Cosmopolitanism is the ideology that all human beings belong to a single community, based on a shared morality. A person who adheres to the idea of cosmopolitanism in any of its forms is called a cosmopolitan or cosmopolite.

A cosmopolitan community might be based on an inclusive morality, a shared economic relationship, or a political structure that encompasses different nations. In a cosmopolitan community individuals from different places (e.g. nation-states) form relationships of mutual respect. As an example, Kwame Anthony Appiah suggests the possibility of a cosmopolitan community in which individuals from varying locations (physical, economic, etc.) enter relationships of mutual respect despite their differing beliefs (religious, political, etc.).[1]

Various cities and locales, past or present, have been or are identified as "cosmopolitan"; that does not necessarily mean that all or most of their inhabitants consciously embrace the above philosophy. Rather, locales may be called "cosmopolitan" simply because people of various ethnic, cultural and/or religious background live in proximity and interact with each other.

In origin, cosmopolitanism suggests the establishment of a cosmo polis or ‘world state’ that would embrace all humanity. Cosmopolitanism has come to stand for peace and harmony among nations, founded upon understanding, tolerance and interdependence.


The word derives from the Ancient Greek: κοσμοπολίτης, or kosmopolitês, formed from "κόσμος", kosmos, i.e. "world", "universe", or "cosmos", and πολίτης, "politês", i.e. "citizen" or "[one] of a city". Contemporary usage defines the term as "citizen of the world".[2][3]


Definitions of cosmopolitanism usually begin with the Greek etymology of "citizen of the world". However, as Appiah points out, "world" in the original sense meant "cosmos" or "universe", not earth or globe as current use assumes.[4] One definition that handles this issue is given in a recent book on political globalization:

Cosmopolitanism can be defined as a global politics that, firstly, projects a sociality of common political engagement among all human beings across the globe, and, secondly, suggests that this sociality should be either ethically or organizationally privileged over other forms of sociality. [5]

The Chinese term tian xia (all under Heaven), a metonym for empire, has also been re-interpreted in the modern age as a conception of cosmopolitanism, and was used by 1930s modernists as the title of a Shanghai-based, English-language journal of world arts and letters, T'ien Hsia Monthly.[6] Multilingual modern Chinese writers such as Lin Yutang, Wen Yuan-ning also translated cosmopolitanism using the now more common term shijie zhuyi (ideology of world[liness]).


Philosophical roots


Cosmopolitanism can be traced back to Diogenes of Sinope (c. 412 B.C.), the founding father of the Cynic movement in Ancient Greece. Of Diogenes it is said: "Asked where he came from, he answered: 'I am a citizen of the world (kosmopolitês)'".[7] In Ancient Greece, the broadest basis of social identity in at that time was either the individual city-state or the Greeks (Hellenes) as a group. The Stoics, who later took Diogenes' idea and developed it, typically stressed that each human being "dwells [...] in two communities – the local community of our birth, and the community of human argument and aspiration".[8] A common way to understand Stoic cosmopolitanism is through Hierocles' circle model of identity that states that we should regard ourselves as concentric circles, the first one around the self, next immediate family, extended family, local group, citizens, countrymen, humanity. Within these circles human beings feel a sense of "affinity" or "endearment" towards others, which the Stoics termed Oikeiôsis. The task of world citizens becomes then to "draw the circles somehow towards the centre, making all human beings more like our fellow city dwellers, and so forth".[8]:9

Modern cosmopolitan thinkers

In his 1795 essay Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch, Immanuel Kant stages a ius cosmopoliticum (cosmopolitan law/right) as a guiding principle to help global society achieve permanent, enduring peace. Kant's cosmopolitan right stems from an understanding of all human beings as equal members of a universal community. Cosmopolitan right thus works in tandem with international political rights, and the shared, universal right of humanity.[1]

Kant's cosmopolitan right is fundamentally bound to the conditions of universal hospitality and the right of resort. Universal hospitality is defined as the right to be welcomed upon arrival in foreign territory, but is contingent on a guest arriving in a peaceful manner. Kant makes the additional claim that all human beings have the basic right of resort: the right to present oneself in a foreign land. The right of resort is derived from Kant's understanding of the Earth's surface as essentially communal, and further emphasizing his claims on equally shared universal rights among all human beings. [2]

Taylor, Robert S. (2010). "Kant's Political Religion: The Transparency of Perpetual Peace and the Highest Good". The Review of Politics. 72: 1–24.
Corradetti, Claudio (November 2017). "Constructivism in Cosmopolitan Law". Global Constitutionalism. 6 (3): 412–441.

