994". sjsu.edu.
  12. ^ http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field(DOCID+br0009
  13. ^ Pimenta, Angela (June 27, 2006). "Lula segue política econômica de FHC, diz diretor do FMI". BBC Brasil. British Broadcasting Corporation.
  15. ^ Silvando da Silva do Nascimento, Rangel. A POLÍTICA ECONÔMICA EXTERNA DO GOVERNO COLLOR: LIBERALIZAÇÃO COMERCIAL E FINANCEIRA Archived March 26, 2009, at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved August 30, 2007.
  16. ^ "Philippe Faucher". McGill University. Archived from the original on January 15, 2008.
  17. ^ Rezende, Tatiana Matos. "UNE 70 Anos: "Fora Collor: o grito da juventude cara-pintada"". União Nacional dos Estudantes. Archived from the original on September 3, 2007. Retrieved August 9, 2009.
  18. ^ Lattman-Weltman, Fernando. September 29, 1992: Collor's Impeachment Archived August 14, 2007, at the Wayback Machine(in Portuguese) Fundação Getúlio Vargas. Retrieved August 17, 2007.
  19. ^ Imprensa Nacional – Visualização dos Jornais Oficiais. In.gov.br (December 31, 1992). Retrieved on August 12, 2013.
  20. ^ a b "Fernando Collor é eleito senador por Alagoas". O Globo. Grupo Globo. October 1, 2006.
  21. ^ "Como foi a ação contra Collor". O Globo. Grupo Globo. April 18, 2006. Archived from the original on November 19, 2007 – via Senado Federal.
  22. ^ Did You Know? Archived December 21, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
  23. ^ Percival Albano Nogueira Junior, José. Sentença de indeferimento do registro da candidatura de Fernando Collor à Prefeitura de São Paulo Jus Navigandi. August 4, 2000. Retrieved on August 18, 2007.
  24. ^ Simas Filho, Mário (September 13, 2006). "Elle Voltou". ISTOÉ. Retrieved August 18, 2007.
  25. ^ "Após 14 anos de sua renúncia, Collor volta a Brasília como senador". Folha de S.Paulo. October 10, 2006. Retrieved August 17, 2007.
  26. ^ "Fernando Collor confirma pré-candidatura ao governo de Alagoas". O Globo. Grupo Globo. Retrieved August 12, 2013.
  27. ^ "Fernando Collor, PTB, é reeleito senador pelo estado de Alagoas". G1. Grupo Globo. October 5, 2014. Retrieved May 2, 2015.
  28. ^ "Brazil House Leader, Ex-President Hit With Corruption Charges". The New York Times. August 20, 2015. Retrieved August 21, 2015.
  29. ^ "Brazil's Ex-President Collor Charged with Corruption". TeleSur. August 23, 2017.
  30. ^ "Senarai Penuh Penerima Darjah Kebesaran, Bintang dan Pingat Persekutuan Tahun 1991" (PDF).

External links

Political offices
Preceded by
José de Medeiros Tavares
Governor of Alagoas
Succeeded by
Moacir Lopes de Andrade
Preceded by
José Sarney
President of Brazil
March 15, 1990 – December 29, 1992
Suspended: October 2 – December 29, 1992
Succeeded by
Itamar Franco
1989 Brazilian presidential election

Presidential elections were held in Brazil in 1989. They were the first direct presidential elections since 1960, the first to be held using the two-round system and the first to take place under the 1988 constitution.

In the first round, Fernando Collor de Mello led the field, but came up well short of the required majority. After receiving 453,800 (0.6% of the total votes) more votes than Leonel Brizola from the Democratic Labour Party, a symbol of the old left-wing, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva from the Workers' Party proceeded to the second round against Collor. Collor won the second round by a margin of 6%, making them the closest presidential elections in Brazilian history until 2014.

1992 in Brazil

Events in the year 1992 in Brazil.

Adib Jatene

Adib Domingos Jatene (June 4, 1929 – November 14, 2014) was a noted Brazilian physician of Lebanese background, university professor, scientist and thoracic surgeon, one of the founders of the University of São Paulo Heart Institute and internationally respected as the inventor of the Jatene operation, a technique to correct transposition of the great vessels in the newborn. Jatene was born in Xapuri, Acre, Brazil.

He became Secretary of Health of the city of São Paulo and later Minister of Health of Brazil for both the Fernando Collor de Mello and Fernando Henrique Cardoso administrations. During his time as minister, he idealized the CPMF tax aimed at financing the health system.

