South Africa's status as an independent country was dominated by the white minority meant that it shared a number of characteristics with Europe whilst also having an institutionalised form of racism in the apartheid system. As such it proved a fertile ground for the development of groups inspired by European fascism.
Nazism found an audience in the country, with pro-Nazi elements organised by Louis Weichardt in 1932 under the name South African Gentile National Socialist Movement, a group that soon became known as the Greyshirts. Although the group enjoyed some support and continued after the Second World War they never became sufficiently important for the government to take action against them. The other main fascist group was the Ossewabrandwag (OB), founded in 1939, a group also inspired by Adolf Hitler. The two differed however as the Greyshirts emphasised Aryan race rhetoric and so organised amongst the various white immigrant communities whilst the OB were specifically for Afrikaner only. A third, more minor group, the New Order, emerged in 1940 under the leadership of former cabinet minister Oswald Pirow. After the Second World War Pirow became an important figure in neo-fascism, working closely with Oswald Mosley, Nation Europa and A. F. X. Baron. Nazi Germany sought to encourage such activity with former Olympic boxer Robey Leibbrandt active as an agent for the Abwehr during the war. The Nazi Party itself also organised until it was outlawed in 1936.
In the post-war era far right groups that are sometimes characterised as being neo-fascist in nature include the Afrikaner Weerstandsbeweging, the Vereniging van Oranjewerkers, the Herstigte Nasionale Party and the Boeremag, as well as elements within the coalition Afrikaner Volksfront.
North Africa has also seen activity that has sometimes been identified as fascism. The high level of movement between France and French North Africa meant that political ideas travelled between the regions and as early as the 1890s the proto-fascist Antisemitic League of France was active in Algiers. It was not until later however that indigenous versions began to emerge. In 1930s Egypt the Young Egypt movement, known as the greenshirts, became important. They followed the models of fascist groups in Europe and praised Italian fascism and Nazism, although they largely supported existing elites. Within the Egyptian Army General 'Aziz 'Ali al-Misri (1878-1965) was noted for his fascist sympathies, to the extent that he was dismissed as Chief of Staff in 1940. Masri deserted the army and attempted to link up with the Afrika Korps but was arrested before he could escape.
In Italian Libya, Benito Mussolini sought to gain popularity by presenting himself as a defender of Islam and he formed a Libyan Arab Fascist Party to which indigenous people were admitted. This was not the case in Ethiopia, where resistance was much fiercer and fascism did not take root. In both colonies, though, fascist youth movements were formed under Italian tutelage (Arab Lictor Youth and Ethiopian Lictor Youth).
Like North Africa, the east of the continent saw some early development amongst white immigrant communities. A number of pro-fascist aristocrats, including Josslyn Hay, 22nd Earl of Erroll and Gerard Wallop, 9th Earl of Portsmouth, made their homes in Kenya during the 1930s. Although too few in number to form any meaningful political grouping they nonetheless maintained close links to the British Union of Fascists, of which most had been members. Other white settlers organised pro-Nazi groups in Rhodesia during the Second World War.
The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic (CDR) has been described as a Rwandan Hutu fascist political party responsible for inciting the Rwandan Genocide. The CDR refused to operate within the law nor cooperate with other Rwandan political parties. The CDR had a paramilitary wing, the Mupuza Mugambi that repeatedly provoked violent confrontations with members of other parties, using hand grenades and bombs, and served as one of the death squads that massacred Tutsis in the Rwandan Genocide.
Parallels have frequently been drawn between Hitler and Uganda's Idi Amin and it has been claimed that Amin's admiration for Hitler was so great that he even intended to build a statue of him. American political scientist and historian Robert Paxton, a scholar on fascism, has stated, that from an ideological standpoint he shared little or nothing with proper fascism, sharing only cruelty and anti-Semitism with Hitler. However, Swiss historian Max-Liniger-Goumaz, a scholar on African history, has identified Idi Amin amongst a list of other African leaders as been an example of the phenomenon of "Afro-fascism".
American historian and political scientist Robert Paxton, a scholar on the topic of fascism, has rejected the idea that there have been indigenous fascist movements in Africa, claiming that there have been no prominent examples of fascist regimes amongst Third World dictatorships. Paxton also rejects the view that Idi Amin's rule in Uganda was fascist in nature. However, other scholars assert that there have been indigenous fascist regimes in Africa. Swiss historian Max-Liniger-Goumaz, a scholar on African history, has identified multiple African regimes as being examples of the phenomenon of "Afro-fascism", including: Francisco Macías Nguema's regime in Equatorial Guinea, Mobutu Sese Seko's regime in Zaire, Idi Amin's in Uganda, Gnassingbé Eyadéma in Togo, and Mengistu Haile Mariam's regime in Ethiopia. The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic has been regarded as a Rwandan Hutu fascist political party responsible for inciting the Rwandan Genocide. Such post-war regimes are excluded from political science typologies of fascism however.
Such notions of indigenous African fascism have generally been excluded, often explicitly, from political science typologies of fascism. As well as Paxton Roger Griffin rejects the notion of fascism in Africa (outside of South Africa) in his book The Nature of Fascism, arguing that African dictatorships do not seek the mass mobilisation of their populations necessary for a regime to be called fascist, whilst with national borders often arbitrarily set by colonial powers and tribal, religious and ethnic loyalties frequently much stronger than national identity unifying nationalist palingenetic myths could not be constructed by groups, another precondition for true fascism. For Griffin a precondition for the rise of fascism is a breakdown in traditional society combined with an increasing liberalisation against the backdrop of socio-political instability, which also rules out post-colonial Africa where such liberalisation did not take place until much more recently, with post-colonial regimes frequently transferring directly to dictatorships, wither actual or effective.
