Fascio

Fascio (pronounced [ˈfaʃʃo]; plural fasci) is an Italian word literally meaning "a bundle" or "a sheaf",[1] and figuratively "league", and which was used in the late 19th century to refer to political groups of many different (and sometimes opposing) orientations. A number of nationalist fasci later evolved into the 20th century Fasci movement, which became known as fascism.

Origin

During the 19th century the bundle of rods, in Latin called fasces and in Italian fascio, came to symbolise strength through unity, the point being that whilst each independent rod was fragile, as a bundle they were strong. By extension, the word fascio came in modern Italian political usage to mean group, union, band or league. It was first used in this sense in the 1870s by groups of revolutionary democrats in Sicily, to describe themselves. The most famous of these groups was the Fasci Siciliani during 1891–94.[2] Thereafter, the word retained revolutionary connotations. It was these connotations which made it attractive, for example, to young nationalists who demanded Italian intervention in World War I. The fasci they formed were scattered over Italy, and it was to one of these spontaneously created groups, devoid of party affiliations, to which Benito Mussolini belonged.[3]

History

World War I

On 18 August 1914 Italian syndicalist Alceste de Ambris, speaking from the rostrum of the Milanese Syndical Union (USM), began a ferocious attack against neutrality in World War I and urged intervention against German reaction and the necessity of aiding France and the United Kingdom. He equated the war with the French Revolution.

This caused a deep split within the Unione Sindacale Italiana (USI). The majority opted for neutrality. The Parma Labor Chamber, the USM, and other radical syndicalists left the USI and on 1 October 1914 founded the Fasci d'Azione rivoluzionaria internazionalista. On October 5 Angelo Oliviero Olivetti published their manifesto in the first issue of a new series of Pagine libere. Benito Mussolini shortly thereafter joined this group and took leadership.[4]

Mussolini's split

On 11 December 1914 Mussolini started a political group, Fasci d'azione rivoluzionaria, which was a fusion of two other movements: the above group, Fasci d'azione rivoluzionaria internazionalista and a previous group he started called the Fasci autonomi d'azione rivoluzionaria.[5]

This new group was also referred to as the Milan fascio, of which Mussolini was the leader. 24 January 1915 was the turning point in the history of the fasci as their leaders met in Milan and formed a national organization.[3]

After World War I

In 1919, after the war had ended, Mussolini reconstituted the Milan fascio, using the new name Fasci italiani di combattimento ("Italian league of combatants"). Other fasci of the same name were created, with the common goal of opposing all those– including the king and state– whose specific leanings were deemed to be depriving Italy of the fruits of victory in the war. According to H. W. Schneider, the new Milan fascio was formed of roughly the same people who had been members of the older fascio in 1915, but with a new name and a new objective.[6]

On 7 November 1921 the Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF), National Fascist Party, came into existence.

After World War II

In Italy, after World War II, the term fascio is used as pejorative for neo-fascista.

Other Italian Fasci

References

  1. ^ Google. "Google Translate". Retrieved 19 August 2010.
  2. ^ A History of Fascism 1914-1945, Stanley G. Payne, University of Wisconsin Press, 1995. p. 81
  3. ^ a b By permission of author, Fascism, Noël O'Sullivan, J. M. Dent & Sons, London, 1983. pg 207.
  4. ^ The Birth of Fascist Ideology, From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution, Zeev Sternhell with Mario Sznajder and Maia Asheri, trans. by David Maisel, Princeton University Press, Princeton, NJ. 1994. pp 140, 214.
  5. ^ The Birth of Fascist Ideology, Zeev Sternhell, pg 303.
  6. ^ H. W. Schneider, Making the Fascist State, NY, 1928, pg 56, cited in Fascism, Noël O'Sullivan, J. M. Dent & Sons, London, 1983. pg 207.
Albanian Lictor Youth