He was a member of the Brazilian Academy of Medicine, and has published over 270 scientific academic studies.

Jatene died on November 14, 2014 of a heart attack in São Paulo, Brazil, aged 85.

Alegria, Alegria

Alegria, Alegria (Joy, Joy or Happiness, Happiness) is a song written and performed by Caetano Veloso. Often referred to as "the Brazilian anthem of 1967", it later appeared on his influential eponymous 1968 album. At first booed at the 1967 Rede Record festival for its use of electric guitars, Caetano's interpretation and attitude eventually won the audience over. It placed fourth at the festival.Caetano has called it his "best-known song", comparing it to the Rolling Stones' "(I Can't Get No) Satisfaction" in terms of its place in his oeuvre. He partially based the song's composition on the previous year's winner, Chico Buarque's much more conventional "A Banda", purposely incorporating controversial rock and roll instrumentation – provided by the Paulino band The Beat Boys – to provoke the crowd. Although "alegria" means "joy" or "happiness" in Portuguese, the theme of the song is freedom. Caetano took the title phrase from the popular TV personality Chacrinha, who had in turn borrowed it from singer Wilson Simonal.The song is, alongside Daniela Mercury's "O Canto da Cidade", remembered by the population for the 1992 Fernando Collor de Mello impeachment. The miniseries Anos Rebeldes – the theme song for which was "Alegria, Alegria" – was a hit at the time, and Caetano's song was sung during public manifestations in favor of impeachment. Fittingly, Mercury later recorded the song for an album celebrating the thirty years of the Tropicália movement.

The song was voted by the Brazilian edition of Rolling Stone as the 10th greatest Brazilian song.

Augusto Farias

Augusto Farias is a Brazilian politician from the state of Alagoas. He is a brother of the murdered businessman Paulo Cesar Farias, who was the campaign treasurer of Brazilian President Fernando Collor de Mello. PC Farias was murdered in June 1996.

On November 18, 1999, Augusto Farias was formally charged with being a co-conspirator in the murder of his brother. The charges were filed by prosecutors who gathered new evidence in the third investigation into the murders. The first two inquiries ruled that PC Farias was the victim of a murder-suicide.

Centro Sportivo Alagoano

Centro Sportivo Alagoano, (known in Brazil as CSA and occasionally referred to as "Alagoano" by non-Brazilians) is a Brazilian football team from Maceió in Alagoas, founded on September 7, 1913. It is the biggest club in the state of Alagoas, and the largest fan base.The home stadium is the Gustavo Paiva stadium, which has a capacity of 9,000. CSA's greatest rival is CRB.

In 1976, Fernando Collor de Mello, who later was elected president of Brazil, was the club's chairman. Brazilian singer Djavan played for Alagoano as a midfielder before he decided to become a singer.

Christian Labour Party

The Christian Labour Party (Portuguese: Partido Trabalhista Cristão; PTC), formerly named National Reconstruction Party (Portuguese: Partido da Reconstrução Nacional; PRN), is a liberal-conservative political party in Brazil.

The party was founded in 1985 as Youth Party (Partido da Juventude, PJ) by Daniel Tourinho, a Brazilian lawyer. In 1989 the party was renamed National Reconstruction Party. Fernando Collor de Mello representing this party was elected president in 1990.

After Collor's impeachment in 1992 the party suffered a deep crisis and eventually changed its name to Partido Trabalhista Cristão in 2000.

In 2016 Collor de Mello (now a senator) re-joined PTC, which thus regained parliamentary representation.


Embrafilme was the Brazilian State funded company created in 1969 for production and distribution of Brazilian movies.

It was disbanded by the government of Fernando Collor de Mello in 1990.

Nowadays the functions of the extinct Embrafilm are the ones of Ancine, "Agência Nacional do Cinema" in Portuguese. The Agency was created in 2001.

Itamar Franco

Itamar Augusto Cautiero Franco (Portuguese pronunciation: [itaˈmaɾ ˈfɾɐ̃ku]; June 28, 1930 – July 2, 2011) was a Brazilian politician who served as the 33rd President of Brazil from December 29, 1992 to December 31, 1994. Previously he was Vice President of Brazil from 1990 until the resignation of President Fernando Collor de Mello. During his long political career Franco also served as Senator, Mayor, Ambassador and Governor. At the time of his death he was a Senator from Minas Gerais, having won the seat in the 2010 election.

Kidnapping of Abilio Diniz

In December 1989, Abilio Diniz was the victim of a kidnapping, that took place on the day of the first Brazilian democratic presidential elections after a military dictatorship.