The philosophical concepts of Emmanuel Levinas, on ethics, and Jacques Derrida, on hospitality, provide a theoretical framework for the relationships between people in their everyday lives and apart from any form of written laws or codes. For Levinas, the foundation of ethics consists in the obligation to respond to the Other. In Being for the Other, he writes that there is no "universal moral law," only the sense of responsibility (goodness, mercy, charity) that the Other, in a state of vulnerability, calls forth. The proximity of the Other is an important part of Levinas's concept: the face of the Other is what compels the response.

For Derrida, the foundation of ethics is hospitality, the readiness and the inclination to welcome the Other into one's home. Ethics, he claims, is hospitality. Pure, unconditional hospitality is a desire that underscores the conditional hospitality necessary in our relationships with others. Levinas's and Derrida's theories of ethics and hospitality hold out the possibility of an acceptance of the Other as different but of equal standing. Isolation is not a feasible alternative in the world, therefore, it is important to consider how best to approach these interactions, and to determine what is at stake for ourselves and the others: what conditions of hospitality to impose, and whether or not we have responded to the call of the Other. Further, both theories reveal the importance of considering how best to interact with the Other and others, and what is at stake.

Derrida in an interview with Bennington (1997) summarized "cosmopolitanism",[9]

There is a tradition of cosmopolitanism, and if we had time we could study this tradition, which comes to us from, on the one hand, Greek thought with the Stoics, who have a concept of the 'citizen of the world'. You also have St. Paul in the Christian tradition, also a certain call for a citizen of the world as, precisely, a brother. St. Paul says that we are all brothers, that is sons of God, so we are not foreigners, we belong to the world as citizens of the world; and it is this tradition that we could follow up until Kant for instance, in whose concept of cosmopolitanism we find the conditions for hospitality. But in the concept of the cosmopolitical in Kant there are a number of conditions: first of all you should, of course, welcome the stranger, the foreigner, to the extent that he is a citizen of another country, that you grant him the right to visit and not to stay, and there are a number of other conditions that I can't summarise here quickly, but this concept of the cosmopolitical which is very novel, very worthy of respect (and I think cosmopolitanism is a very good thing), is a very limited concept. (Derrida cited in Bennington 1997).

A further state of cosmopolitanism occurred after the Second World War. As a reaction to the Holocaust and the other massacres, the concept of crimes against humanity became a generally accepted category in international law. This clearly shows the appearance and acceptance of a notion of individual responsibility that is considered to exist toward all of humankind.[10]

Philosophical cosmopolitans are moral universalists: they believe that all humans, and not merely compatriots or fellow-citizens, come under the same moral standards. The boundaries between nations, states, cultures or societies are therefore morally irrelevant. A widely cited example of a contemporary cosmopolitan is Kwame Anthony Appiah.[11]

Some philosophers and scholars argue that the objective and subjective conditions arising in today's unique historical moment, an emerging planetary phase of civilization, creates a latent potential for the emergence of a cosmopolitan identity as global citizens and possible formation of a global citizens movement.[12] These emerging objective and subjective conditions in the planetary phase include improved and affordable telecommunications; space travel and the first images of our fragile planet floating in the vastness of space; the emergence of global warming and other ecological threats to our collective existence; new global institutions such as the United Nations, World Trade Organization, or International Criminal Court; the rise of transnational corporations and integration of markets often termed economic globalization; the emergence of global NGOs and transnational social movements, such as the World Social Forum; and so on. Globalization, a more common term, typically refers more narrowly to the economic and trade relations and misses the broader cultural, social, political, environmental, demographic, values and knowledge transitions taking place.

Contemporary cosmopolitan thinkers

A number of contemporary theorists propose, directly and indirectly, various ways of becoming or being a cosmopolitan individual.

Thich Nhat Hanh discusses what he calls "Interbeing" as a way of living one's life in relation to others; "Interbeing" might easily be compared to cosmopolitanism. Nhat Hanh's philosophical beliefs are grounded in the precepts of Buddhist teachings, which involve compassion and understanding to protect and live in harmony with all people, animals, plants, and minerals.[13]:88 He further describes what he calls "Mindfulness Training of the Order of Interbeing" as being aware of sufferings created by, but not limited to, the following causes: fanaticism and intolerances that disrupt compassion and living in harmony with others; indoctrination of narrow-minded beliefs; imposition of views; anger; and miscommunication.[13]:89–95 Understanding and compassion for others seems to be achieved by the understanding of others' suffering and the root causes of suffering. Therefore, to be responsible is to recognize and understand suffering, which then leads to compassion. It is through this process that others can be recognized as people.