Albanian Lictor Youth (Albanian: Djelmnia e Liktorit Shqiptar, Italian: Gioventù del Littorio Albanese, abbreviated G.L.A.) was a youth organization, the youth wing of the Albanian Fascist Party. The Albanian Youth of the Lictor was one of the associated organizations of the Albanian Fascist Party, as stipulated in its statute, which was formulated in a decree of the Italian vicegerent issued on June 2, 1939.Giovanni Giro, an Italian fascist official, had been sent to Albania to organize a fascist youth movement there prior to the Italian annexation of the country. However, these efforts had been largely unsuccessful. On the contrary, his activities created various diplomatic incidents.Following the Italian invasion of Albania in April 1939, Achille Starace, a leading fascist organizer, was sent to Albania to set up the Albanian Fascist Party and the Albanian Fascist Youth. ENGA, an Albanian youth organization modelled after the Italian Opera Nazionale Balilla organization merged into GLA. After the founding of the GLA, Giro remained the main organizer of the movement. The GLA was modelled after the Italian Youth of the Lictor, and was politically under the command of its Italian counterpart. The uniforms of GLA were similar to those used in Italy. Girls were organized in Female Youth of the Lictor (Gioventù Femminile del Littorio) and boys under fourteen years of age were organized in Balilla groups. Parallel to the Youth of the Lictor there were also groups of university fascists, but these groups were rather marginal as Albania had few universities.The Italian authorities built a marble palace for the GLA in Tirana, in the same complex as the Casa del Fascio, one of a series of lavish façades that popped up in the city during Italian rule.The organization's press organ was Liktori (Lictor) newspaper, with Ligor Buzi as editor.Ramiz Alia, who served as head of state of Albania in 1985-1992, had been a member of the fascist youth movement, but later left it and in 1943 he joined the Communist resistance movement.

Casa del Fascio

A casa del Fascio, casa Littoria, or casa del Littorio (Italian pronunciation: [ˈkaːza del ˈfaʃʃo]) was a building housing the local branch of the National Fascist Party and later the Republican Fascist Party under the regime of Italian Fascism, in Italy and its colonies. In major urban centers, it was called the palazzo del Littorio or palazzo Littorio. Littorio means lictor, the bearer of the fasces lictorii, the symbol of Roman power adopted by the Fascist party.

Casa del Fascio (Bolzano)

The former Casa del Fascio in Bolzano (also Casa Littoria) was built between 1939 and 1942 in a rationalist style on a project by the architects Guido Pelizzari, Francesco Rossi and Luis Plattner, as the seat of the Italian Fascist Party and its collateral organisations, in Piazza del Tribunale (Gerichtsplatz; formerly Piazza Arnaldo Mussolini). Since the end of World War II it has housed the State Financial Offices and other state bodies operating in the South Tyrol.

The convex-shaped building relates to the opposite Justice Palace, built between 1939 and 1956 to a concave design by Paolo Rossi de Paoli and Michele Busiri Vici. The former Casa del Fascio bears a monumental bas-relief designed and sculptured by Hans Piffrader, placed above a large balcony, with Benito Mussolini on horseback in the centre and in the act of the Roman salute and telling the story of the "triumph of Fascism", a work commissioned by the Fascist Party itself. It consists of 57 panels of variable width, 2.75 metres high, placed in two superimposed rows, for a linear development of 36 metres, an area of 198 square metres and a total weight of about 95 tonnes. These dimensions probably make it the most impressive bas-relief made during fascism and still exposed to the public.

In 2017, like the Bolzano Victory Monument, the Piffrader frieze was also subjected, on the initiative of the South Tyrolean Provincial Administration, to an intervention of historicization and recontextualization, on an artistic project by Arnold Holzknecht and Michele Bernardi and under the supervision of a historical commission, with the affixing of an illuminated inscription bearing a quotation from the philosopher Hannah Arendt in three languages (Italian, German, Ladin) — "No one has the right to obey" — as opposed to the fascist dogma of Believe, obey, combat (Credere, obbedire, combattere) still present on the bas-relief.

An infopoint has been installed on the square itself, with explanatory texts in four languages, explaining the history of the building, Piffrader's work, the more general urban context and the quotation by Hannah Arendt.

Casa del Fascio (Como)

The Casa del Fascio of Como (Italian pronunciation: [ˈkaːza del ˈfaʃʃo]), also called the Palazzo Terragni, is a building located in Como, northern Italy, a work of Italian rationalist architect Giuseppe Terragni.Started in 1932 and completed in 1936 under the regime of Benito Mussolini as the seat of the local branch of the National Fascist Party, a Casa del Fascio, this municipal administration building was originally constructed with a primary view of functioning as an elegant "set piece" for mass Fascist rallies. Conceptualized as a classical palazzo centered on a glass atrium, it was frescoed with abstract paintings (since destroyed) by the artist Mario Radice and the original project boasted an innovative changing facade illumination. It is cited as an exemplary manifestation of the International style of architecture.Since 1957, the building has housed the provincial headquarters of the Guardia di Finanza police force. In addition, it accommodates the small historical museum of the Guardia di Finanza 6th legion.

Como

Como (Italian pronunciation: [ˈkɔːmo] (listen), locally [ˈkoːmo]; Lombard: Còmm [ˈkɔm], Cómm [ˈkom] or Cùmm [ˈkum]; Latin: Novum Comum; Romansh: Com) is a city and comune in Lombardy, Italy. It is the administrative capital of the Province of Como.

