Crime in Brazil

Crime in Brazil involves an elevated incidence of violent and non-violent crimes.[1] According to most sources, Brazil possesses high rates of violent crimes, such as murders and robberies; depending on the source (UNDP or World Health Organization), Brazil's homicide rate is 30–35 homicides per 100,000 inhabitants according to the UNODC,[2] placing Brazil in the top 20 countries by intentional homicide rate.[3] In recent times, the homicide rate in Brazil has been stabilizing at a very high level.[4]

Brazil is a heavy importer of cocaine, as well as part of the international drug routes.[5] Arms and marijuana employed by criminals are mostly locally produced.[5][6]

Detencao
Detention in Brasília.

Crime by type

Homicide

In 2017, Brazil had a murder rate of 29.2 per 100,000 population.[7] There were a total of 56,101 murders in Brazil in 2017.[7] Another study has the 2017 murder rate at 32.4 per 100,000, with 64,357 homicides.[8] In 2016, Brazil had a record 61,819 murders or on average 198 murders per day, giving a yearly homicide rate of 29.9 per 100,000 population.[9]

In 2017, Brazil had a record number of murders, with homicides rising 3.7 percent with 63,880 homicides.[10][11]

By Brazilian states

List of the Brazilian state capitals by homicide rate (homicides per 100,000):[12]

Morte jornalista Rio
Murder victim in Rio de Janeiro

Murders increased during the late-2000s. Bucking this trend are the two largest cities. In 2008 Rio de Janeiro registered the lowest murder rate in 18 years, while São Paulo is now approaching the 10 murders per 100,000 mark, down from 35.7 in 1999. A notable example is the municipality of Diadema. where crime rates fell abruptly.

Total murders set new records in the three years from 2009 to 2011, surpassing the previous record set in 2003. 2003 still holds the record for murders per 100,000 in Brazil; that year alone the rate was 28.9.[13] Police records post significantly lower numbers than the health ministry.

Seven out of the twenty most violent cities in the world reside in Brazil due to rise in street violence.[14] In order as of April 2018: Natal (fourth highest homicide rate), Fortaleza (seventh), Belem (tenth), Vitoria da Conquista (eleventh), Maceio (fourteenth), Aracaju (eighteenth), and Feira de Santana (nineteenth).[15]

Robbery

Carjacking is common, particularly in major cities. Local citizens and visitors alike are often targeted by criminals, especially during public festivals such as the Carnaval.[16] Pickpocketing and bag snatching are common. Thieves operate in outdoor markets, in hotels and on public transport.

A crime trend known as “arrastões” (dragnets) occur when many perpetrators act together, simultaneously mug pedestrians, sunbathers, shopping mall patrons, and/or vehicle occupants stuck in traffic. Arrastões and random robberies may occur during big events (Carnaval), soccer games, or during peak beach hours.[17]

Kidnapping

Express kidnappings, where individuals are abducted and forced to withdraw funds from ATM to secure their release, are common in major cities including Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo, Brasília, Curitiba, Porto Alegre, Salvador and Recife.[18]

Corruption

Corruption in Brazil is a pervasive social problem. Brazil scored 38 on the 2016 Corruption Perceptions Index, tying with India and Bosnia and Herzegovina, being ranked 76th among 175 countries.[19] Corruption was cited among many issues that provoked the 2013 protests in Brazil.[20] Embezzlement and corruption have influenced Brazilian elections for decades, however, the electorate continues to show a willingness to vote for candidates who have been accused, and in some instances, convicted on charges of corruption.[21][21]

Domestic violence

Between 10 and 15 women are murdered per day in Brazil.[22][23] A government sponsored study found that 41,532 women were murdered in Brazil between 1997 and 2007.[23] In 2012, 8% of all homicide victims were female. However, this is still far below the male victimization rate, in which men constitute 92% of homicide victims in Brazil as of 2012.[24]

Crime dynamics

1 rocinha favela main road 2014
An overhead view of Rocinha, the largest favela in Brazil; Rio de Janeiro, 2014.

