Ethnic hatred

Ethnic hatred, inter-ethnic hatred, racial hatred, or ethnic tension refers to feelings and acts of prejudice and hostility towards an ethnic group in various degrees. See list of anti-ethnic and anti-national terms for specific cases.

There are multiple origins for ethnic hatred and the resulting ethnic conflicts. In some societies it is rooted in tribalism, while in others it originates from a history of non-peaceful co-existence and the resulting actual disputed issues.

Often ethnic conflict is enhanced by nationalism and feeling of national superiority. For which reason inter-ethnic hatred borders with racism, and often the two terms are conflated.

Ethnic hatred has often been exploited and even fueled by some political leaders to serve their agenda of seeking to consolidate the nation or gain electorate by calling for a united struggle against a common enemy (real or imaginary).[1]

In many countries incitement to ethnic or racial hatred is a criminal offense.

Role of media

Media persuasion plays a role in dissemination of ethnic hatred. Media presence spreads underlying messages that negatively portrays certain ethnic groups to the eye of the public. For example, political elites use media exposure to influence the views of the viewers towards a certain propaganda. In 1930s Nazi Germany, media presence in exposing propaganda in terms of hatred was effectively organized by Joseph Goebbels.[2] Although recent US data (Berelson, Lazarsfeld, and McPhee 1954; Lazarsfeld, Berelson, and Gaudet 1944) shows media as a tool that does not carry "significant independent influence," media "strengthens people’s predispositions."[2] Furthermore, exogenous variation plays a role in utilizing media content towards escalating ethnic hatred presence according to recent economic studies.[2] The effects of media on people varies in different platforms strengthening mass medias influence towards the public. Data polled from Muslim countries shows that exposure to Al-Jazeera is associated with higher levels of reported anti-Americanism in contrast to exposure to CNN associating with less anti-Americanism.[2]

There are two types of persuasion: direct and indirect. Direct persuasion in regard to mass media exponentially expands hatred that leads to violence of ethnic groups. Indirect persuasion exports hatred and directs behavior towards executing violence.[2]

The continuous use of mass media as an apparatus to spread negative image of ethnic groups is seen throughout variations of history. Most media hate speech that amplified worldwide attention are experienced in Rwanda and Yugoslavia. Also, media's control of hate speech that Nazi and fascist parties manipulate agitate and attract followers into advocating for hatred and violence.[3] Today, social media plays a role in ethnic conflicts in Kenya. Ethnicity is a big part in determining voting patterns in Kenya; however, many associate ethnicity with grievances that mobilize patterns of differences, hatred, and violence.[4]

Propaganda designed by Barbara J. Marks that shows viable medium of persuasion and information.


Along with mass media, propaganda plays as much role in distributing messages in terms of ethnic hatred. Propaganda is highly associated with totalitarian regimes in the twentieth century such as 1984 and Animal Farm by George Orwell that paved a way of commentating the regimes during the time.[5]However, propaganda is dangerous when utilized negatively. In original meaning, propaganda promotes beliefs leading towards action.[5]Alternatively, Jowett and O’Donnell defines propaganda as ‘deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behavior to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist’.[5]The definition shows self-interested manipulation – an assumption that is difficult to prove. Negatively, propaganda presents “organised myth” that limits the chance of discovering the truth. The utilization of propaganda by Stalin, Hitler and Mussolini popularize the false impression of propaganda that hid the truth for an extended time.[5]In addition, there are complex influences that emerged during the propaganda campaigns of the Great War (1914-18) and Russian Revolution (1917) such as telegraphs, newspapers, photography, radio, film, large corporations seeking new markets, rise of reform-minded journalism, and the influence of art movements, psychology, sociology, and marketing.The variation of propaganda and psychological warfare are essentially organized processes of persuasion. [5]   

