English nationalism

English nationalism is the nationalism that asserts that the English are a nation and promotes the cultural unity of English people. In a general sense, it comprises political and social movements and sentiment inspired by a love for English culture, language and history, and a sense of pride in England and the English people. English nationalists often see themselves as predominantly English rather than British.

On the political level, some English nationalists have advocated self-government for England such as the English Democrats. This could take the form either of a devolved English Parliament within the United Kingdom or the re-establishment of an independent sovereign state of England outside of the United Kingdom.

Statue d'Alfred le Grand à Winchester
Statue of Alfred the Great, the Anglo-Saxon King of Wessex from 871 to 899.
Map of England within the United Kingdom
A map of England (dark red) within the United Kingdom (light red)

History

The history of English nationalism is a contested area of scholarship. The historian Adrian Hastings has written that: "One can find historians to date 'the dawn of English national consciousness' (or some such phrase) in almost every century from the eighth to the nineteenth".[1]

Anglo-Saxon

The Venerable Bede translates John 1902
The Venerable Bede

Patrick Wormald has claimed that England was a nation by the time of the Venerable Bede, who wrote the Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (Ecclesiastical History of the English People) around 730.[2] Wormald attributes Bede with a decisive "role in defining English national identity and English national destiny".[3] Bede uses the label "English" to describe the Germanic peoples who inhabited Britain: Angles, Saxons and Jutes and excludes Britons, Scots and Picts.[4] In the final paragraph to the preface of the Ecclesiastical History of the English People Bede departs from the usual word "gens" and instead uses the word "natio" to describe the "historia nostrae nationis": the history of our own nation. This is the first verbal appearance of the English nation.[5]

The Anglo-Saxon poem The Battle of Maldon described the said battle between the Anglo-Saxon forces of Ethelred the Unready against a Viking invasion in 991. The poem praises the Anglo-Saxons defence of "their land, the land of Ethelred the King, the place and the people" and Byrhtnoth, Earl of Essex, is attributed as saying: "Shall our people, our nation, bear you to go hence with our gold?"[6]

Both Hastings and James Campbell believe England was a nation-state during late Anglo-Saxon times. Campbell writes that by the Norman conquest of 1066, "England was by then a nation-state".[7]

Medieval

The Norman conquest introduced a ruling class over England who displaced English land owners and clergy, and who spoke only Anglo-Norman, though it is likely many if not most were conversant in English from the second generation onwards. William of Malmesbury, a chronicler of mixed Anglo-Norman descent writing in the twelfth century, described the Battle of Hastings as: "That fatal day for England, the sad destruction of our dear country [dulcis patrie]".[8] He also lamented: "England has become the habitation of outsiders and the dominion of foreigners. Today, no Englishman is earl, bishop, or abbot, and newcomers gnaw away at the riches and very innards of England; nor is there any hope for an end of this misery".[9] Another chronicler, Robert of Gloucester, speaking in part of earlier centuries, in the mid to late thirteenth century:

...the Norman could not speak anything then except their own speech, and they spoke French as they had done at home, and had their children taught it, too, so that important men in this country who come from their stock all keep to that same speech that they derived from them; because, unless a man knows French, he is thought little of. But humble men keep to English and their own speech still. I reckon there are no countries in the whole world that do not keep to their own speech, except England only.[10]

King Edward I, when issuing writs for summoning Parliament in 1295, claimed that the King of France planned to invade England and extinguish Old English, "a truly detestable plan which may God avert".[11][12]

In the Cursor Mundi, an anonymous religious poem in northern Middle English dating from approximately 1300, appears the words: "Of Ingland the nacion".[13] The Prologue starts:

Efter haly kyrces state
Þis ilke bok it es translate,
Into Inglis tong to rede,
For þe love of Inglis lede,
Inglis lede of Ingeland,
For þe commun at understand.
Frankis rimes here I redd
Comunlik in ilk a sted;
Mast es it wroght for Frankis man —
Quat is for him na Frankis can?
Of Ingeland þe nacioun,
Es Inglis man þar in commun.
Þe speche þat man with mast may spede,
Mast þarwith to speke war nede.
Selden was for ani chance
Praised Inglis tong in France;
Give we ilk an þar langage,
Me think we do þam non outrage.
To lauid Inglis man I spell...

This can be translated into modern English as:

This same book is translated, in accordance with the dignity of Holy Church, into the English tongue to be read, for love of the English people, the English people of England, for the common people to understand. I have normally read French verses everywhere here; it is mostly done for the Frenchman — what is there for him who knows no French? As for the nation of England, it is an Englishman who is usually there. It ought to be necessary to speak mostly the speech that one can best get on with. Seldom has the English tongue by any chance been praised in France; if we give everyone their own language, it seems to me we are doing them no injury. I am speaking to the English layman...[14]

In 1323 Henry Lambard, a cleric, was brought before a court and asked how he wished to clear himself of charges of theft. Lambard said in English that he was a cleric and was then asked if he knew Latin or French. He replied that he was English, and English-born, and that to speak in his mother tongue was proper. He refused to speak any other language except English. Refusing to give any other answer to the court, he was committed to another court to suffer peine forte et dure.[15]