It was followed by an almost immediate police rescue that revealed that among the kidnappers were Chileans, Argentinians and two Canadians: David Spencer and Christine Lamont, both students at Simon Fraser University in British Columbia.

The candidates were Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, founding member of the Workers' Party (Partido dos trabalhadores - PT), and Fernando Collor de Mello, the right wing party candidate running for a newly formed National Reconstruction Party (Partido da reconstrução nacional - PRN). As there was a prohibition of any political party of talking to the media; television, radio or newspapers, on the days prior to election day, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's party had no opportunity to clarify the accusations that the party (PT) was involved in the kidnapping.

There is no evidence that the kidnapping of Abilio dos Santos Diniz was part of other kidnappings that occurred in Brazil, said to be executed by radical political groups. As the kidnapping occurred on presidential elections day, it had serious repercussions in the emerging democratic elections in the country that were taking place after the brutal military dictatorship that spread from 1964 to 1985.

Lindolfo Collor

Lindolf Leopold Boeckel Collor, known as Lindolfo Collor (São Leopoldo, 4 February 1890 — Rio de Janeiro, 21 September 1942) was a Brazilian journalist and politician.

He served as the first Labor minister under President Getúlio Vargas (1930-1932).The town of Lindolfo Collor, Rio Grande do Sul is named after him.

His grandson, Fernando Collor de Mello, was President of Brazil (1990 1992).

Marco Aurélio Mello

Marco Aurélio Mendes de Farias Mello (born 12 July 1946, Rio de Janeiro) is a Brazilian justice of the Supreme Federal Court of Brazil, and member of the family of the former President of Brazil Fernando Collor de Mello.

In a controversial decision, Marco Aurélio Mello has recently (October, 2012) decided to interrupt the imprisonment of Luiz André Ferreira da Silva (aka Deco), a politician of the city of Rio de Janeiro who has been arrested for involvement with the Milícia mafia at Rio de Janeiro.

Marcílio Marques Moreira

Marcílio Marques Moreira (born in Rio de Janeiro, November 25, 1931), was the Brazilian Minister of Finance during the government of Fernando Collor de Mello, responsible for overseeing the Plano Collor. He was also the Brazilian ambassador to the United States in 1986.

He is now Principal at the Conjuntura e Contexto consultancy firm, a member of the boards of the Brazilian division of the American Bank Note Company and ENERGISA, Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Institute on the Ethics of Corporate Competition, and Vice-Chairman of the Board of INAE - Forum Nacio.

Paulo Cesar Farias

Paulo Cesar Siqueira Cavalcante Farias (September 20, 1945 – June 23, 1996) commonly known as Paulo Cesar Farias or PC Farias, was the political campaign treasurer of Brazilian President Fernando Collor de Mello and a central figure in the corruption scandal that resulted in Collor's 1992 removal from Brazil's presidential office.

Plano Collor

The Collor Plan (Portuguese: Plano Collor), is the name given to a collection of economic reforms and inflation-stabilization plans carried out in Brazil during the presidency of Fernando Collor de Mello, between 1990 and 1992. The plan was officially called New Brazil Plan (Portuguese:Plano Brasil Novo), but it became closely associated with Collor himself, and "Plano Collor" became its de facto name.

The Collor plan combined fiscal and trade liberalization with radical inflation stabilization measures. The main inflation stabilization was coupled with an industrial and foreign trade reform program, the Industrial and Foreign Trade Policy (Portuguese: Política Industrial e de Comércio Exterior), better known as PICE, and a privatization program dubbed the "National Privatization Program" (Portuguese: Programa Nacional de Desestatização), better known as the PND.

The plan's economic theory had previously been laid out by economists Zelia Cardoso de Mello, Antônio Kandir, Álvaro Zini and Fábio Giambiagi. The actual plan to be implemented was written by Antônio Kandir and economists Ibrahim Eris, Venilton Tadini, Luís Otávio da Motta Veiga, Eduardo Teixeira and João Maia.The plan was announced on March 16, 1990, one day after Collor's inauguration. Its intended policies included:

Replacement of the existing currency, the Cruzado Novo by the Cruzeiro at a parity exchange rate (Cr$1.00 = NCz$1.00),

Freezing of 80% of private assets for 18 months (receiving the prevailing rate of inflation plus 6% in interest while frozen),

An extremely high tax on all financial transactions,

Indexation of taxes,

Elimination of most fiscal incentives,

Increase in the prices charged by public utilities,

The adoption of a floating exchange rate,

Gradual economic opening to foreign competition,

Temporary freeze on wages and prices,

The extinction of several government agencies, with plans for a reduction of over 300,000 government employees,

Stimulus of privatization and the beginning of economic deregulation.