Prevention

Brazil has started a crime fighting program specifically meant to combat gangs and gang centered violence. The UPP program; involving 'Pacifying Police Units', has been introduced in the traditionally violent favelas of Rio de Janeiro since 2008/2009. UPP's are well educated and trained in both human rights and modern police techniques, their aim is to supplant the community presence of gangs as central community figures. As of 2013, 34 UPP units are operational in 226 different communities, with a reach of 1.5 million citizens.[7]

The UPP program has so far proven its worth by significantly reducing the number of homicides, while also reducing violent crime rates in general. Local residents are mostly positive about the program and an overwhelming number of residents felt safer. Furthermore, the UPP program symbolizes a new crime prevention paradigm that focuses on social inclusion and community development. However, in some areas the homicide rate was already dropping prior to the implementation of the program. Therefore, the drop in crime may be due to a general trend of decline in homicides as well.[7]

904221-bope choque rocinha upp
Police officers in the favela of Rocinha

Gangs

Gang violence has been directed at police, security officials and related facilities. Gangs have also attacked official buildings and set alight public buses.[25] May 2006 São Paulo violence began on the night of 12 May 2006 in São Paulo, Brazil. It was the worst outbreak of violence which has been recorded in Brazilian history and was directed against security forces and some civilian targets. By May 14 the attacks had spread to other Brazilian states including Paraná, Mato Grosso do Sul, Minas Gerais and Bahia. Another outbreak of violence took place in São Paulo in July 2006.

2016 saw a new string of deadly prison riots. The nature of these riots was a turfwar between the Primeiro Comando da Capital and other gangs as an extension of a turfwar that has been increasing in intensity with the PCC aggressively expanding its territory.[26][27]

Gang violence in Brazil has become an important issue affecting the youth. Brazilian gang members have used children to commit crimes because their prison sentences are shorter. As of 2007, murder was the most common cause of death among youth in Brazil, with 40% of all murder victims aged between 15 and 25 years old.[28]

In regard to inter-gang conflict, gangs typically challenge or demand an aggressive reaction to defend their reputations. If someone does not respond in this manner, they are socially isolated. The gangs in Brazil are very territorial, and focused on their illegal business. Theft and robbery bring in small amounts of money compared to narcotic and weapons sales so it is less common for these gangs to get involved in petty crimes of theft or robbery.[29]

The gangs more specifically in Rio de Janeiro are interested in harmony because they do not want any contact with the police. They will even go to helping others in the community, with money and even protecting them, just to be sure that the police do not come around. Children and other members of the community see notably rich and powerful gang members and want to emulate this behavior. Gang members then become a substitute for family and are role models because they have respect with more than average monetary gains.[29]

It is most common for these gangs to be under a military command structure.[29] Each Rio's favela has one dono who is in charge of controlling the managers of a favela and the soldados in his territory. The latter protect the favela against other drug factions and the police. They are also responsible for taking over other favelas. The managers of a favela control the managers of the bocas (the places where drugs are sold in the favela). The managers of the bocas in turn control the drug dealers who sell the drugs in the area around a boca. There are children and women who wait at the entrances to a favela to signal to the others if the police or other gangs are about to enter.[29] It is normal to join at about 10 years old, and by 12 years old to carry weapons. These gangs are attractive to the children and youth because they offer protection, recognition, and career options that those who join could not achieve on their own. Favelas are now often controlled by juveniles and young adults.[29]

The concern here is of the strong ties that are between illegal business and politicians, police officers, the justice system, and the economy. Not all people are involved but all layers of society are affected because of corruption. Police are bribed to not disturb what these gangs are doing, as well as many of them are dealers themselves.[29] Also, the young children are carrying guns and may be nervous, aware of peer pressure, or on drugs and can become careless. The level of brutality and homicide rates have skyrocketed in countries with younger gang members like this.[29]

Drug trafficking

Cracklandia sp downtown
Cracolândia ("land of crack") in central São Paulo.