Its proximity to Lake Como and to the Alps has made Como a tourist destination, and the city contains numerous works of art, churches, gardens, museums, theatres, parks and palaces: the Duomo, seat of the Diocese of Como; the Basilica of Sant'Abbondio; the Villa Olmo; the public gardens with the Tempio Voltiano; the Teatro Sociale; the Broletto or the city's medieval town hall; and the 20th century Casa del Fascio.

With 215,320 overnight guests, in 2013 Como was the fourth most visited city in Lombardy after Milan, Bergamo and Brescia.Como was the birthplace of many historical figures, including the poet Caecilius mentioned by Catullus in the 1st century BCE, writers Pliny the Elder and Pliny the Younger, Pope Innocent XI, scientist Alessandro Volta, and Cosima Liszt, second wife of Richard Wagner and long-term director of the Bayreuth Festival.

Emblem of Italy

The emblem of the Italian Republic (Italian: emblema della Repubblica Italiana) was formally adopted by the newly formed Italian Republic on 5 May 1948. Although often referred to as a coat of arms (or stemma in Italian), it is technically an emblem as it was not designed to conform to traditional heraldic rules. The emblem comprises a white five-pointed star, with a thin red border, superimposed upon a five-spoked cogwheel, standing between an olive branch to the left side and an oak branch to the right side; the branches are in turn bound together by a red ribbon with the inscription "REPVBBLICA ITALIANA" ("Italian Republic" written in Italian, but in an ancient Roman-style Latin alphabet). The emblem is used extensively by the Italian government.

The armorial bearings of the House of Savoy, blazoned gules a cross argent, were previously in use by the former Kingdom of Italy; the supporters, on either side a lion rampant Or, were replaced with fasci littori (literally bundles of the lictors) during the fascist era.

Fasces

Fasces (English: , Latin: [ˈfa.skeːs]; a plurale tantum, from the Latin word fascis, meaning "bundle"; Italian: fascio littorio) is a bound bundle of wooden rods, sometimes including an axe with its blade emerging. The fasces had its origin in the Etruscan civilization and was passed on to ancient Rome, where it symbolized a magistrate's power and jurisdiction. The axe originally associated with the symbol, the Labrys (Greek: λάβρυς, lábrys) the double-bitted axe, originally from Crete, is one of the oldest symbols of Greek civilization. To the Romans, it was known as a bipennis. Commonly, the symbol was associated with female deities, from prehistoric through historic times.The image has survived in the modern world as a representation of magisterial or collective power, law and governance. The fasces frequently occurs as a charge in heraldry: it is present on the reverse of the U.S. Mercury dime coin and behind the podium in the United States House of Representatives; and it was the origin of the name of the National Fascist Party in Italy (from which the term fascism is derived).

During the first half of the 20th century both the fasces and the swastika (each symbol having its own unique ancient religious and mythological associations) became heavily identified with the authoritarian/fascist political movements of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. During this period the swastika became deeply stigmatized, but the fasces did not undergo a similar process.

The fact that the fasces remained in use in many societies after World War II may have been due to the fact that prior to Mussolini the fasces had already been adopted and incorporated within the governmental iconography of many governments outside Italy. As such, its use persists as an accepted form of governmental and other iconography in various contexts. (The swastika remains in common usage in parts of Asia for religious purposes which are also unrelated to early 20th century European fascism.)

The fasces is sometimes confused with the related term fess, which in French heraldry is called a fasce.

Fasci Italiani di Combattimento

The Italian Fasci of Combat (Italian: Fasci Italiani di Combattimento, FIC), until 1919 called Fasci of Revolutionary Action (Italian: Fasci d'Azione Rivoluzionaria, FAR), was an Italian fascio organization, created by Benito Mussolini in 1914.

Fasci Siciliani

The Fasci Siciliani [ˈfaʃʃi sitʃiˈljani], short for Fasci Siciliani dei Lavoratori (Sicilian Workers Leagues), were a popular movement of democratic and socialist inspiration, which arose in Sicily in the years between 1889 and 1894. The Fasci gained the support of the poorest and most exploited classes of the island by channeling their frustration and discontent into a coherent programme based on the establishment of new rights. Consisting of a jumble of traditionalist sentiment, religiosity, and socialist consciousness, the movement reached its apex in the summer of 1893, when new conditions were presented to the landowners and mine owners of Sicily concerning the renewal of sharecropping and rental contracts.