However, empirical research casts doubt on the role of propaganda in inciting hatred, finding that it is much less able to change minds than is often assumed. For example, a 2017 review of literature says: "First, propaganda often fails. To take the example of Nazi propaganda, it failed to generate support for euthanasia of the handicapped (Kershaw, 1983a; Kuller, 2015), it largely failed to turn people into rabid anti-Semites (Kershaw, 1983b; Voigtländer & Voth, 2015), it failed to generate much liking for the Nazi party (Kershaw, 1983b, 1987), and it soon failed to make Germans more optimistic about the outcome of the war (Kallis, 2008; Kershaw, 1983a; for similar examples regarding Stalinist propaganda, see Brandenberger, 2012; Davies, 1997; Maoist propaganda, see Wang, 1995; North Korean propaganda, see B. R. Myers, 2011). [6]

See also


  1. ^ Using Ethnic Hatred to Meet Political Ends (about ethnic problems in Indian subcontinent)
  2. ^ a b c d e Petrova, Maria; Yanagizawa-Drott, David (2016-07-01). Media Persuasion, Ethnic Hatred, and Mass Violence: A Brief Overview of Recent Research Advances. doi:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199378296.001.0001. ISBN 9780199378296.
  3. ^ Arcan, H. Esra (2013-10-01). "Ethnic Conflicts and the Role of the Media: The Case of Turkish Media". Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences. 4 (10): 338. doi:10.5901/mjss.2013.v4n10p338. ISSN 2039-2117.
  4. ^ Ndonye, Michael M. "Social Media, Ethnic hatred and Peace Journalism: Case of Twitter and FaceBook use in Kenya".
  5. ^ a b c d e Soules, Marshall (2015). Media, Persuasion, and Propaganda. The Tun - Holyrood Road 12 (2f) Jackson's Entry Edinburgh EH8 8PJ: Edinburgh University Press Ltd. pp. 4–6. ISBN 978 0 7486 4415 5.
  6. ^ Mercier, H. (2017). How gullible are we? A review of the evidence from psychology and social science. Review of General Psychology, 21(2), 103-122.
Alexander Potkin

Alexander Potkin (born 29 April 1976 in Moscow), also known as Alexander Belov, is a Russian far-right political leader. Potkin is the leader of the Movement Against Illegal Immigration, a nationalist youth movement.In May 2009, she was found guilty by a Moscow Court of inciting ethnic hatred after comparing the Russian White House to a Torah Scroll.Since 2011 she participates in new nationalist organization "Russkiye".

Azimzhan Askarov

Azimzhan Askarov (Uzbek: Azimjon Asqarov, Азимжон Асқаров; born 1951) is an ethnically Uzbek Kyrgyzstani political activist who founded the group Vozduh in 2002 to investigate police brutality. During the 2010 South Kyrgyzstan ethnic clashes, which primarily targeted people of the Uzbek nationality, Askarov worked to document the violence.

He was subsequently arrested and prosecuted on charges of creating mass disturbances, incitement of ethnic hatred, and complicity in murder. Following a trial protested by several international human rights groups for irregularities—including alleged torture and the courtroom intimidation of witnesses by police—Askarov was given a life sentence, which he is currently serving. In November 2010, Askarov's health was reported to be rapidly deteriorating as a result of his confinement. Numerous groups have advocated on his behalf, including Human Rights Watch, Reporters Without Borders, People In Need, the Committee to Protect Journalists, and Amnesty International, the latter of which designated him a prisoner of conscience.In 2015, the U.S. conferred the 2014 Human Rights Defender Award on Askarov. The Kyrgyz government protested this decision and formally terminated a 1993 agreement on cooperation between the U.S. and Kyrgyzstan. On 12 July 2016, the Supreme Court of Kyrgyzstan revoked the life sentence against Askarov and sent his case to the Chui Oblast Court for review. He was resentenced for life on 24 January 2017.


Boerehaat is an Afrikaans word that means "ethnic hatred of Boers", or Afrikaners as they became known after the Second Boer War. The related term Boerehater (English: "Boer-hater" or "Boer hater") has been used to describe a person who hates, prejudices or criticises Boers or Afrikaners.These terms were initially applied to British people perceived as prejudiced against the Boers, in the context of political conflict between the British and the Boers in southern Africa which culminated in the British defeat of the Boers in the Second Boer War. Accusations of Boerehaat have subsequently been made by Afrikaner nationalists to exploit historical British prejudice against the Boers for political gain. They have applied the term Boerehater to anyone who criticised them or opposed their interests in the Cape Colony, including English-speaking white South Africans, dissident Afrikaners and black South Africans.