During the later decades of the fourteenth century English started to come back into official use. The Pleading in English Act 1362 sought to replace French with English for all pleas in courts. The Mercers' Petition to Parliament of 1386 is the oldest piece of parliamentary English; the earliest English wills at the London Court of Probate date from 1387; the earliest English returns of the ordinances, usages, holdings of the gilds are from 1389 and come from London, Norwich and King's Lynn.[16] John Trevisa, writing in 1385, noted that: "...in all the grammar schools of England children are dropping French and construing and learning in English...Also gentlemen have now largely stopped teaching their children French".[17]

The Hundred Years' War with France (1337–1453) aroused English nationalist feeling.[18] May McKisack has claimed that "The most lasting and significant consequences of the war should be sought, perhaps, in the sphere of national psychology...For the victories were the victories, not only of the king and of the aristocracy, but of the nation".[19] When the Ordinance of Normandy (in which the French King called for the elimination of the English nation and language in a second Norman conquest of England) was discovered in 1346 it was used for propaganda purposes by England. After the Siege of Calais of 1346, King Edward III expelled the inhabitants of that city because, in his words, "I wolde repeople agayne the towne with pure Englysshmen".[20] When King Henry V conquered Harfleur in 1415, he ordered the inhabitants to leave and imported English immigrants to replace them.[21]

Edward III promoted Saint George during his wars against Scotland and France. Under Edward I and Edward II, pennons bearing the Cross of Saint George were carried, along with those of Saint Edmund the Martyr and Saint Edward the Confessor. However Edward III promoted St George over the previous national saints of St Edmund, St Edward the Confessor and Saint Gregory the Great.[22][23] On 13 August 1351 St George was celebrated as "the blessed George, the most invincible athlete of Christ, whose name and protection the English race invoke as that of their patron, in war especially".[24] In Chichester in 1368 a guild was founded "to the honour of the holy Trinity and of its glorious martyr George, protector and patron of England".[24] The Cross of St George was used by Edward III as banners on his ships and carried by his armies. St George became the patron saint of England and his cross eventually became the flag of England.[25]

Laurence Minot, writing in the early fourteenth century, wrote patriotic poems celebrating Edward III's military victories against the Scots, French, Bohemians, Spaniards, Flemings and the Genoese.[26][27]

After the English victory at Cressy in 1346, a cleric wrote a Latin poem criticising the French and extolling the English:

Francia, foeminea, pharisaea, vigoris idea
Lynxea, viperea, vulpina, lupina, Medea...
Anglia regna, mundi rosa, flos sine spina
Mel sine sentina, vicisti bella marina.[28]

In English, this is:

France, womanish, pharisaic, embodiment of might
Lynx-like, viperish, foxy, wolfish, a Medea...
Realm of England, rose of the world, flower without thorn,
Honey without dregs; you have won the war at sea.[29]

Shortly after Henry V's victory over the French at Agincourt in 1415, a song was written to celebrate the victory. It started:

Deo gratias Anglia redde pro victoria!
Owre Kynge went forth to Normandy
With grace and myght of chyvalry
Ther God for hym wrought mervelusly;
Wherefore Englonde may call and cry
Deo gratias:
Deo gratias Anglia redde pro victoria.

John Wycliffe (1320s–1384), the founder of the reformist Lollard movement, argued against the power of the Pope over England: "Already a third and more of England is in the hands of the Pope. There cannot be two temporal sovereigns in one country; either Edward is king or Urban is king. We make our choice. We accept Edward of England and refuse Urban of Rome".[30] Wycliffe justified his translating the Bible into English: "The gospels of Crist written in Englische, to moost lernyng of our nacioun".[13]

The historian Robert Colls has argued that "by the middle of the fourteenth-century nearly all the requirements for an English national identity were in place", including a "distinctive sense of territory and ethnicity, an English church, a set of national fables, and a clear common language".[31] Scholar of nationalism Anthony D. Smith agrees to an extent, as from his ethnosymbolist perspective the ethnic core necessary for the development of modern nations had begun to crystallise during the fourteenth-century. That would not be to claim however that 'an English nation had come into existence, only that some of the processes that help to form nations had become discernible'.[32]

Tudor

The historian of the Tudor period, Geoffrey Elton, has asserted that the "Tudor revolution in government" under King Henry VIII and his chief minister Thomas Cromwell has as its chief ingredient a concept of "national sovereignty".[33] The Act in Restraint of Appeals 1533 famous preamble summarised this theory:

Where by divers sundry old authentic histories and chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this realm of England is an empire...governed by one supreme head and king having the dignity and royal estate of the imperial crown of the same, unto whom a body politic, compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty, be bounden and owe to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience.[34]