Drug trafficking makes up for an increasingly large portion of crime in Brazil. A total of 27% of all incarcerations in Brazil are the result of drug trafficking charges. Between 2007 and 2012 the number of drug related incarcerations has increased from 60.000 to 134.000; a 123 percent increase.[30]

The primary drug trafficking jobs for children and youth are:

  • endoladores: packages the drugs[29]
  • olheiro(a) and/or fogueteiro(a): person who looks out to provide early warnings of police or any enemy drug faction invasion[29]
  • Drug mule: carries drugs to others inside their body, these are unwilling members of a gang, and don't survive for very long.
  • vapor: drug sales persons[29]
  • gerente da boca: overseer of drugsales[29]
  • soldado(a): soldiers, armed and employed to maintain protection[29]
  • fiel: personal armed security guard for the "gerente geral"[29]
  • gerente geral or dono: owner/boss[29]
  • Avioes (literally translated to "little airplanes"). These are the children who deliver messages and drugs to customers. They are not described in the hierarchal organization, but they are very low/entry level positions. In addition, this position has the most arrests.[29]

Of 325 youth that were incarcerated, 44% of boys and 53% of girls reported some involvement with drug trafficking.[29] Selling and carrying drugs were the most common activities between both boys and girls. The most common drug was marijuana, followed by cocaine and crack.[29] From the study; 74% had used marijuana, 36% had snorted cocaine, and 21% had used crack.[29]

Youth held low positions in the hierarchy and engaged in relatively low volumes of activity for short periods of time. The police are capturing the front-line players of the drug industry rather than the donos. 51% of youth involved with trafficking reported it to be very easy to obtain a gun.[29] While 58% involved in trafficking, reported it to be very easy to obtain cocaine.[29]

Penalties

The penalties in regard to the youth have the intent to withdraw the youth from circulation. As a lot of street culture crime is from children and youth. The main penalty is internment in educational centers, the stay not exceeding 3 years.[31] They are not punished under the penal code, but under the Statute of the Child and Adolescent.[31]

For adults, the Rousseff administration has made a change in 2006, where consumers and suppliers of drugs are differentiated. The consumption of drugs has been nearly decriminalized, while other activities which are in any way related to the sale of drugs remain illegal.[32] Unfortunately the effects of the 2006 drug law are contested, legally the distinction between drug consumers and suppliers remains poorly defined. The result of this unclarity is that judges have a high degree of discretion which causes unequal punishment and evokes accusations of discriminatory court rulings.[30] Drug consumers receive a light penalty varying from mandatory self-education of the effects of drugs to community service. The minimum of punishment for a drug supplying offense is 5 to 15 years in prison.[33] Several critics argue for a less rudimentary categorization of drug abusers than just the two categories, as it would allow for more lenient punishments for minor drugs violations.[34] Critics such as former UN secretary general Kofi Anan and former president of Brazil Cardoso[35] propose to step away from the 'war' approach in general, saying the militant approach can be counterproductive.[33] However, the other side of the debate, and much of popular opinion, expounds a more hard-line preference of heavy penalization.[32]

Along with reform sentiment throughout Latin America, Supreme court justice Luis Roberto has called for the legalisation of drugs; starting with the decriminalization of Marijuana, and if successful, following with the decriminalization of cocaine. His argument for legalisation revolves around the failure of the current 'war' approach, potential savings for the penitentiary system, law enforcement and the judiciary. Furthermore, it would help prevent Brazils current mass incarceration problem, which funnels youths into gang membership.[36]