Eleventh Night

In Northern Ireland, the Eleventh Night or 11th Night refers to the night before the Twelfth of July, a yearly Ulster Protestant celebration. On this night, large towering bonfires are lit in many Protestant/loyalist neighbourhoods in Northern Ireland and are often accompanied by street parties and loyalist marching bands. The bonfires are mostly made up of wooden pallets and tyres, with some reaching over 100 ft tall. The bonfires are lit to celebrate the Glorious Revolution (1688) and victory of Protestant king William of Orange over Catholic king James II at the Battle of the Boyne (1690), which began the Protestant Ascendancy in Ireland. The event has been condemned for displays of sectarian or ethnic hatred, anti-social behaviour, and for the damage and pollution caused by the fires. The flag of the Republic of Ireland, Irish nationalist/republican symbols, Catholic symbols, and effigies, are burnt on many bonfires. There have been attempts to make the event more family-friendly and environmentally-friendly. It is also known as "bonfire night", in common with other events in which bonfires are lit.

Ethnic penalty

Ethnic penalty in sociology is defined as the economic and non-economic disadvantages that ethnic minorities experience in the labour market compared to other ethnic groups. As an area of study among behavioral economists, psychologists, and sociologists, it ranges beyond discrimination to take non-cognitive factors into consideration for explaining unwarranted differences between individuals of similar abilities but differing ethnicities.

Ethnic violence

Ethnic violence refers to violence expressly motivated by ethnic hatred and ethnic conflict. It is commonly related to political violence, and often the terms are interchangeable, or one is used as a pretext for the other when politically expedient.

Forms of ethnic violence which can be argued to have the character of terrorism may be known as ethnic terrorism or ethnically-motivated terrorism.

"Racist terrorism" is a form of ethnic violence dominated by overt racism and xenophobic reactionism.Ethnic violence in an organized, sustained form is known as ethnic conflict or warfare (race war), in contrast to class conflict, where the dividing line is social class rather than ethnic background.

Care must be taken to distinguish ethnic violence, which is violence motivated by an ethnic division, from violence that just happens to break out between groups of different ethnicity motivated by other factors (political or ideological).Violent ethnic rivalry is the subject matter of Jewish sociologist Ludwig Gumplowicz's Der Rassenkampf ("Struggle of the Races", 1909); and more recently of Amy Chua's notable study, World On Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability.

Some academics would place all "nationalist-based violence" under ethnic violence, which would include the World Wars and all major conflicts between industrialised nations during the 19th century.

Faustin Rucogoza

Faustin Rucogoza (died 7 April 1994) was a Rwandan politician and the Minister of Information in the Broad-Based Transitional Government between late 1993 and April 1994. He was killed at the beginning of the Rwandan genocide. He was a Hutu.

In November 1993 and again on 10 February 1994, Rucogoza issued warnings to the extremist radio station RTLM against broadcasting material that could incite ethnic hatred. These followed similar sentiments expressed by Prime Minister Agathe Uwilingiyimana in November 1993.On 6 April, the day the genocide began, Rucogoza and his wife were taken into custody by the army and detained in the camp of the Presidential Guard. On the morning of 7 April, the commander of the Guard, Major Protais Mpiranya, was told that Rucogoza and his wife were in the camp. He allegedly responded by asking his soldiers why they were keeping them. Shortly afterwards, both were killed.

Gandhi Behind the Mask of Divinity

Gandhi Behind the Mask of Divinity is a book by United States Army officer G. B. Singh. The book was written in biographical form nearly 60 years after the assassination of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, and challenges his image as a saintly, benevolent, and pacifistic leader of Indian independence, told through Gandhi's own writings and actions over the course of his life. The book claims that Gandhi emulated racism from the Hindu ideology of caste towards the blacks of South Africa and the Untouchables, instigated ethnic hatred against foreign communities, and, to this end, was involved in covering up the killing of American engineer William Francis Doherty.

Singh puts forward that the portrayal of Gandhi as a great leader is "the work of the Hindu propaganda machine" and Christian clergy with ulterior motives; and, furthermore, it was based on irrationality and deception which historians have failed to critically examine.