By declaring England to be an "empire" this meant that England was a state entirely independent of "the authority of any foreign potentates". Elton claimed that "We call this sort of thing a sovereign national state".[35] The Act outlawed appeals from courts within the realm to courts outside the realm. The English Reformation destroyed the jurisdiction of the Pope over England. England was now completely independent.[36] For this reason Sir Thomas More went to his death, because in his words: "This realm, being but one member and small part of the Church, might not make a particular law dischargeable with the general law of Christ's holy Catholic Church, no more than the City of London being but one poor member in respect of the whole realm, might make a law against an act of Parliament". He later said: "I am not bounden...to conform my conscience to the Council of one realm against the General Council of Christendom. For of the foresaid holy bishops I have...above one hundred; and for one Council or Parliament...I have all the Councils made these thousand years. And for this one kingdom, I have all other Christian realms".[37]

When Mary (daughter of Henry and Catherine of Aragon) became Queen in 1553, she married Philip II of Spain and sought to return England to Roman Catholicism. Elton has written that "In the place of the Tudor secular temper, cool political sense, and firm identification with England and the English, she put a passionate devotion to the catholic religion and to Rome, absence of political guile, and pride in being Spanish".[38] Mary wanted to marry a Spaniard and Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, chose Philip II (also his son and heir). With this marriage, England would become a Habsburg dominion and it did for a short time (arranged marriages such as these in the sixteenth century had built up the Habsburg empire). England "played barely the part of a pawn" in the diplomatic battle between the great European powers (France opposed the match) and the marriage was widely unpopular in England, even with Mary's own supporters such as Stephen Gardiner, who opposed reducing England to "a Spanish colony".[39] Ian Archer has argued that "the possibility that England might become another Habsburg milch cow was very real".[40] A courtier, Sir Thomas Wyatt, headed a rebellion to try to stop the marriage, motivated by a "nationalist resentment at the proposed foreign king".[41] Supporters of the insurgency urged Londoners to join to stop the English becoming "slaves and vilaynes", which was met with the response that "we are Englishmen".[42] The uprising was defeated, and Wyatt at his trial justified his actions by saying: "Myne hole intent and styrre was agaynst the comyng in of strangers and Spanyerds and to abolyshe theym out of this realme".[42] Mary vigorously persecuted Protestants, recorded by John Foxe in his Book of Martyrs, which were unprecedented in English history and resulted in an "undying hatred of the pope and of Roman Catholicism which became one of the most marked characteristics of the English for some 350 years".[43]

Elizabeth I (who succeeded Mary in 1558) made a speech to Parliament on 5 November 1566, emphasising her Englishness:

"Was I not born in this realm? Were my parents born in any foreign country? Is there any cause I should alienate myself from being careful over this country? Is not my kingdom here?"[44]

The excommunication of Elizabeth by Pope Pius V's papal bull (Regnans in Excelsis) of 1570; the St. Bartholomew's Day massacre of 1572; the publication of Foxe's Book of Martyrs; the Spanish Armada of 1588; and the Gunpowder Plot of 1605 all contributed to an English nationalism which was "thoroughly militant and Protestant".[45] An example of this nationalism can be seen in Lord Chancellor Sir Christopher Hatton's opening speech to Parliament in 1589 in the aftermath of the defeat of the Armada. It has been described as "an appeal designed to rouse both patriotic and ideological responses".[46] It was fiercely anti-Catholic (the Pope was a "wolfish bloodsucker"), execrated Englishmen who turned against their native country, and appealed for England's defence: "Shall we now suffer ourselves with all dishonour to be conquered? England hath been accounted hitherto the most renowned kingdom for valour and manhood in all Christendom, and shall we now lose our old reputation?".[47] In 1591 a John Phillips published A Commemoration on the life and death of the right Honourable, Sir Christopher Hatton..., which included the lines:

You noble peeres, my native Countrimen,
I need not shew to you my bloud nor birth ...
Was not his hart bent for his Countries weale? ...
Take courage then, maintaine your Countries right, ...
To straungers Yoakes, your neckes doe never bow. ...
Our gratious Queene, of curtesie the flowre,
Faire Englands Gem: of lasting blisse and joye: ...

Sir Walter Raleigh, in his A Discourse of War, wrote that "if our King Edward III. had prospered in his French Wars, and peopled with English the Towns which he won, as he began at Calais, driving out the French; the Kings (as his Successors) holding the same Course, would by this Time have filled all France with our Nation, without any notable emptying of this Island".[48] Hastings has claimed that this usage of the word "nation" (used by Dr. Johnson in his Dictionary) is the same as the modern definition.[49]

Strong support exists among historians and students of nations and nationalism for the idea that England became a nation in or no later than the Tudor period. Liah Greenfeld argues that England was "the first nation in the world".[50] Others, including Patrick Collinson and Diana Muir Appelbaum argue strongly for Tudor-era English nationhood.[51][52]

Others including Krishan Kumar, argue that nations arose only in the modern period and that England cannot be described as a nation until the late nineteenth century.[53][54]

Stuart

The idea of the Norman yoke became increasingly popular amongst English radicals in the seventeenth century. They believed that Anglo-Saxon England was a land of liberty but that this liberty was extinguished by the Norman conquest and the imposition of feudalism.[55]