Other theorists, philosophers, and activists contend that recognizing suffering is necessary to end violence. In Scared Sacred, Velcrow Ripper takes a journey to different sites of great suffering that ultimately leads him toward developing compassion.[14] In "The Planet", Paul Gilroy explores how the construction and naturalization of race and the hierarchies produced by difference shape the hatred of others. It is the deconstruction of these ideologies that can lead to the compassion and humanization of others. Thus individual responsibility is being aware of what Judith Butler calls the precariousness of life in self and other; being a cosmopolitan seems to be, above all, a social, ethical enterprise.

In Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers, Kwame Anthony Appiah notices something important about how social ethics seem to operate: Whatever obligation one might have to another, especially a foreign other, that obligation does not supersede the obligations one has to those people most familiar to them. However, as Judith Butler questions, "at what cost do I establish the familiar as the criterion" for valuing others?[15] If one values the familiar more than the foreign, what are the consequences? Paul Gilroy offers a possible alternative to this emphasis on familiarity arguing that "methodical cultivation of a degree of estrangement from one's own culture and history ... might qualify as essential to a cosmopolitan commitment."[16]:67 This estrangement entails a "process of exposure to otherness" in order to foster "the irreducible value of diversity within sameness."[16]:67 Estrangement, therefore, could lead to de-emphasising the familiar in ethics by integrating otherness.

For Gilroy, being cosmopolitan seems to involve both a social, ethical enterprise and a cultural enterprise. In "The Planet", Gilroy describes the cases of Tom Hurndall and Rachel Corrie;[16]:80–81 each seems to exemplify what might be considered Gilroy's figure of the cosmopolitan. Both Hurndall and Corrie removed themselves (geographically) from their home cultures, presumably both physically and mentally estranging themselves from their own cultures and histories. Hurndall and Corrie were both killed in 2003 (in separate incidents) and their stories might serve as affirmations of familiarity, rather than models of estrangement. Gilroy’s model of estrangement might actually undermine itself through its examples; this might be construed as a failure of Gilroy’s theory to address the practical difficulties of estranging oneself from the familiar.[16]

The Venus Project, an international, multidisciplinary educational organization created by Jacque Fresco, works to spread cosmopolitan ideas by transcending artificial boundaries currently separating people and emphasizing an understanding our interdependence with nature and each other.

Some forms of cosmopolitanism also fail to address the potential for economic colonization by powerful countries over less powerful ones. Frantz Fanon, in The Wretched of the Earth, observes that when nations achieved independence from European colonizers, frequently there was no system in place to secure their economic future, and they became "manager[s] for Western practise set[ting] up its country as the brothel of Europe."[17]:154 When "third world" nations are drawn into economic partnerships with global capital, ostensibly to improve their national quality of life, often the only ones benefitting from this partnership are well-placed individuals and not the nation itself.

Further, Mahmood Mamdani in Good Muslim, Bad Muslim suggests that the imposition of Western cultural norms, democracy and Christianity to name only two, has historically resulted in nationalist violence;[18] however, Appiah has implied that democracy is a pre-requisite for cosmopolitan intervention in developing nations.[19]:169[20] Cosmopolitanism, in these instances, appears to be a new form of colonization: the powerful exploit the weak and the weak eventually fight back.

Much of the political thinking of the last two centuries has taken nationalism and the framework of the sovereign nation-state for granted. Now, with the advance of globalization and the increased facility of travel and communication, some thinkers consider that the political system based on the nation-state has become obsolete and that it is time to design a better and more efficient alternative. Jesús Mosterín analyzes how the world political system should be organized in order to maximize individual freedom and individual opportunity. Rejecting as muddled the metaphysical notion of free will, he focuses on political freedom, the absence of coercion or interference by others in personal decisions. Because of the tendencies to violence and aggression that lurk in human nature, some constraint on freedom is necessary for peaceful and fruitful social interaction, but the more freedom we enjoy, the better.[21]

Especially, there is no rational ground for curtailing the cultural freedoms (of language, religion and customs) in the name of the nation, the church, or the party. From this point of view, the Internet provides a much more attractive model than the nation-state. Neither is there any just reason for restraining the free circulation of people, ideas, or goods. Mosterín thinks that the nation-state is incompatible with the full development of freedom, whose blossoming requires the reorganization of the world political system along cosmopolitan lines. He proposes a world without sovereign nation-states, territorially organized in small autonomous but not-sovereign cantonal polities, complemented by strong world organizations.[22] He emphasizes the difference between international institutions, led by representatives of the national governments, and world or universal institutions, with clearly defined aims served by directors selected by their personal qualifications, independently of any national bias or proportion.