See also

References

  1. ^ "Brazil-Crime". Retrieved 17 December 2014.
  2. ^ "UNODC Statistics Online". data.unodc.org. Retrieved 2018-01-28.
  3. ^ "Óbitos por Causas Externas 1996 a 2010" (in Portuguese). DATASUS. Retrieved 2012-06-05.
  4. ^ [1]
  5. ^ a b "The World Factbook". Retrieved 17 December 2014.
  6. ^ Unius, Zein (4 April 2014). "Brazil Bodyguard Protection". Brazil Bodyguard Protection. Retrieved 1 November 2016.
  7. ^ a b c d agt. "UNODC: Global Study on Homicide".
  8. ^ Staff, John Zarocostas-McClatchy Foreign. "As world homicide rate declines, killings rise in Latin America, Caribbean".
  9. ^ "Brazil Had Record of 198 Murders per Day in 2018". Latin American Herald Tribune.
  10. ^ https://www.reuters.com/article/us-brazil-violence-murder/brazil-suffers-record-murder-tally-in-2017-ahead-of-election-idUSKBN1KU2R5
  11. ^ https://www.theweek.co.uk/95749/a-most-violent-year-brazil-murder-toll-hits-63000
  12. ^ "Mapa da Violência 2013" (PDF).
  13. ^ "O DIA Online - Rio no mapa da morte". Archived from the original on 2011-05-11.
  14. ^ "Jair Bolsonaro, Latin America's latest menace". The Economist. Retrieved 2018-09-26.
  15. ^ "The Most Dangerous Cities in the World". WorldAtlas. Retrieved 2018-09-26.
  16. ^ "Violence mars Rio carnival dawn". BBC News. 2003-02-28. Retrieved 2010-04-30.
  17. ^ https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=19817
  18. ^ Canada, Gouvernement du Canada, Affaires étrangères et Commerce international. "Erreur 404 - Voyage.gc.ca".
  19. ^ e.V., Transparency International. "How corrupt is your country?".
  20. ^ phillipviana June 14, 2013 What's REALLY behind the Brazilian riots? CNN
  21. ^ a b (www.dw.com), Deutsche Welle. "The persistence of corruption in Brazilian politics - Americas - DW.COM - 05.10.2014".
  22. ^ "Brazil femicide law signed by President Rousseff". 10 March 2015 – via www.bbc.com.
  23. ^ a b CNN, By Helena de Moura,. "Study: In Brazil, 10 women killed daily in domestic violence - CNN.com".
  24. ^ Watts, Jonathan (6 May 2015). "Latin America leads world on murder map, but key cities buck deadly trend" – via The Guardian.
  25. ^ "Gang violence grips Brazil state". BBC News. 2006-05-15. Retrieved 2010-04-30.
  26. ^ "56 killed, many beheaded, in grisly Brazil prison riot". www.aljazeera.com. Retrieved 2018-01-28.
  27. ^ "Brazil drug gangs spark prison riot, 56 dead". Reuters. 2017-01-03. Retrieved 2018-01-28.
  28. ^ Glüsing, Jens (March 2, 2007). "Violence in Rio de Janeiro: Child Soldiers in the Drug Wars". Spiegel Online.
  29. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t McLennan, John D., Bordin, Isabel, Bennett, Kathryn, Rigato, Fatima, Brinkerhoff, Merlin (2008). "Trafficking among youth in conflict with the law in Sao Paulo, Brazil". Social Psychiatry & Psychiatric Epidemiology. 43 (10): 816–823. doi:10.1007/s00127-008-0365-6.CS1 maint: Uses authors parameter (link)
  30. ^ a b Miraglia, Paul (2016). "Drugs and Drug Trafficking in Brazil: Trends and Policies" (PDF). Center for 21st Century Security and Intelligence Latin America Initiative. 2016: 1–16 – via Brookings Institution.
  31. ^ a b Zdun, Steffen (2008). "Violence in street culture: Cross-cultural comparison of youth groups and criminal gangs". New Directions For Youth Development. 2008 (119): 39–54. doi:10.1002/yd.272.
  32. ^ a b "About drug law reform in Brazil". Transnational Institute. 2015-06-30. Retrieved 2018-01-28.
  33. ^ a b "Decriminalization of Narcotics: Brazil". www.loc.gov. Soares, Eduardo. July 2016. Retrieved 2018-01-28.CS1 maint: others (link)
  34. ^ Garlick, Aloysius (2013-04-04). "Drug trafficking is a crime that most condemn in Brazil". talkingdrugs.org. Retrieved 2018-01-28.
  35. ^ Newman, Tony. "Former UN Head Kofi Annan and Former President of Brazil Cardoso Call for Decriminalization of Drugs". Huffington Post. Retrieved 2018-01-28.
  36. ^ Barroso, Luis Roberto (2017-11-15). "Brazil must legalise drugs – its existing policy just destroys lives". Retrieved 2018-01-28.

 This article incorporates public domain material from the Overseas Security Advisory Council document "Brazil 2016 Crime & Safety Report: Recife".

Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes

Antônio Francisco Bonfim Lopes (born May 24, 1976), also known as "Nem", is a Brazilian drug lord and one of the leaders of "Amigos dos Amigos". Lopes had a net worth of R$100 million ($60 million), was the undisputed head of all drug trafficking operations in Rocinha and branded by the Brazilian government as "Public Enemy #1".