John Milton, writing in the 1640s, used nationalist rhetoric: "Lords and Commons of England, consider what nation it is whereoff ye are" and on another occasion: "Methinks I see in my mind a noble and puissant nation raising herself like a strong man after sleep".[13]

It has also been demonstrated by projects such as the Locating the Hidden Diaspora by Northumbria University that English communities in America and Canada had a clear sense of English ethnicity especially in the 1800s and set up many societies and organisations and celebrated English culture and traditions, such as the Sons of St George etc.[56]

In her widely cited book, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837, Linda Colley argues for the formation of an English nation in the Stuart era.[57]

Modern

The English nationalist movement has its roots in a perception amongst many people in England that they are primarily or exclusively English rather than British, which mirrors the view in the other constituent countries. The perceived rise in English identity in recent years, as evidenced by the increased display of the English flag (particularly during international sporting competitions i.e. FIFA World Cup and UEFA European Championship), is sometimes attributed in the media to the increased devolution of political power to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland.[58]

One possible incentive for supporting the establishment of self-governing English political institutions has been the West Lothian question: the constitutional inconsistency whereby Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs in the UK Parliament have been able to cast votes on bills which will apply only to England while English MPs have had fewer such rights in relation to Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish legislation, which is in many cases handled by the devolved legislatures.[59] This anomaly was addressed in 2015 using the English votes for English laws procedures to ensure that legislation affecting only England requires a majority vote of MPs representing English constituencies.

Many contemporary English nationalist movements are associated with support for right-of-centre economic and social policies, but nationalists elsewhere in the UK tend towards a social democratic political stance, as evidenced by the policies of the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru. English nationalism is also often linked with Euroscepticism.[60][61]

While there is in principle no conflict between the objectives of English, Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism, there is an inherent incompatibility between many forms of English nationalism and Cornish nationalism, since Cornwall is administratively an integral part of England. Also, to the extent that English nationalism advocates the political separation of England from the remainder of the UK, it is not compatible with Scottish or Northern Irish Unionism.

Brexit has been described as a symptom of English nationalism.[62][63]

Opinion polls

A MORI opinion poll in 2006 commissioned by the Campaign for an English Parliament indicated that support for the creation of an English Parliament with the same powers as the existing Scottish Parliament had risen, with 41% of those questioned favouring such a move.[64]

In the same month an ICM Omnibus poll commissioned by the Progressive Partnership (a Scottish research organisation) showed that support for full English Independence had reached 31% of those questioned.[65]

In November 2006, another ICM poll, commissioned by the Sunday Telegraph, showed that support for an English Parliament had reached 68% and support for full English Independence had reached 48% of those questioned.[66]

A study conducted for the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE) in 2005 found that, in England, the majority of ethnic minority participants born there identified primarily as being British, whereas white English participants identified as being English first and British second.

A YouGov survey for the BBC in 2018 found young people are less likely to feel proud to be English than older generations and the further someone lives from London, the more likely they are to identify with a particular part of England.[67]