Criticizing the abstract nature of most versions of cosmopolitanism, Charles Blattberg has argued that any viable cosmopolitanism must be "rooted," by which he means based upon a "global patriotism."[23]

More general philosophical reviews of cosmopolitanism and multiculturalism are also available. Carol Nicholson compares John Searle's opposition to multiculturalism with Charles Taylor's celebration of it. She uses Richard Rorty as a triangulation point in that he remains neutral about multiculturalism, but his philosophical analysis of truth and practice can be deployed to argue against Searle and in favor of Taylor.[24] At a conference on "Philosophy in a Multicultural Context", Rasmus Winther excavated the philosophical assumptions and practices connected with cosmopolitanism and multiculturalism. He develops Bruno Latour's conception of the philosopher as public diplomat.[25]

Political and sociological

Emile Durkheim (1858–1917) observed the development of what he called the 'cult of the individual', which is a new religion that replaced the Christianity that was dying out, and which is centered around the sacredness of human dignity. This new religion would provide the new foundations of Western society, and these foundations are closely related to human rights and individual nation's constitutions. A society's sacred object would be the individual's human dignity, and the moral code guiding the society is found in that country's way of interpreting human dignity and human rights. Thus, rather than finding solidarity through national culture, or a particular traditional religious doctrine, society would be unified by its adherence to political values, i.e. individual rights and a defence of human dignity.[26] Durkheim's cult of the individual has many similarities to John Rawls' political liberalism, which Rawls developed almost a century after Durkheim.[27]

Ulrich Beck (May 15, 1944 – January 1, 2015) was a sociologist who posed the new concept of cosmopolitan critical theory in direct opposition to traditional nation-state politics. Nation-state theory sees power relations only among different state actors, and excludes a global economy, or subjugates it to the nation-state model. Cosmopolitanism sees global capital as a possible threat to the nation state and places it within a meta-power game in which global capital, states and civil society are its players.

It is important to mark a distinction between Beck's cosmopolitanism and the idea of a world state. For Beck, imposing a single world order was considered hegemonic at best and ethnocentric at worst. Rather, political and sociological cosmopolitanism rests upon these fundamental foundations:

  • "Acknowledging the otherness of those who are culturally different"
  • "Acknowledging the otherness of the future"
  • "Acknowledging the otherness of nature"
  • "Acknowledging the otherness of the object"
  • "Acknowledging the otherness of other rationalities"

A number of philosophers, including Emmanuel Levinas, have introduced the concept of the "Other". For Levinas, the Other is given context in ethics and responsibility; we should think of the Other as anyone and everyone outside ourselves. According to Levinas, our initial interactions with the Other occur before we form a will—the ability to make choices. The Other addresses us and we respond: even the absence of response is a response. We are thus conditioned by the Other's address and begin to form culture and identity. After the formation of the will, we choose whether to identify with the addresses by others and, as a result, continue the process of forming identity.[28]

During this process, it is possible to recognize ourselves in our interactions with Others. Even in situations where we engage in the most minimal interaction, we ascribe identities to others and simultaneously to ourselves. Our dependence on the Other for the continuous formation of language, culture, and identity means that we are responsible to others and that they are responsible to us. Also once we've formed a will, it becomes possible to recognize this social interdependence. When we have gained the capacity for recognition, the imperative is to perform that recognition and thereby become ethically responsible to the Other in conscience.[28]

Cosmopolitanism shares some aspects of universalism – namely the globally acceptable notion of human dignity that must be protected and enshrined in international law. However, the theory deviates in recognising the differences between world cultures.[29]

In addition, cosmopolitanism calls for equal protection of the environment and against the negative side effects of technological development. Human dignity, however, is convoluted because it is necessary to first distinguish who has the right to be respected and second to consider what rights are protectable. Under cosmopolitanism, all humans have rights; however, history shows that recognition of these rights is not guaranteed.