Antônio Petrus Kalil

Antônio Petrus Kalil (March 18, 1925 - January 28, 2019), known as Turcão ("Big Turk"), is one of the operators of the jogo do bicho ("the animal game"), a popular illegal lottery in Brazil. Kalil ran the game in a number of towns, including Niteroi, and was one of 14 bicheiros or banqueiros—"bankers" as the game's operators are known—who were sentenced to six years' imprisonment in May 1993 for operating a criminal association. Kalil's brother Jose, known as "Zinho", was among those convicted. Denise Frossard, the judge in the case, wrote in 2007 that it was the first time the existence of a mafia-type organization had been recognized in Brazil. According to Frossard, Kalil was one of the organization's bosses in 1981. In April 2007, he was among 24 people charged for involvement with the illegal lottery, as well as bingo parlours and the distribution of slot machines. On March 13, 2012, he was sentenced to 48 years in prison and a fine of BRL 11 million (about USD 6 million) for conspiracy and corruption, together with the other bicho bosses Anísio Abraão David and Capitão Guimarães.

Brazilian police militias

Brazilian police militias, in Rio de Janeiro and other cities of Brazil, are clandestine paramilitary groups made up of current and former police officers which carry out both vigilante and organized crime activities. In the favelas where the authorities have effectively lost control, drug gangs like ADA and Red Command often reign supreme, openly selling drugs and carrying weapons as well as acting as the de facto authorities, building infrastructure and enforcing their own brand of law and order. Police-backed militias force out the drug traffickers, only to set up their own protection rackets, extorting residents and taxing basic services.The militias have their roots in the death squads of the Brazilian military dictatorship. Because of their close ties to the police force, the militias also enjoy the support of certain politicians.

Brittany Friedman

Brittany Michelle Friedman is an American sociologist focusing on criminology, racial inequality, and incarceration. She is currently Assistant Professor of Sociology and Faculty Affiliate in the Program in Criminal Justice at Rutgers University New-Brunswick. Her research intersects at the sociology of law, sociology of race, and criminal justice. Since 2014, Friedman is most known for her research on the Black Guerilla Family, solitary confinement, and the black power movement behind bars. She is an outspoken proponent of criminal justice reform and a frequent commentator on public media outlets. Her most notable project is a book manuscript tracing the relationship between the rise of the Black Guerilla Family in California, institutional logics, and racial oppression. Separate work includes a study of solitary confinement and racial inequality and an investigation with Mary Pattillo into how monetary sanctions in the criminal justice system disproportionately punish the poor. She has also written on colorism and gender discrimination in the Brazilian criminal justice system. Outside of the academy, she is a research fellow at Argonne National Laboratory.Friedman's research has been supported by the National Science Foundation and the American Society of Criminology.Friedman completed her bachelor of arts in History at Vanderbilt University, her master of arts in Latin American Studies at Columbia University, and her PhD in Sociology at Northwestern University under the direction of acclaimed sociologist John Hagan.Friedman attended Jefferson City High School in Jefferson City, Missouri and was born (1989-07-26) July 26, 1989. Her maiden name is Jenkins.

Centre of Excellence on Public Security

The Centre of Excellence on Public Security (CEPS) is a think tank based in Rio de Janeiro in Brazil which studies aspects of public security, advocating multi-dimensional responses to Public Security issues. The CEPS works to bring together policy makers, operational law enforcement officers and independent experts, for dialogues towards generating innovative solutions to complex Public Security issues. The CEPS is overseen by a Scientific Advisory Board, whose chairman is Raymond Kendall, Honorary Secretary General of Interpol.

The CEPS has organised international dialogues on Public Security in Brazil and Africa, and coordinates dialogue on combating drug trafficking with Civil Police departments in the South Cone area on Brazil. CEPS is an initiative of The International Council on Security and Development (ICOS), a Security and Development Policy Group established by The Network of European Foundations.

The Global Media Centre directs their media outreach.

Control Risks

Control Risks is a global risk and strategic consulting firm specialising in political, security and integrity risk. Operating from 36 offices, the company’s primary services include anti-corruption audits, consultancy and training, eDiscovery, political risk analysis and a broad range of security and crisis management support.

Corruption in Brazil

Corruption in Brazil exists on all levels of society from the top echelons of political power to the smallest municipalities. Operation Car Wash showed central government members using the prerogatives of their public office for rent-seeking activities, ranging from political support to siphoning funds from state-owned corporation for personal gain. Specifically, mensalão typically referred to the practice of transferring taxpayer funds as monthly allowances to members of congress from other political parties in consideration for their support and votes in congress. Politicians used the state-owned and state-run oil company Petrobras to raise hundreds of millions of reais for political campaigns and personal enrichment.