Separatist organisations

List of English Parliament Groups within (federal) United Kingdom

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Adrian Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood. Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge University Press, 1997), p. 35.
  2. ^ Patrick Wormald, 'The Venerable Bede and the "Church of the English"', Geoffrey Rowell (ed.), The English Religious Tradition and the Genius of Anglicanism (Wantage: Ikon, 1992), p. 26.
  3. ^ Wormald, p. 26.
  4. ^ Hastings, p. 37.
  5. ^ Hastings, p. 38.
  6. ^ Hastings, p. 42.
  7. ^ James Campbell, 'The United Kingdom of England: The Anglo-Saxon Achievement', Alexander Grant and Keith J. Stringer (eds.), Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (London: Routledge, 1995), p. 31.
  8. ^ M. T. Clanchy, England and Its Rulers: 1066–1272 (Blackwell, 1998), p. 24.
  9. ^ Hugh M. Thomas, The English and the Normans: Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation and Identity 1066–c.1220 (Oxford University Press, 2003), p. 56.
  10. ^ Basil Cottle, The Triumph of English 1350–1400 (London: Blandford Press, 1969), p. 16.
  11. ^ Hastings, p. 45.
  12. ^ "[Rex Franciae] linguam anglicam, si conceptae iniquitatis proposito detestabili potestas correspondeat, quod Deus avertat, omnino de terra delere proponit." William Stubbs, Select Charters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946), p. 480.
  13. ^ a b c Hastings, p. 15.
  14. ^ Cottle, p. 17.
  15. ^ Michael Prestwich, Plantagenet England. 1225-1360 (Oxford University Press, 2007), p. 556.
  16. ^ Cottle, pp. 17-18.
  17. ^ Cottle, pp. 20-21.
  18. ^ Hastings, p. 47.
  19. ^ May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307–1399 (Oxford University Press, 1959), p. 150.
  20. ^ William Paton Ker (ed.), The Chronicle of Froissart. Translated out of French by Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners. Volume I (London: David Nutt, 1901), p. 332.
  21. ^ W. G. Boswell, Shakespeare's Holinshed. The Chronicle and the Historical Plays Compared (Chatto and Windus, 1907), p. 181, n. 1.
  22. ^ Ian Mortimer, The Perfect King. The Life of Edward III, Father of the English Nation (Vintage, 2008), p. 60.
  23. ^ Henry Summerson, ‘George (d. c.303?)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Oct 2007, accessed 3 Oct 2008.
  24. ^ a b Summerson.
  25. ^ Mortimer, p. 398.
  26. ^ Cottle, p. 61.
  27. ^ Douglas Gray, ‘Minot, Laurence (fl. early 14th cent.)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, accessed 13 Sept 2008.
  28. ^ Hastings, p. 49.
  29. ^ Thomas Beaumont James and John Simons (eds.), The Poems of Laurence Minot 1333–1352 (University of Exeter Press, 1989), p. 86, p. 93.
  30. ^ Rev. James Aitken Wylie, The History of Protestantism. Volume I (London: Cassell, 1878), p. 67.
  31. ^ Robert Colls, Identity of England (Oxford University Press, 2002), p. 17, p. 18.
  32. ^ Anthony D. Smith, National Identity (Penguin, 1991), p. 56
  33. ^ G. R. Elton, England under the Tudors. Third Edition (London: Routledge, 1991), p. 160.
  34. ^ G. R. Elton (ed.), The Tudor Constitution. Documents and Commentary. Second Edition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 353.
  35. ^ Elton, England under the Tudors, p. 161.
  36. ^ Elton, England under the Tudors, p. 162.
  37. ^ A. G. Dickens, Thomas Cromwell and the English Reformation (London: The English Universities Press, 1959), pp. 64-65.
  38. ^ Elton, England under the Tudors, p. 214.
  39. ^ Elton, England under the Tudors, p. 215.
  40. ^ Ian W. Archer, ‘Wyatt, Sir Thomas (b. in or before 1521, d. 1554)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Oct 2006, accessed 6 Sept 2008.
  41. ^ Elton, England under the Tudors, p. 217.
  42. ^ a b Archer.
  43. ^ Elton, England under the Tudors, p. 220.
  44. ^ L. S. Marcus, J. Mueller, and M. B. Rose (eds.), Elizabeth I: Collected Works (University of Chicago Press, 2002), p. 95.
  45. ^ Hastings, p. 55.
  46. ^ Wallace T. MacCaffrey, ‘Hatton, Sir Christopher (c.1540–1591)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, accessed 6 Sept 2008.
  47. ^ J. E. Neale, Queen Elizabeth (London: The Reprint Society, 1942), pp. 283-4.
  48. ^ Thomas Birch (ed.), The Works of Sir Walter Ralegh, Kt., ii, (London: 1751), p. 27.
  49. ^ Hastings, p. 14.
  50. ^ Liah Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity (Harvard University Press, 1992)
  51. ^ Patrick Collinson, The Birthpangs of Protestant England (1988)
  52. ^ Muir, Appelbaum, Diana. "Biblical nationalism and the sixteenth-century states". National Identities. 15 (4). Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  53. ^ Krishan Kumar, The Making of English National Identity, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003
  54. ^ "Reviews". Cercles.com. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  55. ^ "The Norman Yoke: Symbol or Reality?". Bbc.co.uk. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  56. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 18 November 2011. Retrieved 8 October 2011.CS1 maint: Archived copy as title (link)
  57. ^ Linda Colley, Britons: Forging the Nation 1707-1837, 1992.
  58. ^ BBC News Sunday 9 January 2000 English nationalism 'threat to UK' retrieved November 2011
  59. ^ "The Campaign for an English Parliament – The Campaign for an English Parliament". Thecep.org.uk. Retrieved 20 December 2017.
  60. ^ Ben Wellings Political Resistance to European Integration and the foundations of contemporary English nationalism, 61st Annual Political Studies Association Conference, April 2011
  61. ^ The English Democrats call for the immediate withdrawal from the European Union... website of the English Democrats at www.voteenglish.org, retrieved November 2011
  62. ^ Fintan O'Toole, Brexit is an English nationalist revolution, Irish Times, retrieved July 1, 2016
  63. ^ H. A. Hellyer, English nationalism needn't be ugly, The Guardian, retrieved July 1, 2016
  64. ^ "41% in favour of English Parliament". Mori 2006-07-09. Archived from the original on 14 November 2006. Retrieved 26 May 2007.
  65. ^ "31% Support English Independence". Scottish National Party. 2006. Archived from the original on 2006-08-14. Retrieved 2006-07-15.
  66. ^ Hennessy, Patrick; Kite, Melissa (2006-11-27). "Britain wants UK break up, poll shows (68% in favour of English Parliament, 48% support a complete independence of England from Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland)". London: Daily Telegraph. Retrieved 2007-05-26.
  67. ^ "How proud is your area of being English?". BBC News. 2018-06-03. Retrieved 2018-06-04.