As an example, Judith Butler discusses a Western discourse of "human" in Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. Butler works through the idea of "human" and notes that "human" has been "naturalized in its 'Western' mold by the contemporary workings of humanism" (32). Thus, there is the idea that not all "human" lives will be supported in the same way, indeed, that some human lives are worth more protection than others. Others have extended this idea to examine how animals might be reconfigured as cosmopolitan, present the world-over with varying identities in different places.[30]

This idea is reiterated in Sunera Thobani's "Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making of Race and Nation in Canada," where she discusses a discourse in which Muslim people fall into a good/bad dichotomy: a "good Muslim" is one who has been Westernized and a "bad Muslim" is one who visibly rejects Western cultural influences. Thobani notes that it is through media representations that these ideas become naturalized. Individuals who embrace Western ideals are considered fully "human" and are more likely to be afforded dignity and protection than those who defend their non-Westernized cultural identities.

According to those who follow Beck's reasoning, a cosmopolitan world would consist of a plurality of states, which would use global and regional consensus to gain greater bargaining power against opponents. States would also utilize the power of civil society actors such as Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and consumers to strengthen their legitimacy and enlist the help of investors to pursue a cosmopolitan agenda.

Other authors imagine a cosmopolitan world moving beyond today's conception of nation-states. These scholars argue that a truly cosmopolitan identity of Global Citizen will take hold, diminishing the importance of national identities. The formation of a global citizens movement would lead to the establishment of democratic global institutions, creating the space for global political discourse and decisions, would in turn reinforce the notion of citizenship at a global level. Nested structures of governance balancing the principles of irreducibility (i.e., the notion that certain problems can only be addressed at the global level, such as global warming) and subsidiarity (i.e., the notion that decisions should be made at as local a level possible) would thus form the basis for a cosmopolitan political order.[31]

Daniele Archibugi proposes a renewed model for global citizenship:[32] institutional cosmopolitanism. It advocates some reforms in global governance to allow world citizens to take more directly a part into political life. A number of proposals have been made in order to make this possible. Cosmopolitan democracy, for example, suggests strengthening the United Nations and other international organizations by creating a World Parliamentary Assembly.[33]

Political rhetoric

"Cosmopolitanism" became a rhetorical weapon used by nationalists against "alien" ideas that went counter to orthodoxy. European Jews were frequently accused of being "rootless cosmopolitans."[34] Joseph Stalin in a 1946 Moscow speech attacked writings in which “the positive Soviet hero is derided and inferior before all things foreign and cosmopolitanism that we all fought against from the time of Lenin, characteristic of the political leftovers, is many times applauded.”[35] In the 21st century the epithet became a weapon used by Vladimir Putin in Russia, and by nationalists in Hungary and Poland.[36] In modern times, Stephen Miller, a Trump administration senior policy advisor, has publicly criticized CNN reporter Jim Acosta as exhibiting "cosmopolitan bias" during a discussion on the government's new immigration plan.[37]