Corruption was cited among many issues that provoked the 2013 protests. Corruption reduced public investments in health, education, infrastructure, security, housing, among other essential rights, expanding social exclusion and inequality.

Douglas Donato Pereira

Douglas Donato Pereira was a Brazilian drug lord. Pereira was born on May 5, 1991. He was known by the name Dina Terror until his death in a shootout by Brazilian Police.

Index of Brazil-related articles

The following is an alphabetical list of articles related to the Federative Republic of Brazil (Portuguese: República Federativa do Brasil).

Jogo do Bicho

Jogo do Bicho ("the animal game") is an illegal gambling game in Brazil, prohibited by federal law since 1946. Very popular throughout the country, the "game" is actually a lottery-type drawing operated on a regional basis by mobsters known as contraventores (who commit misdemeanors), bicheiros or banqueiros ("bankers"). Unlike most state-operated lotteries, in Jogo do Bicho you can bet any amount of money, even a cent. Despite its popularity (and being more or less tolerated, especially in Rio de Janeiro), it is still illegal in 25 of the 26 states of Brazil and those involved may be prosecuted. Paraíba is the only state where the game is legal and regulated by the state, even though according to a federal law this activity is prohibited. In other northeastern states the game is tolerated by the government.

Law enforcement in Brazil

In Brazil, the Federal Constitution establishes five law enforcement institutions: the Federal Police, the Federal Highway Police, the Federal Railway Police, the State Military Police and Fire Brigade, and the State Civil Police. Of these, the first three are affiliated to federal authorities and the latter two subordinated to state governments. All police institutions are part of the Executive branch of either federal or state government. Apart from these five institutions there is another one which is affiliated to municipal authorities: the Municipal Guards. The Municipal Guards de jure is not considered a public security force, but federal law 13,022 (in effect since August 8, 2014) gave them de facto police attributions.

According to the Supreme Federal Tribunal, the only security forces considered police units by Brazilian law are the ones listed in article 144 of the Federal Constitution, that is, the five aforementioned police forces.There are two primary police functions: maintaining order and law enforcement. When criminal offences affect federal entities, federal police forces carry out those functions. In the remaining cases, the state police forces undertake police activities.

Law of Brazil

The law of Brazil is based on statutes and, partly and more recently, a mechanism called súmulas vinculantes. It derives mainly from the civil law systems of European countries, particularly Portugal, the Napoleonic Code and the Germanic law.

There are many codified statutes in force in Brazil. The current Federal Constitution, created on October 5, 1988, is the supreme law of the country. This Constitution has been amended many times. Other important federal law documents in the country include the Civil Code, the Penal Code, the Commercial Code, the National Tributary Code, the Consolidation of Labor Laws, the Customer Defense Code, the Civil Procedures Code and the Criminal Procedures Code.

The Constitution organizes the country as a Federative Republic formed by the indissoluble union of the states and municipalities and of the Federal District. Under the principles established in the Federal Constitution, Brazil's 26 federate states have powers to adopt their own Constitutions and laws. Municipalities also enjoy restricted autonomy as their legislation must follow the dictates of the Constitution of the state to which they belong, and consequently to those of the Federal Constitution itself. As for the Federal District, it blends functions of federate states and of municipalities, and its equivalent to a constitution, named Organic Law, must also obey the terms of the Federal Constitution.

Malandragem

Malandragem (Brazilian Portuguese: [malɐ̃ˈdɾaʒẽȷ̃]) is a Portuguese term for a lifestyle of idleness, fast living and petty crime – traditionally celebrated in samba lyrics, especially those of Noel Rosa and Bezerra da Silva. The exponent of this lifestyle, the malandro (masculine adjective), or "bad boy" (rogue, hustler, rascal, scoundrel), has become significant to Brazilian national identity as a folk hero or, rather, an anti-hero. It is common in Brazilian literature, Brazilian cinema and Brazilian music.

Outline of Brazil

The following outline is provided as an overview of and topical guide to Brazil:

Brazil – largest country in both South America and the Latin America region. It is the world's fifth largest country, both by geographical area, 8.5 million km², and by population, with over 206 million people. It is the largest lusophone country in the world, and the only one in the Americas.