Incitement to ethnic or racial hatred

Incitement to racial or ethnic hatred is a crime under the laws of several countries. (Ингушетия.org; formerly is a non-government Ingush news agency and web site and was owned by Magomed Yevloyev. Its server is located in the United States.The website has been accused of "inciting inter-ethnic hatred" by the public prosecutor of North Ossetia and came under numerous hacker attacks in 2007. The portal also organised the I have not voted! action in Ingushetia after the 2007 Russian legislative elections, gathering more than 57,000 signatures of people who had not voted. The aim of the action was to demonstrate that the official results of the regional voting (98% turnout and 99% support of United Russia) were false. According to, as reported in Chechnya Weekly, access to the portal by people within Ingushetia was blocked by Ingush authorities in November 2007.On August 31, 2008, the website's owner and a vocal critic of the government, Magomed Yevloyev, was shot dead while in police custody. Around the same time, the website was shut down by hackers, something that has happened multiple times in the past.Since September 25 2008, the domain ceased to operate and the address of the web portal was changed to

Jean-Marie Runiga

Jean-Marie Runiga Lugerero is an evangelical bishop and the former President of the March 23 Movement (M23), a rebel military faction in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, which took control of the eastern city of Goma in November, 2012. He previously rejected a deadline by a regional summit in Uganda for the M23 movement to withdraw from Goma saying "withdrawal from Goma should not be a prerequisite for talks but rather should come as the result of talks". M23 withdrew from Goma in December following negotiations. He was sacked from the movement after he signed an accord on February 24 pledging to end the conflict. In a statement signed by M23's military leader, Sultani Makenga, he was accused of treason because of "financial embezzlement, divisions, ethnic hatred, deceit and political immaturity". A faction of the M23 loyal to him, including M23 founder Bosco Ntaganda, have clashed with those loyal to Sultani Makenga.


Kangura was a Kinyarwanda- and French-language magazine in Rwanda that served to stoke ethnic hatred in the run-up to the Rwandan Genocide. The magazine was established in 1990, following the invasion of the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), and continued publishing up to the genocide. Sponsored by the dominant MRND party and edited by founder Hassan Ngeze, the magazine was a response to the RPF-sponsored Kanguka, adopting a similar informal style. "Kangura" was a Rwandan word meaning "wake others up", as opposed to "Kanguka", which meant "wake up". The journal was based in Gisenyi.

The magazine was the print equivalent to the later-established Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM), publishing articles harshly critical of the RPF and of Tutsis generally. Its sensationalist news was passed by word-of-mouth through the largely illiterate population. Copies of Kangura were read in public meetings and, as the genocide approached, during Interahamwe militia rallies.

List of anti-cultural, anti-national, and anti-ethnic terms

The following is a list of anti-cultural, anti-national, and anti-ethnic terms, where "anti-cultural" means sentiments of hostility towards a particular culture, "anti-national" refers to sentiments of hostility towards a particular state or other national administrative entity, and "anti-ethnic" refers to ethnic hatred or sentiments of hostility towards an ethnic group.

The use of all of these terms is controversial, as they tend to be used prominently in local rhetorical appeals to fallacy—namely the natural confusion between politically directed opposition and ethnically directed hostility, often deliberately disregarding this distinction for propaganda purposes.

These discriminatory attitudes are similar in nature to various religion-based hostile movements, such as Christianophobia and Anti-Catholicism, based on the mixture of xenophobia and ideological/political opposition.

Maxim Martsinkevich

Maxim Sergeyevich Martsinkevich (Russian: Макси́м Серге́евич Марцинке́вич, born 8 May 1984), better known as Tesak (Cleaver, Hatchet, Hand Axe, Machete), is a Russian neo-Nazi activist, media personality, vlogger, the leader and one of the founders of the Restruct movement that has existed on the territory of post-Soviet countries.

Tesak has first caught public attention as a white power skinhead and the leader of the far-right youth group Format 18, which has been described as the "armed wing" of the National Socialist Society.