See also


  1. ^ Anthony Appiah, Kwame (1997). "Cosmopolitan Patriots". Critical Inquiry. 23 (3): 617–39. doi:10.1086/448846.
  2. ^ κοσμοπολίτης. Liddell, Henry George; Scott, Robert; A Greek–English Lexicon at the Perseus Project.
  3. ^ "cosmopolitan". "cosmopolite". Online Etymology Dictionary.
  4. ^ Kwame Anthony Appiah, Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers, W.W. Norton, New York, 2006, p. xiv.
  5. ^ Template:Cite Article = Globalization and Politics, Vol. 4: Political Philosophies of the Global
  6. ^ Shen, Shuang (2009-04-08). Cosmopolitan Publics: Anglophone Print Culture in Semi-Colonial Shanghai. ISBN 9780813546995.
  7. ^ Diogenes Laërtius, The Lives of Eminent Philosophers, Book VI, passage 63; online text in Greek and in English at the Perseus Project.
  8. ^ a b Nussbaum, Martha C. (1997). Kant and Stoic Cosmopolitanism, in The Journal of Political Philosophy Volume 5, Nr 1, pp. 1–25
  9. ^ Bennington, Geoffrey (1 December 1997). "Politics and Friendship: A Discussion with Jacques Derrida". Sussex, UK: Centre for Modern French Thought, University of Sussex. Retrieved 16 July 2012.
  10. ^ Beck, Ulrich (2006). The Cosmopolitan Vision, Cambridge: Polity Press, p. 45
  11. ^ Appiah, Kwame Anthony (2006), Cosmopolitanism. Ethics in a World of Strangers, London: Penguin Books
  12. ^ GTI Paper Series Archived 2008-02-11 at the Wayback Machine see Dawn of the Cosmopolitan: The Hope of a Global Citizens Movement, paper #15, and Global Politics and Institutions, paper #3
  13. ^ a b Nhất Hạnh, Thich (1996) [1987]. Kotler, Arnold, ed. Being Peace. Illustrations by Mayumi Oda. Berkeley: Parallax. ISBN 978-0-938077-97-8. OCLC 36745774.
  14. ^ Ripper, Velcrow (director) (2004). Scared Sacred (Film). National Filmboard of Canada.
  15. ^ Butler, Judith (2004). Precarious Life: The Powers of Mourning and Violence. New York: Verso. p. 38. ISBN 978-1-84467-005-5. OCLC 803802111.
  16. ^ a b c d Gilroy, Paul (2004). "The Planet". After Empire: Multiculture or Postcolonial Melancholia. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-34307-7. OCLC 56454095.
  17. ^ Fanon, Frantz (1963). "The Pitfalls of National Consciousness". The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Farrington, Constance. New York: Grove Press. pp. 148–205. ISBN 978-0-8021-5083-7. OCLC 817260777.
  18. ^ Mamdani, Mahmood (2004). Good Muslim, Bad Muslim: America, the Cold War, and the Roots of Terror (1st ed.). New York: Pantheon Books. ISBN 978-0-375-42285-0. OCLC 53315228.
  19. ^ Appiah, Kwame Anthony (2006). "Kindness to Strangers". Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. Issues of our time (1st ed.). New York: W. W. Norton and Co. pp. 155–174. ISBN 978-0-393-06155-0. OCLC 475363652.
  20. ^ Appiah, Kwame Anthony (2006). "Moral Disagreement". Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World of Strangers. Issues of our time (1st ed.). New York: W. W. Norton and Co. pp. 45–68. ISBN 978-0-393-06155-0. OCLC 475363652.
  21. ^ Mosterín, Jesús (2008). La cultura de la libertad (in Spanish). Madrid: Espasa-Calpe. ISBN 978-84-670-2697-9. OCLC 693823808.
  22. ^ Mosterín, Jesús (2005). "A World without Nation States". Acta Institutionis Philosophiae et Aestheticae. 23: 55–77.
  23. ^ Blattberg, Charles (5 April 2012). "We Are All Compatriots". In Kymlicka, Will; Walker, Kathryn. Rooted Cosmopolitanism. Vancouver: UBC Press. ISBN 978-0-7748-2262-6. OCLC 886376838. SSRN 2034932 – via Social Science Research Network.
  24. ^ Nicholson, Carol (1998). Three Views of Philosophy and Multiculturalism: Searle, Rorty, and Taylor. Twentieth World Congress of Philosophy.
  25. ^ Winther, Rasmus Grønfeldt (2012). Free to Universalize or Bound by Culture? Multicultural and Public Philosophy (PDF) (White Paper).
  26. ^ Durkheim, Emile. "Individualism and Individuals": Originally published as "L'individualisme et les intellectuels," Revue bleue, 4e serie, 10 (1898): 7-13. Translated by Mark Traugott. Article accessed:
  27. ^ See Cladis, Mark. 'A Communitarian Defense of Liberalism: Emile Durkheim and Contemporary Social Theory' (Stanford University Press: Stanford, 1992).
  28. ^ a b Emmanuel Levinas. Totality and Infinity. An Essay on Exteriority. Lingis A (trans) Duquesne University Press, Pittsburgh, PA 1998. pp. 84, 100–01
  29. ^ Stojadinović, Mladen (2014). "UNIVERSALISM REVIVED: NEEDS-BASED COSMOPOLITANISM AS A FOUNDATION OF GLOBAL DEMOCRACY". Facta Universitatis, Series: Philosophy, Sociology, Psychology and History. 13: 78–80. Retrieved 18 April 2017.
  30. ^ Barua, Maan (2013). "Circulating Elephants: Unpacking the Geographies of a Cosmopolitan Animal". Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers. 0. Retrieved 21 December 2013.
  31. ^ GTI Paper Series Archived 2008-02-11 at the Wayback Machine see Global Politics and Institutions, paper #3
  32. ^ Daniele Archibugi, The Global Commonwealth of Citizens: Toward a Cosmopolitan Democracy, Princeton University Press, 2009.
  33. ^ Daniele Archibugi, Debating Cosmopolitics, London: Verso, 2003.
  34. ^ Miller, Michael L.; Ury, Scott (2010). "Cosmopolitanism: The end of Jewishness?". European Review of History: Revue Europeenne d'Histoire. 17 (3): 337–359. doi:10.1080/13507486.2010.481923.
  35. ^ Jeff Greenfield, "The Ugly History of Stephen Miller’s ‘Cosmopolitan’ Epithet: Surprise, surprise—the insult has its roots in Soviet anti-Semitism." Politico 3 August, 2017
  36. ^ Jeff Greenfield, "The Ugly History of Stephen Miller’s ‘Cosmopolitan’ Epithet"
  37. ^ "What 'Cosmopolitan Bias' Really Means". Retrieved 22 October 2017.