Upon the rejection of these conditions, there was an outburst of strikes that rapidly spread throughout the island, and was marked by violent social conflict, almost rising to the point of insurrection. The leaders of the movement were not able to keep the situation from getting out of control. The proprietors and landowners asked the government to intervene, and Prime Minister Francesco Crispi declared a state of emergency in January 1894, dissolving the organizations, arresting its leaders and restoring order through the use of extreme force. Some reforms followed, including workmen's compensation and pension schemes. The suppression of the strikes also led to an increase in emigration.

Fascio Operaio

The Fascio Operaio was a clandestine association of free thinkers founded in the Tre Zucchette tavern of Bologna on 27 November 1871 by a group of Garibaldian veterans of the French campaign led by Erminio Pescatori.

The purpose of the association was the emancipation of the people from ignorance and poverty. From the beginning, Giuseppe Garibaldi and a young Andrea Costa joined the Fascio Operaio. The Fascio was the first Emilian section of the Lega Internazionale dei Lavoratori. Alceste Faggioli and the headquarters was located at 1137 Via Castiglione on the second floor of the palazzo Pepoli. The association already collected more than 500 members at the end of the year, on 27 December it issued the first issue of the weekly Il Fascio operaio directed by Erminio Pescatori while the first regional congress took place in Bologna from 17 to 21 March 1872.

With these words Faggioli described his idea of the worker association:

We (Craft Worker) have formed sections of crafts, for example blacksmiths, masonry, chapels etc. All these sections having different interests come together separately to deal with their business. However, the individual sections are tightened by the economic constraint, so that if the chapels make a strike, the other sections help them with money; So the strikes are profitable and at the same time the masses are used to revolutions. We are waiting for that day that we do not want the proletariat to get stuck, but in the meantime, it has the greatest benefits that the strike and the association derive from.

G.S.F. Giovanni Grion Pola

Gruppo Sportivo Fascio Giovanni Grion Pola was an Italian association football club located in Pola, now Pula in Croatia. The team was founded in 1918 as F.C. Grion Pola and was dissolved in 1945, when their home city passed from Italy to Yugoslavia. Its colors were black and white.

The club took part to 2 Serie B seasons in the 1930s and retired during their third.

The side was named after an Istrian soldier that died during the first World War and their home colours were the same as Casale's, to honour their scudetto, won in 1914.

Giuseppe Terragni

Giuseppe Terragni (Italian: [dʒuˈzɛppe terˈraɲɲi]; 18 April 1904 – 19 July 1943) was an Italian architect who worked primarily under the fascist regime of Benito Mussolini and pioneered the Italian modern movement under the rubric of Rationalism. His most famous work is the Casa del Fascio built in Como, northern Italy, which was begun in 1932 and completed in 1936;

it was built in accordance with the International Style of architecture and frescoed by abstract artist Mario Radice. In 1938, at the behest of Mussolini's fascist government, Terragni designed the Danteum, an unbuilt monument to the Italian poet Dante Alighieri structured around the formal divisions of his greatest work, the Divine Comedy.

Jan De Cock

Jan De Cock (born 2 May 1976 in Etterbeek) is a contemporary Belgian visual artist.

From the start of his career, his art has revolved around production and the ways in which an artist relates to the broad culturally-injected concept of Modernism.

In 2003 Jan De Cock entered the competition Prix de la Jeune Peinture Belge (Prize for Young Belgian Painters). He is, after Luc Tuymans, only the second Belgian artist to have had a solo exposition at Tate Modern and the first living Belgian artist to have an exhibition at MoMA, which opened on 23 January 2008.

Much of his work appears to draw visual and formal comparisons between early-20th century abstract art movements (such as Constructivism, Cubism, and Suprematism) and contemporary design and mass production. Additionally, de Cock commonly includes a performative element intended to act as social critique or to place his work demonstrably into a system of exchange.

He is represented by Office Baroque in Brussels, Belgium, Fons Welters in Amsterdam, and Francesca Minini in Milan.

List of films produced in the Spanish Revolution

This is a list of films produced in the Spanish Revolution. In the Spanish Revolution, the film industry was collectivized by the CNT and FAI. Between July 1936 and June 1937, 84 films were produced by SIE Films, FRIEP and Spartacus Films. Only about 40 films have been preserved and not all them are complete.

Lorenzo Panepinto

Lorenzo Panepinto (January 4, 1865 in Santo Stefano Quisquina – May 16, 1911 in Santo Stefano Quisquina) was an Italian politician and teacher. He was the founder of the Fascio dei lavoratori (Workers League) in his hometown Santo Stefano Quisquina, editor of the newspaper La Plebe and member of the Comitato della Federazione Regionale Socialista. He was killed by the Sicilian Mafia.