There are numerous branches within Martsinkevich's Restruct, the most prominent of which is Occupy Pedophilia, claiming that its goals are fighting pedophiles and spreading National Socialist views among youth. Tesak's violent approach and targeting of gay males have been criticized, although his actions have led to the imprisonment of a highly ranked official within the Russian judicial system.

Martsinkevich has received three prison sentences for inciting racial or ethnic hatred. Tesak was first indicted in 2007, after disrupting political debates by performing the Nazi salute and yelling "Sieg Heil!" at a book club in Moscow. In 2009, he was sentenced to three years for making a video with racist content. Martsinkevich's memories from this time in prison have been expressed through his book Restruct. After getting out of prison, Tesak has been unemployed, posted vlogs and made a living by charging others for joining his "hunts for pedophiles" and for attending his lectures on life in prison, ways of shoplifting, as well as other subjects. In the autumn of 2013, Tesak was indicted again for releasing new videos featuring racist remarks. As the result, on 15 August 2014, he was sentenced to five years in prison. On 11 November 2014, the court reduced the sentence to two years and 10 months.

On 27 June 2017, the Babushkinsky district court of Moscow sentenced Martsinkevich to ten years in a strict regimen corrective labor colony for his involvement in attacks targeting synthetic cannabinoids dealers.

Natalya Sharina

Natalya Sharina (born 1957) is the director of the Ukrainian Literature Library in Moscow. She was put under house arrest in 2015 under the charges of inciting ethnic hatred and spreading "anti-Russian propaganda". In 2016, Sharina was put on trial for disseminating banned literature and embezzling library funds.Ukraine officially protested against the arrest of Sharina, who has been designated a political prisoner by human rights organization Memorial. Human Rights Watch demanded her immediate release.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1049

United Nations Security Council resolution 1049, adopted unanimously on 5 March 1996, after reaffirming Resolution 1040 (1996) concerning Burundi, the Council called for an end to violence in the country and discussed preparations for a conference on security in the African Great Lakes region.The resolution began by welcoming the efforts of the President Sylvestre Ntibantunganya and Prime Minister of Burundi Antoine Nduwayo to calm the situation in country. The Council was deeply concerned about aid provided to certain groups that was made by those responsible for the Rwandan Genocide, and the violence and incitement to ethnic hatred by radio stations. It was noted that the Commission of Inquiry, established in Resolution 1012 (1995) reported that security given to it by the United Nations was insufficient. All concerned in Burundi had to make efforts to defuse the crisis and engage in dialogue.

The Security Council condemned the violence against civilians, refugees and humanitarian aid personnel and the assassinations of government officials in Burundi. All concerned in Burundi had to refrain from violence or incitement to do so and attempts to overthrow the government in an unconstitutional way. Instead, serious negotiations were urged to take place. The Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali was asked to report on the possible establishment of a radio station to promote reconciliation and dialogue. International co-operation was requested with regards to humanitarian assistance, and military and judicial reform in Burundi.Burundi was reminded of its responsibility to provide security for the Commission of Inquiry and for all parties to co-operate with it. The Organisation of African Unity was requested to increase the size of its observer mission in the country. Meanwhile, the Secretary-General was asked to accelerate preparations to convene a regional conference on peace, security and development in the Great Lakes region and was further required to report to the Council by 1 May 1996 on the situation in Burundi and progress made in implementing the current resolution.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 1345

United Nations Security Council resolution 1345, adopted unanimously on 21 March 2001, after reaffirming resolutions 1160 (1998), 1199 (1998), 1203 (2000), 1239 (1999) and 1244 (1999) on the situation in the former Yugoslavia, the Council condemned exteremist violence and terrorist activities in parts of Macedonia and southern Serbia and called upon Kosovo Albanian leaders to condemn the violence.The Security Council welcomed steps taken by the Government of Macedonia to consolidate a multiethnic society within its borders. It also welcomed plans by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) to peacefully resolve the crisis in southern Serbia. Furthermore, the efforts of both governments, the European Union, NATO, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), the Kosovo Force (KFOR) and United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) to prevent the escalation of ethnic tensions and manage the security situation in the region were welcomed.