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  • Schuett, Robert; Stirk, Peter M.R., eds. (2015). The Concept of the State in International Relations: Philosophy, Sovereignty, and Cosmopolitanism. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-7486-9362-7.

External links


Anationalism (Esperanto: sennaciismo) is a term originating from the community of Esperanto speakers. It denotes a range of cosmopolitan political concepts that combine some or all of the following tendencies and ideas:

radical antinationalism,



acceptance of the historic trend toward linguistic homogenization on a world scale, and in some cases even a striving to accelerate that trend,

the necessity of political education and organization of the world proletariat in accordance with those ideas, and

the utility of Esperanto as an instrument of such political education.Although conceived within the World Anational Association (SAT, Sennacieca Asocio Tutmonda) and promoted by its founder Eugène Lanti, anationalism is not espoused by that organization as its official ideology.


Anti-nationalism denotes the sentiments associated with an opposition to nationalism. The imposition of nationalism as a belief or identity system, particularly when in conflict with more established and self-sustaining identity choices, often based on freely chosen religious or cultural beliefs and practices can be understood to undermine the legitimacy of territory-based nationalism. Various forms of internationalism propose alternatives. They do not all necessarily oppose the concepts of countries, nation states, national boundaries, cultural preservation, and identity politics; for example, present-day multilateralism does not, whereas proletarian internationalism and various kinds of cosmopolitanism explicitly do so.

Some anti-nationalists oppose all types of nationalism, including ethnic nationalism among oppressed minority groups. Variations on this theme are often seen in Marxist theory. Marx and Engels rejected nationalism as a whole, stating that, "the working men have no country". Many Trotskyists, however, such as Chris Harman, were critical of nationalism while advocating support for what they saw as progressive national struggles.

Capiznon language

Capiznon (Spanish: capiceño) is an Austronesian regional language spoken in Western Visayas in the Philippines. Capiznon is concentrated in the province of Capiz in the northeast of Panay Island. It is a member of the Visayan language family and the people are part of the wider Visayan ethnolinguistic group, who constitute the largest Filipino ethnolinguistic group. The language is often confused with Hiligaynon due to dialectological comprehension similarities and as high as 91% mutual intelligibility, but it has its certain unique accent and vocabulary that integrates Aklanon and Waray lexicon. Despite its distinct corruption of Hiligaynon lateral approximants, a prevalent feature among rural farmers, ethnic convergence and cosmopolitanism has led to a shift back to the purely Hiligaynon prosodic form of slower tonality and softer and longer vowels most particularly among the younger generations.

Civic nationalism

Civic nationalism, also known as liberal nationalism, is a form of nationalism identified by political philosophers who believe in an inclusive form of nationalism that adheres with traditional liberal values of freedom, tolerance, equality, and individual rights.Civic nationalists often defend the value of national identity by saying that individuals need a national identity in order to lead meaningful, autonomous lives and that democratic polities need national identity in order to function properly. Civic nationalism is frequently contrasted with ethnic nationalism.

Ernest Renan is often thought to be an early civic nationalist.


Cosmopolitan may refer to:

Food and drinkCosmopolitan (cocktail), also known as a "Cosmo"HistoryRootless cosmopolitan, a Soviet derogatory epithet during Joseph Stalin's anti-Semitic campaign of 1949–1953Hotels and resortsCosmopolitan of Las Vegas, a luxury resort casino and hotel in Las Vegas, Nevada, which opened in December 2010

Cosmopolitan Hotel in Hong KongIndustryCC-109 Cosmopolitan, an aircraft, the RCAF version of the Canadair CL-66

Cosmopolitan automobile company, a defunct American car maker

Nash Cosmopolitan, a defunct car model from Nash MotorsInternationalismWorld citizen, one who eschews traditional geopolitical divisions derived from national citizenship