Queens of the Stone Age

Queens of the Stone Age is an American rock band formed in 1996 in Palm Desert, California. The band's line-up includes founder Josh Homme (lead vocals, guitar, piano), Troy Van Leeuwen (guitar, lap steel, keyboard, percussion, backing vocals), Michael Shuman (bass guitar, keyboard, backing vocals), Dean Fertita (keyboards, guitar, percussion, backing vocals), and Jon Theodore (drums, percussion).

Formed after the dissolution of Homme's previous band, Kyuss, Queens of the Stone Age developed a style of riff-oriented, heavy rock music. Their sound has since evolved to incorporate a variety of different styles and influences, including working with Nirvana drummer and Foo Fighters frontman Dave Grohl, and Screaming Trees frontman Mark Lanegan who has been a steady contributor to the band.

Social apartheid in Brazil

The term social apartheid has been used to describe various aspects of economic inequality in Brazil, drawing a parallel with the legally enforced separation of whites and blacks in South African society for several decades during the 20th-century apartheid regime.

Social issues in Brazil

Brazil ranks 49.3 in the Gini coefficient index, with the richest 10% of Brazilians earning 42.7% of the nation's income, the poorest 34% earn less than 1.2%.The Human Development Index of Municipalities dramatically improved in Brazil during the last two decades. According to PNUD, in 1991, 99.2% of the municipalities had a low/very low HDI; but this number has fallen to 25.2% in 2010. On the other hand, the number of municipalities with high/very high HDI jumped from 0% in 1991 to 34,7% in 2010. In 2012, the Brazilian HDI was 0.730, ranking in 83rd and considered high.

Timber mafia

Timber mafia refers to organized crime in the field of illegal logging in timber.

Work card

A work card is like an Identity Card which verifies that a person has been given work, or is eligible to perform work in a given profession or jurisdiction. The work card is not a work visa, although it may be used in conjunction with a work visa, permanent resident card or other documentation.

Work cards are often used in countries with high unemployment to certify that the individual meets certain legal requirements (such as head of household, or with dependent children) making him or her eligible for work.

Work cards are also used in certain industries like construction (where specialized training and safety skills are required) or gambling (where background and credit checks are required to reduce the incidence of crime). In Brazil, workers' cards (carteira de trabalho) are signed by employers as a guarantee and recognition that workers are to receive rights and benefits. The cards differentiate employees who work on a cash basis from those who are entitled to receive protections like sick days, social security, and vacation days.Work cards are used in some employment situations, such as prostitution, so that government officials may track the number of workers in a given industry. Frequent renewal of work cards may also be required to ensure that workers undergo regular health check-ups, or to gather information on working conditions or the incident of crime (such as assault against the prostitute, or a prostitute's criminal background).Work cards are increasingly used in the European Union (EU) to verify an individual's citizenship in a member-nation, and the kind of work which that individual may engage in. For example, citizens of states with provisional membership in the EU must obtain both an EU work card and a work card from nation in which they wish to work.In cases where a union has won the closed shop, a work card may be issued by a trade union. The work card will permit the non-union worker to work in the industry or for the employer with union permission.