The resolution, initiated by Russia, condemned exteremist violence and terrorist activities in Macedonia and southern Serbia and noted that it had support from ethnic Albanian extremists outside these areas. It demanded all individuals engaged in armed actions against authorities in these states immediately disarm and all differences had to be resolved through dialogue. All parties had to act with restraint with respect for human rights and in accordance with international humanitarian law.

The Council appreciated efforts by Albania to promote peace in the region and isolate extremists. Kosovo Albanian political leaders and ethnic Albanian leaders elsewhere were called upon to publicly condemn violence and ethnic hatred. The efforts of KFOR to implement its mandate were welcomed and the international community was called upon to consider ways in which they could help efforts in the region. Finally, all states were asked to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other states in the region.

United Nations Security Council Resolution 918

United Nations Security Council resolution 918, adopted without a vote on 17 May 1994, after reaffirming all resolutions on the situation in Rwanda, particularly resolutions 872 (1993), 909 (1994) and 912 (1994), the Council expressed its alarm and condemnation at the continuing large-scale violence, and went on to impose an arms embargo on the country and authorised an expansion of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR).The Security Council condemned the violence and many killings of civilians in Rwanda and the impunity with which armed people were able to operate. The importance of the Arusha Accords signed in Arusha, Tanzania, was stressed and for all parties to commitment to its implementation, commending the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) for its efforts in this regard. The Council stated that the thousands of deaths and large number of refugees and displaced people constituted a major humanitarian crisis with large scale violations of international humanitarian law. In this context the Council regarded the killing of members of an ethnic group with the intention of destroying such a group a crime punishable under international law. All parties were urged to cease incitement of ethnic hatred, particularly through the mass media.

The Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali was requested to collect information regarding the shooting down of the plane carrying the President of Rwanda Juvénal Habyarimana and President of Burundi Cyprien Ntaryamira and violations of international humanitarian law. The urgent need for co-ordinated international action to alleviate the suffering of the Rwandan people was underlined, therefore it was desirable that the mandate of UNAMIR peacekeepers was expanded for humanitarian reasons.

Concerned that the continuation of the situation constituted a threat to international peace and security, the Council demanded an immediate end to hostilities, an agreed ceasefire and an end to the violence and carnage engulfing Rwanda. With this in mind, the mandate of UNAMIR was expanded to include:

(a) to contribute to the safety of displaced persons and refugees, and the establishment of secure humanitarian areas;

(b) to provide security during the distribution of humanitarian aid.It was recognised that UNAMIR may also need to act in self-defense against persons threatening protected sites and populations and humanitarian workers, and authorised an increase of the force level of UNAMIR up to 5,500 troops. This would be an increased from the 444 already present. The Secretary-General had called for the redeployment of military observers currently in Nairobi, Kenya to Rwanda and to bring the mechanised infantry battalion up to full strength. He was also asked to report on developments in the situation concerning progress towards a ceasefire, availability of resources, the UNAMIR mandate and review of further action. Member States were requested to provide personnel to UNAMIR, while the parties in Rwanda were urged to co-operate with its mandate, ensuring its safety and freedom of movement and to treat Kigali International Airport as a neutral zone.

The Council, now acting under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, went on to impose an arms embargo on Rwanda, banning the sale of weapons, ammunition, military vehicles and equipment, police equipment and spare parts to the country. A Committee of the Security Council was established with the following tasks:

(a) to seek information from Member States on actions they had taken to implement the embargo;

(b) to consider information on violations of the embargo and discuss ways of increasing the effectiveness of the embargo;

(c) to recommend measures against violations.The Secretary-General was further asked as soon as possible to report on violations of humanitarian law, and in cooperation with the OAU, to continue its efforts for a peaceful solution within the Arusha peace agreement. Finally, the Council decided to keep the situation under review and anticipated a report from the Secretary-General within five weeks of the adoption of the current resolution on developments in Rwanda.

World on Fire (book)

World On Fire: How Exporting Free Market Democracy Breeds Ethnic Hatred and Global Instability is a 2003 book by lawyer Amy Chua. It is an academic study into ethnic and sociological divisions in regard to economic and political systems in various societies. The book discusses the concept of market-dominant minorities, defined as an ethnic minorities who, under given market conditions tend to dominate economically, often significantly, over all other ethnic groups in the country.

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Ideology and
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