References

  • Ian W. Archer, ‘Wyatt, Sir Thomas (b. in or before 1521, d. 1554)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Oct 2006, accessed 6 Sept 2008.
  • Thomas Birch (ed.), The Works of Sir Walter Ralegh, Kt., ii, (London: 1751).
  • W. G. Boswell, Shakespeare's Holinshed. The Chronicle and the Historical Plays Compared (Chatto and Windus, 1907).
  • James Campbell, 'The United Kingdom of England: The Anglo-Saxon Achievement', Alexander Grant and Keith J. Stringer (eds.), Uniting the Kingdom? The Making of British History (London: Routledge, 1995).
  • M. T. Clanchy, England and Its Rulers: 1066–1272 (Blackwell, 1998).
  • Basil Cottle, The Triumph of English 1350–1400 (London: Blandford Press, 1969).
  • A. G. Dickens, Thomas Cromwell and the English Reformation (London: The English Universities Press, 1959).
  • G. R. Elton (ed.), The Tudor Constitution. Documents and Commentary. Second Edition (London: Cambridge University Press, 1982).
  • G. R. Elton, England under the Tudors. Third Edition (London: Routledge, 1991).
  • Douglas Gray, ‘Minot, Laurence (fl. early 14th cent.)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, accessed 13 Sept 2008.
  • Adrian Hastings, The Construction of Nationhood. Ethnicity, Religion and Nationalism (Cambridge University Press, 1997).
  • Thomas Beaumont James and John Simons (eds.), The Poems of Laurence Minot 1333–1352 (University of Exeter Press, 1989).
  • William Paton Ker (ed.), The Chronicle of Froissart. Translated out of French by Sir John Bourchier, Lord Berners, i, (London: David Nutt, 1901–3).
  • Wallace T. MacCaffrey, ‘Hatton, Sir Christopher (c.1540–1591)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004, accessed 6 Sept 2008.
  • L. S. Marcus, J. Mueller, and M. B. Rose (eds.), Elizabeth I: Collected Works (University of Chicago Press, 2002).
  • May McKisack, The Fourteenth Century 1307–1399 (Oxford University Press, 1959).
  • Ian Mortimer, The Perfect King. The Life of Edward III, Father of the English Nation (Vintage, 2008).
  • J. E. Neale, Queen Elizabeth (London: The Reprint Society, 1942).
  • Henry Summerson, ‘George (d. c.303?)’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, Sept 2004; online edn, Oct 2007, accessed 3 Oct 2008.
  • William Stubbs, Select Charters (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1946).
  • Hugh M. Thomas, The English and the Normans: Ethnic Hostility, Assimilation and Identity 1066–c.1220 (Oxford University Press, 2003).
  • Patrick Wormald, 'The Venerable Bede and the "Church of the English"', Geoffrey Rowell (ed.), The English Religious Tradition and the Genius of Anglicanism (Wantage: Ikon, 1992).
  • Rev. James Aitken Wylie, The History of Protestantism. Volume I (London: Cassell, 1878)
  • 3.22 of English Democrats 2016 manifesto ‘[1], English Parliament within a UK,

English Democrat Website; online edn, Sep 2016, accessed 17 Sept 2017.

  • [2], Batley and Spen By-Election Result and Analysis - English Democrats, English Independence, Election Polling, online edn, Oct 2016, accessed 17 Sept 2017.

External links

Anglophile

An Anglophile is a person who admires England, its people, and its culture. Its antonym is Anglophobe. The word's roots come from the Latin Anglii, and Ancient Greek φίλος philos, "friend."

The word Anglophile was first published in 1864 by Charles Dickens in All the Year Round, when he described the Revue des deux Mondes as "an advanced and somewhat 'Anglophile' publication."Though Anglophile in the strict sense refers to an affinity for the things, people, places and culture of England, it is sometimes used to refer to an affinity for the same attributes of the British Isles more generally; though the rarely used word Britophile is a more accurate term.

Campaign for an English Parliament

The Campaign for an English Parliament (CEP) is a pressure group which seeks the establishment of a devolved English parliament. The CEP is the main organisation associated with an English Parliament. It was formed as a non-denominational lobbying group. It is a single-issue campaign, seeking to stand apart from English nationalist currents, and proclaiming its commitment to a civic, rather than ethnic, conception of the English nation.

Commission on the consequences of devolution for the House of Commons

The Commission on the consequences of devolution for the House of Commons, also known as the McKay Commission, was an independent commission established in the United Kingdom to consider issues arising from devolution in the United Kingdom and their effect on the workings of the House of Commons. In the statement made by the government when setting up the commission, it referred to the West Lothian Question, a term coined in 1977 to refer to anomalies existing in the pre-devolution government of the UK.The commission, chaired by Sir William McKay, considered changes to the procedures of the House of Commons in relation to legislation that only affects part of the UK. It started its work in February 2012 and reported in March 2013. It recommended that future legislation affecting England but not other parts of the UK should require the support of a majority of MPs sitting for English constituencies.