Paul Hayes accepts that individual African countries may demonstrate some characteristics of fascism, notably aspects of the regimes of Hastings Banda in Malawi or Abeid Karume in Zanzibar, but argues that in no state are enough present simultaneously that anywhere in Africa could truly be labelled fascist from an academic basis. Similarly Stanley G. Payne contends that whilst a one-party nationalist dictatorship may have been taken as the model in some African states none of these can genuinely be defined as fascist because the single parties usually have a small membership and often do not exist at any more than a basic functional level, the political economies do not follow the corporatist or national syndicalist models that define fascism and there is no philosophical or political culture of fascism, with such African regimes being highly pragmatic and even non-ideological in nature. Indeed, the notion of true fascism, as opposed to mere dictatorship, in Africa was further eroded in the 1970s when many regimes did add an ideological dimension in the shape of Marxism-Leninism.
Ethiopian Lictor Youth (Italian: Gioventù Etiopica del Littorio, abbreviated G.E.L.) was a fascist youth organization in Ethiopia.Fascism in Asia
Fascism in Asia refers to political ideologies in Asia that adhered to fascist policies, which gained popularity in many countries in Asia during the 1930s.Fascism in Europe
Fascism in Europe was composed of numerous ideologies that were present during the 20th century and they all developed their own differences with each other. Fascism was born in Italy, but subsequently several fascist movements emerged across Europe and they borrowed influences from the Italian Fascism. The origins of fascism in Europe began outside of Italy and can be observed in the combining of a traditional national unity and revolutionary anti-democratic rhetoric espoused by integral nationalist Charles Maurras and revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel in France. The first foundations of fascism can be seen in the Italian Regency of Carnaro, many of its politics and aesthetics were taken from Gabriele D'Annunzio's rule and they were subsequently used by Benito Mussolini and his Italian Fasci of Combat which he had founded as the Fasci of Revolutionary Action in 1914. Despite the fact that its members referred to themselves as "fascists", the ideology was based around national syndicalism. The ideology of fascism would not fully develop until 1921 when Mussolini transformed his movement into the National Fascist Party which then in 1923 incorporated the Italian Nationalist Association. The INA was a nationalist movement that established fascist tropes, colored shirt uniforms for example, and also received the support of important proto-fascists like D'Annunzio and nationalist intellectual Enrico Corradini.
The first declaration of the political stance of fascism was the Fascist Manifesto written by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and futurist poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti published in 1919. Many of the contents of the manifesto such as centralization, the abolition of the senate, formation of national councils loyal to the state, expanded military and support for militias (Blackshirts for example) were adopted by Mussolini's regime whilst other calls such as universal suffrage and a peaceful foreign policy were abandoned. De Ambris would later become a prominent anti-fascist. In 1932 The Doctrine of Fascism was published written by Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile providing an outline of fascism that better represented Mussolini's regime.Fascism in North America
Fascism in North America is composed of a set of related political movements in Canada, the United States, Mexico and elsewhere that were variants of fascism. Fascist movements in North America never realized power, unlike their counterparts in Europe. Although the geopolitical definition of North America varies, for the sake of convenience it can be assumed to include Central America and the Caribbean, where fascist variants also flourished.Fascism in South America
Fascism in South America is an assortment of political parties and movements modelled on fascism. Although originating and primarily associated with Europe, the ideology crossed the Atlantic Ocean between the world wars and had an influence on South American politics. Although the ideas of Falangism probably had the deepest impact in South America, largely due to Hispanidad, more generic fascism was also an important factor in regional politics.L'Alba
L'Alba was an Italian-language fascist weekly newspaper published from Tunis, Tunisia. It was founded by Giuseppe Colombo and R. A. Oliva, with the first issue published on 5 September 1935.Regarding the war against Ethiopia, l'Alba boasted of having two companies of blackshirts from Tunisia, "Numidie" and "Zama", at the battle-fields. The publication attacked freemasons and anti-fascists, while appealing to Italians to buy products from their own nation. The British consulate found the diatribes in l'Alba insulting to Great Britain and Malta, and lodged a formal complaint against the publication. It was subsequently shut down by French colonial authorities - with the last issue published on 14 November 1935.List of fascist movements
This article discusses regimes and movements that have described themselves as fascist, or are alleged to have been fascist or sympathetic to fascism.
It is often a matter of dispute whether a certain government is to be characterized as fascist (radical authoritarian nationalism), authoritarian, totalitarian, or a police state. The term "fascism" itself is controversial, and has been defined in various ways by different authors. Many of the regimes and movements discussed in this article can be considered fascist according to some definitions but not according to others. See definitions of fascism for more information on that subject.Outline of Africa
The following outline is provided as an overview of and topical guide to the continent Africa:
Africa is the world's second largest and second most populous continent, after Asia. It is famous for its savanna, its jungles, and the Sahara (desert).Tropical fascism
In African political science, tropical fascism is a type of post-colonial state which is either considered fascist or is seen to have strong fascist tendencies. Gnassingbé Eyadéma dictator of Togo and leader of the Rally of the Togolese People, Mobutu Sese Seko dictator of Zaire and leader of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and Idi Amin dictator of Uganda have all been considered an example of tropical fascism in Africa. The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic and larger Hutu Power movement, a Hutu ultranationalist and supremacist movement that organized and committed the Rwandan Genocide aimed at exterminating the Tutsi people of Rwanda, has been regarded as a prominent example of tropical fascism in Africa. Pol Pot and The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia has been called a tropical fascist regime, as they officially renounced communism in 1981.