Capital/Region 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 % change
Northern (state capitals) 31.9 39.5 31.3 34.2 32.1 34.2 34.4 31.8 35.6 34.9 33.0 Negative increase +3.7
Belém (PA) 24.5 29.1 15.1 25.9 27.0 31.8 34.7 29.6 44.7 33.9 34.2 Negative increase +39.7
Boa Vista (RR) 34.6 51.5 51.4 40.4 32.1 38.2 33.0 21.5 23.1 220 25.7 Positive decrease −25.8
Macapá (AP) 46.6 51.0 64.1 46.2 44.3 44.0 44.1 38.5 38.0 35.8 32.3 Positive decrease −30.8
Manaus (AM) 35.3 40.7 35.3 33.0 25.2 26.5 29.3 26.2 29.4 32.3 32.5 Positive decrease −7.8
Palmas (TO) 70.0 12.7 19.7 21.8 26.5 20.5 21.5 21.3 13.0 13.6 12.8 Positive decrease -82.5
Porto Velho (RO) 38.3 70.3 55.5 61.0 66.9 63.2 51.1 71.4 56.4 68.5 51.3 Negative increase +33.8
Rio Branco (AC) 36.6 38.4 17.0 36.4 39.0 44.8 37.9 30.9 23.9 36.3 30.1 Positive decrease −17.8
Northeast (state capitals) 40.8 33.6 30.2 34.0 39.5 39.4 41.7 40.8 44.8 49.6 52.4 Negative increase +28.5
Aracaju (SE) 19.3 16.8 35.2 39.9 60.9 54.4 50.6 47.2 40.5 46.7 38.9 Negative increase +101.2
Fortaleza (CE) 27.0 20.3 25.2 28.2 27.9 31.8 29.5 28.5 34.0 35.0 40.3 Negative increase +49.5
João Pessoa (PB) 33.3 38.4 36.0 37.8 41.3 42.5 44.7 42.6 48.1 48.7 56.6 Negative increase +70.3
Maceió (AL) 38.4 33.3 30.9 45.1 59.3 61.3 61.2 64.5 68.6 98.0 97.4 Negative increase +153.5
Natal (RN) 18.1 16.2 9.6 10.4 15.6 13.9 23.0 13.2 18.5 20.5 28.3 Negative increase +56.4
Recife (PE) 105.3 114.0 99.3 97.5 97.2 90.5 91.4 91.8 88.2 90.7 87.5 Positive decrease −16.9
Salvador (BA) 41.6 15.4 7.9 12.9 21.3 23.2 28.6 28.5 39.7 43.7 49.3 Negative increase +18.3
São Luís (MA) 22.2 16.5 12.8 16.6 27.4 21.4 30.8 32.6 30.0 31.4 38.4 Negative increase +73.1
Teresina (PI) 16.9 17.6 14.0 22.2 23.2 27.8 28.5 26.0 29.4 33.5 28.2 Negative increase +66.9
Southeast (state capitals) 56.0 58.0 59.8 58.9 58.0 55.0 54.5 47.5 36.5 34.5 27.8 Positive decrease −50.3
Belo Horizonte (MG) 20.7 25.0 26.8 34.8 35.0 42.9 57.6 64.7 54.4 49.9 49.5 Negative increase +139.7
Rio de Janeiro (RJ) 65.8 62.6 53.5 56.6 55.5 62.8 56.1 52.8 41.9 46.4 35.7 Positive decrease −45.8
São Paulo (SP) 56.7 61.1 69.1 64.8 63.5 52.6 52.4 39.8 28.3 23.2 17.4 Positive decrease −69.4
Vitória (ES) 103.5 106.6 108.3 79.0 85.1 80.2 73.0 82.7 83.9 86.1 75.4 Positive decrease −27.1
Southern (state capitals) 29.5 25.1 27.3 29.9 30.3 34.8 35.5 39.3 40.4 40.3 43.3 Negative increase +46.4
Curitiba (PR) 26.6 22.7 25.9 26.2 28.0 32.2 36.6 40.8 44.3 48.9 45.5 Negative increase +70.7
Florianópolis (SC) 9.4 9.3 8.9 10.2 17.0 24.7 27.1 28.9 24.4 19.4 19.5 Negative increase +106
Porto Alegre (RS) 37.2 31.4 32.9 39.2 36.5 40.5 36.4 40.3 40.1 35.5 47.3 Negative increase +27.3
Central-West (state capitals) 35.3 37.7 37.6 39.2 39.1 37.4 39.3 36.8 33.4 33.4 34.1 Positive decrease −3.2
Brasília (DF) 35.6 37.4 36.7 37.5 36.9 34.7 39.1 36.5 31.9 32.3 33.5 Positive decrease −5.9
Campo Grande (MS) 41.9 36.4 30.8 39.3 34.0 34.5 35.3 30.7 28.5 27.1 32.2 Positive decrease −23.2
Cuiabá (MT) 55.3 76.0 68.5 69.5 76.9 52.0 49.8 45.5 44.4 40.7 38.8 Positive decrease −29.9
Goiânia (GO) 22.1 22.6 30.1 28.6 29.4 38.1 37.4 37.4 34.6 36.4 34.6 Negative increase +56.6
 Brazil (state capitals) 45.7 45.3 44.6 45.8 46.5 45.5 46.1 42.4 38.5 38.7 36.6 Positive decrease −19.8
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