Devolved English parliament

A devolved English parliament or assembly is a proposed institution that would give separate decision-making powers to representatives for voters in England, similar to the representation given by the National Assembly for Wales, Scottish Parliament and the Northern Ireland Assembly. A devolved English parliament is an issue in the politics of the United Kingdom.

Public opinion surveys have resulted in widely differing conclusions on public support for the establishment of a devolved English parliament.

England, England

England, England is a satirical postmodern novel by Julian Barnes, published and shortlisted for the Booker Prize in 1998. While researchers have also pointed out the novel's characteristic dystopian and farcical elements, Barnes himself described the novel as a 'semi-farce'.England, England broaches the idea of replicating England in a theme park on the Isle of Wight. It calls into question ideas

English National Party

English National Party has been the name of various political parties of England, which have commonly called for a separate parliament for England.

English People's Liberation Army

The English People's Liberation Army was a paramilitary English nationalist organisation.

English independence

English independence is a political stance advocating secession of England from the United Kingdom. Support for secession of England (the UK's largest and most populated country) has been influenced by the increasing devolution of political powers to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, where independence from the United Kingdom is a prominent subject of political debate.English independence has been seen by its advocates as a way to resolve the West Lothian question in British politics: Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs in the Parliament of the United Kingdom at Westminster being able to vote on matters affecting England, but English MPs not having the same power over equivalent issues in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, as these powers are devolved to the Scottish Parliament, Northern Ireland Assembly or the National Assembly for Wales. This anomaly was addressed in 2015 using the English votes for English laws procedures to ensure that legislation affecting only England requires a majority vote of MPs representing English constituencies.

While some minor political parties have campaigned for English independence, all major UK-wide political parties adhere to the conventional view of British unionism, and oppose altering the constitutional status of England. Scottish demands for independence, rather than English demands, are seen as the most pressing threat to British unity; Scotland voted against independence at the referendum on 18 September 2014.

English national identity

A national identity of the English as the people or ethnic group native to England developed in the Middle Ages arguably beginning with the unification of the Kingdom of England in the 10th century, but explicitly in the 11th century after the Norman Conquest, when Englishry came to be the status of the subject indigenous population.

From the eighteenth century the terms 'English' and 'British' began to be seen as interchangeable to many of the English.While the official United Kingdom census does record ethnicity, English/Welsh/Scottish/Northern Irish/British is a single tick-box under the "White" heading for the answer to the ethnicity question asked in England and Wales (while making the distinction of white Irish).Although Englishness and Britishness are used synonymously in some contexts, the two terms are not identical and the relation of each to the other is complex. Englishness is often a response to different national identities within Britain such as Scottishness, Irishness, Welshness and Cornishness.Sometimes Englishness is thought to be encapsulated in terms of a particular relation to sport: "fair play," for instance. Arguably, England's "national games" are football and, particularly, cricket. As cricket historian Dominic Malcolm argues, the link between cricket and England's national identity became solidified through literature. Works such as James Love's "Cricket: an heroic poem" and Mary Mitford's "our Village," along with Nyren's "cricketers of my Time" and Pycroft's "The Cricket Field," purported to identify the characteristics of cricket with the notional characteristics of English society, such as pragmatism, integrity, and independence.

English votes for English laws

English votes for English laws (EVEL) is a set of procedures of the House of Commons of the Parliament of the United Kingdom whereby legislation which affects only England requires the support of a majority of MPs representing English constituencies. The procedures were developed following devolution in the United Kingdom as a result of the West Lothian question, a concern about the perceived inequity of MPs from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, sitting in the House of Commons being able to vote on matters that affected only England, while MPs from England were unable to vote on matters that had been devolved to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly.During the 2000s a number of pieces of legislation which affected only or mainly England were passed by the UK Parliament, although the votes cast by MPs were such that the legislation would not have been passed if only the votes cast by MPs representing English constituencies had been counted. The opposition Conservative Party commissioned a report, "Devolution, The West Lothian Question and the Future of the Union", which proposed some procedural changes restricting the participation of MPs representing non-English constituencies during the passage of bills relating only to England.

While the Conservatives were in government from 2010–15 in coalition with the Liberal Democrats, they set up the McKay Commission to look into the question. The Commission proposed that bills in the House of Commons which affected England solely or differently should require a majority vote of MPs representing English constituencies. The Conservative manifesto for the 2015 general election included a proposal that England-only legislation should require approval from a Legislative Grand Committee prior to its Third Reading in the House of Commons. Having won a majority in that election, the Conservative government used a change in standing orders in October 2015 to give MPs representing English constituencies a "veto" over laws only affecting England.

Flag of England

The flag of England is derived from Saint George's Cross (heraldic blazon: Argent, a cross gules). The association of the red cross as an emblem of England can be traced back to the Middle Ages, and it was used as a component in the design of the Union Flag in 1606. Since the 1990s it has been in increasingly wide use, particularly at national sporting events.