Rosane Collor

Rosane Brandão Malta (formerly Rosane Collor de Mello; born October 21, 1963) was the First Lady of Brazil during the presidency of her husband, Fernando Collor de Mello, from 1990 until 1992. She was Collor's second wife and part of the politically powerful Malta and Brandao families of Alagoas.As first lady, she was given the honorary position of president of the Legião Brasileira de Assistência (LBA), a welfare organization, a position she resigned in 1991. LBA was extinguished by Fernando Collor's orders in 1991. In September 1992 she was indicted for embezzling funds from the LBA and directing them to friends and family. Visible rifts occurred between Rosane and Collor during his presidency, with the President often appearing in public without his wedding ring. In April 2000, she was found guilty on charges of abuse of power and misuse of funds and sentenced to 11 years in prison, although this sentence was annulled on June 26 of that year.

Subsecretaria de Inteligência

The Subsecretaria de Inteligência (Under-Secretariat of Intelligence) or SSI was the Brazilian Intelligence Agency that replaced the Brazilian military junta intelligence agency called the SNI. In 1995, the SSI was replaced by the ABIN.

This Subsecretaria de Inteligência was subordinated to the Secretaria de Assuntos Estratégicos (Strategic Affairs Secretariat) or SAE, which replaced the SNI during the Fernando Collor de Mello government (see this document) and was replaced by the ABIN in the FHC government (1997). In the Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva government the ABIN received more powers for telephone tampering.

Timeline of Brazilian economic stabilization plans

The following is a timeline of the Brazilian economic stabilization plans in the "new Republic" (post-military dictatorship) era, a period characterized by intense inflation of the local currency, exceeding 2,700% in the period of 1989 to 1990.

This period was marked by intense economic experimentation (including many forms of economic heterodox shocks) and, as a whole, comprises a unique case study on macroeconomics.

February 28, 1986: Plano Cruzado (president: José Sarney, finance minister: Dilson Funaro)

November 21, 1986: Plano Cruzado II (president: José Sarney, finance minister: Dilson Funaro)

June 12, 1987: Plano Bresser (president: José Sarney, finance minister: Luiz Carlos Bresser-Pereira)

January 6, 1988: Política Feijão com Arroz (president: José Sarney, finance minister: Maílson da Nóbrega)

January 15, 1989: Plano Verão (president: José Sarney, finance minister: Maílson da Nóbrega)

March 15, 1990: Plano Collor, a.k.a. "Plano Brasil Novo" and Plano Collor II (president: Fernando Collor de Mello, finance minister: Zélia Cardoso de Mello)

July 1, 1994: Plano Real (president: Itamar Franco, finance minister: Fernando Henrique Cardoso)

Zélia Cardoso de Mello

Zélia Maria Cardoso de Mello (born September 20, 1953 in São Paulo) served as Brazil's Minister of Economy from 1990 to 1991 under Fernando Collor de Mello (no relation). She was married to Brazilian comedian Chico Anysio, with whom she has two children, Rodrigo and Victoria. The couple divorced in 1998.

Zélia Cardoso de Mello worked in the academic, public and private sectors in Brazil. She graduated from FEA-USP where she also got her PhD degree in Economics. She was a professor at the University of São Paulo for almost 20 years Her political career began in 1986 when Dilson Funaro, the Minister of Finance of Brazil, invited her to join his Economic Advisory Team as Director of the National Treasure Dept. In 1990 Cardoso de Mello was appointed the National Minister of Economy, Finance and Planning of Brazil under president Fernando Collor de Mello. After significant criticism, she resigned this position in May 1991.In 1991, she released a biography, "Zelia, A Passion". It became a best-seller, perhaps because, according to a review, "It says little about tax reform and inflation, but a lot about Cardoso's sexual exploits in office."In 1995 she moved to New York City and became a visiting scholar at the Institute of Latin America and Iberian Studies at Columbia University. Since 1998, Cardoso de Mello has served executive positions at several major financial advisory companies focused on Brazil, including Global Access Investments, Orix and Lily Pond Capital. Her academic career was entirely accomplished in the School of Business and Economics at the University of São Paulo, where she received her college degree, Doctorate, and served as university professor. She is currently a partner at New York-based Aquila Associates.

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