National Romanian Fascio

The National Romanian Fascio (Romanian: Fascia Națională Română) was a small fascist group that was active in Romania for a short time during the 1920s.

Led by Titus Panaitescu Vifor, the group emerged from the short-lived National Fascist Party in 1921 and, at its peak, had around 1,500 members. It defined itself as national socialist, although generally it pursued a policy of corporatism, land reform and support for the creation of agricultural cooperatives. It was critical of capitalism and also espoused antisemitism. The movement's main areas of influence were Western Moldavia, Bukovina, and Banat.The party merged with the National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economical Movement in 1923 to form the National Fascist Movement, although a small rump movement carried on, with little significance. Both groups shared a close affinity to Italian fascism which facilitated their merger.

Neo Fascio

Neo Fascio is the second album by Japanese singer Kyosuke Himuro.

Rafael Sánchez Mazas

Rafael Sánchez Mazas (February 18, 1894 – October 1966) was a Spanish nationalist writer and a leader of the Falange, a right-wing political movement created in Spain before the Spanish Civil War.

Sánchez Mazas received a law degree at the Real Colegio de Estudios Superiores de María Cristina, El Escorial and in 1915 published Pequeñas memorias de Tarín. He then wrote for the magazine Hermes and the newspapers ABC, El Sol and El Pueblo Vasco. His work brought him to Morocco in 1921 (for El Pueblo Vasco) and Rome in 1922 (for ABC). He lived in Italy for seven years and married Liliana Ferlosio. While there he identified with the developing fascist movement.

Returning to Spain in 1929, he became an advisor for José Antonio Primo de Rivera, the main ideologist of the Falange. In 1933, he helped to create the weekly newspaper El Fascio, which was banned by the authorities after its second issue was published.

After the creation of Falange Española on October 29, 1933, Sánchez Mazas was appointed a member of the Council, and he remained an active member up until the breakout of the Civil War (July 1936-April 1939). In February 1934, he wrote Oración por los muertos de Falange. He also co-wrote Cara al Sol, the anthem of Falange Española.

Sánchez Mazas was arrested and imprisoned in Madrid in March 1936, as the Falange was outlawed. He was given a short leave on the occasion of the birth of his fourth son, but he failed to report back and instead took up political asylum at the Chilean Embassy in Madrid. In 1937 he attempted to flee the country, but was arrested in Barcelona in November. Confined in the prison-ship Uruguay until January 24, 1939, he was taken for execution with about fifty other inmates to the Monastery of Santa Maria del Collell in Girona.

The execution was carried out on January 30, but as the squad fired at the prisoners Sánchez Mazas leapt out of the group and escaped into the forest. A manhunt was organised and he was found hiding under some bushes shortly after. However, the Republican soldier who found him decided not to report him and spared his life. After a few days he joined the Nationalist lines.

Sammarinese Fascist Party

The Sammarinese Fascist Party (Italian: Partito Fascista Sammarinese) or PFS was a fascist political party that ruled San Marino from 1923 to 1943.

It was founded and led by Giuliano Gozi, a Sammarinese World War I veteran who volunteered in the Royal Italian Army, on 10 August 1922, and was modelled directly on the National Fascist Party of surrounding Italy. Gozi came from a distinguished family and held the posts of foreign minister (in San Marino, the foreign minister leads the cabinet) and interior minister; these two offices gave him control of the military and police. From the beginning, the party used violence and intimidation against opponents such as the Socialists. Its party newspaper was the Il Popolo Sammarinese, modelled after the Il Popolo d'Italia. In terms of policy and ideology, the party was not innovative and stuck closely to Italian Fascism. They pursued industrialization which turned a country of mostly farmers into one of factory workers. They did not adopt Anti-Jewish laws as Italy did in 1938 as the tiny country did not have any visible Jewish community.

In April 1923, Gozi was elected as the first Fascist Captain-Regent. After the October elections, both Captains-Regent were Fascists and remained so in subsequent elections for the next two decades as all other political parties were banned in 1926 effectively making San Marino a one-party state. However independent politicians continued to form a majority in the Grand and General Council until 1932. In addition, the party was split between Gozi's faction and Ezio Balducci's faction forcing them to look to the Italian party for guidance and mediation.

In 1932, Balducci's faction started a rival newspaper, La Voce del Titano. The next year he was accused of plotting a coup and arrested by Italian authorities after fleeing to Rome. Balducci and other alleged conspirators were purged from the party and tried and sentenced to hard labour in 1934 by a special court but the punishment was never carried out.

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