Linguistic purism in English

Linguistic purism in the English language is the belief that words of native origin should be used instead of foreign-derived ones (which are mainly Latinate and Greek). "Native" can mean "Anglo-Saxon" or it can be widened to include all Germanic words. In its mildest form, it merely means using existing native words instead of foreign-derived ones (such as using begin instead of commence). In a less mild form, it also involves coining new words from Germanic roots (such as wordstock for vocabulary). In a more extreme form, it also involves reviving native words which are no longer widely used (such as ettle for intend). The resulting language is sometimes called Anglish (coined by the author and humorist Paul Jennings), or Roots English (referring to the idea that it is a "return to the roots" of English). The mild form is often advocated as part of Plain English, but the more extreme form has been and is still a fringe movement; the latter can also be undertaken as a form of constrained writing.

English linguistic purism is discussed by David Crystal in the Cambridge Encyclopedia of the English Language. The idea dates at least to the inkhorn term controversy of the 16th and 17th centuries. In the 19th century, writers such as Charles Dickens, Thomas Hardy and William Barnes advocated linguistic purism and tried to introduce words like birdlore for ornithology and bendsome for flexible. A notable supporter in the 20th century was George Orwell, who advocated what he saw as plain Saxon words over complex Latin or Greek ones, and the idea continues to have advocates today.

Little Englander

"Little Englander" was a phrase applied to a wing of the Liberal Party opposed to expansion of the British Empire in the 19th century, who wanted "England" to extend no farther than the borders of English territory, and in full cooperation with Scotland and Wales as part of the United Kingdom. In the late 18th and 19th centuries the term was used for those Englishmen who looked upon the colonies of the British Empire as economically burdensome and wished the granting of self-government as quickly as possible.

Norman yoke

The Norman yoke were the oppressive aspects of feudalism in England, attributed to the impositions of William the Conqueror, his retainers and their descendants. The term was used in English nationalist discourse in the mid-17th century.

Scottish mafia

The Scottish mafia, Scottish Labour mafia, tartan mafia, Scottish Raj, or Caledonian mafia was a term used in the politics of England from the mid 1960s, until the collapse in the number of Scottish Labour Party MPs at the 2015 general election.

Spanish nationalism

Spanish nationalism is the nationalism that asserts that the Spaniards are a nation, and promotes the cultural unity of the Spanish. In a general sense, it comprises political and social movements inspired by a love for Spanish culture, language, history, and a sense of pride in Spain and its people. Spanish nationalists often reject other nationalist movements within Spain, specifically Catalan and Basque nationalism. Other forms of Spanish nationalism have included pan-Iberianism and pan-Hispanism.Spanish nationalism has its origins in Castilian-based culture. Its development runs parallel to that of the state-building process carried out by the Spanish monarchy, and to the surge in patriotic sentiment in the landlocked territories galvanized by the Reconquista — a period that began in what would eventually become the Kingdom of Castile and ended in the final conquest of Granada in 1492. This explains why the Castilian language became known universally as the Spanish language. Hence, Spanish nationalism is a historical corollary or synecdochal evolution of an expansionist phase in Castilian nationalism, much like the process by which early English nationalism came to define all of British nationalism, or by which Latin and Sabine political identity came to successfully assimilate all other ethnicities in the Italian Peninsula, sometimes forcefully, into becoming a single national entity.

In spite of the early Castilian genesis of Spanish nationalism, it must be emphasized that more recent stages of Castilian nationalism are sometimes indifferent or even inimical to Spanish unionism.

This England (magazine)

This England is a quarterly magazine published in England. It has a large readership among expatriates. It concentrates on the traditional values and customs of the English people, particularly those of rural and small-town England.

This Is England

This Is England, sometimes referred to as This Is England '83 to differentiate it from the subsequent multi-part TV series using similar names, is a 2006 British drama film written and directed by Shane Meadows. The story centres on young skinheads in England in 1983. The film illustrates how their subculture, which has its roots in 1960s West Indies culture, especially ska, soul, and reggae music, became adopted by the far-right, especially white nationalists and white supremacists, which led to divisions within the skinhead scene. The film's title is a direct reference to a scene where the character Combo explains his nationalist views using the phrase "this is England" during his speech.

West Lothian question

The West Lothian question, also known as the English question, refers to whether MPs from Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, sitting in the House of Commons of the United Kingdom, should be able to vote on matters that affect only England, while MPs from England are unable to vote on matters that have been devolved to the Northern Ireland Assembly, the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly. The term "West Lothian question" was coined by Enoch Powell MP in 1977 after Tam Dalyell, the Labour MP for the Scottish constituency of West Lothian, raised the matter repeatedly in House of Commons debates on devolution.In 2011 the Government of the United Kingdom set up a commission to examine the question. The Commission on the consequences of devolution for the House of Commons, chaired by former Clerk of the House of Commons Sir William McKay, published a report in 2013 which proposed various procedural changes, including that legislation which affects only England should require the support of a majority of MPs representing English constituencies ("English votes for English laws"). Following the election of a Conservative government in the 2015 general election, new parliamentary procedures and a Legislative Grand Committee were enacted.

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