Cosmopolitanism, the idea that all of humanity belongs to a single moral communityMediaCosmopolitan (magazine), a magazine for women, sometimes referred to as "Cosmo"

Cosmopolitan (film), a 2003 film starring Roshan Seth

Cosmopolitan Television, a satellite/cable television channel

Cosmopolitan Productions, a defunct United States film production companyScienceCosmopolitan distribution, in biogeography, biological categories which can be found almost anywhere around the world

Cosmopolitan (Vanessa cardui) or painted lady, a butterfly

Cosmopolitan (Leucania loreyi), or false army worm, a moth

Cosmopolitan democracy

Cosmopolitan democracy is a political theory which explores the application of norms and values of democracy at the transnational and global sphere. It argues that global governance of the people, by the people, for the people is possible and needed. Writers advocating cosmopolitan democracy include Immanuel Kant, David Held, Daniele Archibugi, Richard Falk, and Mary Kaldor.

In the cosmopolitan democracy model, decisions are made by those affected, avoiding a single hierarchical form of authority. According to the nature of the issues at stake, democratic practice should be reinvented to take into account the will of stakeholders. This can be done either through direct participation or through elected representatives. The model advocated by cosmopolitan democrats is confederal and decentralized—global governance without world government—unlike those models of global governance supported by classic World Federalism thinkers, such as Albert Einstein.

Cosmopolitan distribution

In biogeography, a taxon is said to have a cosmopolitan distribution if its range extends across all or most of the world in appropriate habitats. Such a taxon is said to exhibit cosmopolitanism or cosmopolitism. The opposite extreme is endemism.


Cross-cultural may refer to

cross-cultural studies, a comparative tendency in various fields of cultural analysis

cross-cultural communication, a field of study that looks at how people from differing cultural backgrounds communicate

any of various forms of interactivity between members of disparate cultural groups (see also cross-cultural communication, interculturalism, intercultural relations, hybridity, cosmopolitanism, transculturation)

the discourse concerning cultural interactivity, sometimes referred to as cross-culturalism (See also multiculturalism, cosmopolitanism, transculturation, cultural diversity)

David Held

David Held (27 August 1951 – 2 March 2019) was a British political scientist who specialised in political theory and international relations. He held a joint appointment as Professor of Politics and International Relations, and was Master of University College, at Durham University until his death. He was also a visiting Professor of Political Science at Libera Università Internazionale degli Studi Sociali Guido Carli. Previously he was the Graham Wallas chair of Political Science and the co-director of the Centre for the Study of Global Governance at the London School of Economics.Together with Daniele Archibugi, Held had been prominent in the development of cosmopolitanism, and of cosmopolitan democracy in particular. He was an active scholar on issues of globalisation, global governance and was joint editor-in-chief of the academic journal Global Policy.

Democratic globalization

Democratic globalisation is a social movement towards an institutional system of global democracy. In their view, this would bypass nation-states, corporate oligopolies, ideological NGOs, cults and mafias. One of its most prolific proponents is the British political thinker David Held. In the last decade, Held published a dozen books regarding the spread of democracy from territorially defined nation states to a system of global governance that encapsulates the entire world. For some, democratic mundialisation (from the French term mundialisation) is a variant of democratic globalisation stressing the need for the direct election of world leaders and members of global institutions by citizens worldwide; for others, it is just another name for democratic globalisation.

These proponents state that democratic globalisation's purpose is to:

Expand globalisation and make people closer and more united. This expansion should differ from economic globalization and "make people closer, more united and protected" because of a variety of opinions and proposals it is still unclear what this would mean in practice and how it could be realized.

Have it reach all fields of activity and knowledge, including governmental and economic, since the economic one is crucial to develop the well-being of world citizens.

Give world citizens democratic access and a say in those global activities. For example, presidential voting for United Nations Secretary-General by citizens and direct election of members of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly.Supporters of the democratic globalization movement draw a distinction between their movement and the one most popularly known as the anti-globalization movement, claiming that their movement avoids ideological agenda about economics and social matters. Democratic globalization supporters state that the choice of political orientations should be left to the world citizens via their participation in world democratic institutions. Some proponents in the anti-globalization movement do not necessarily disagree with this position. For example, George Monbiot, normally associated with the anti-globalization movement (who prefers the term global justice movement), has proposed in his work Age of Consent similar democratic reforms of most major global institutions, suggesting direct democratic elections of such bodies and a form of world government.


Diogenes (; Greek: Διογένης, Diogenēs [di.oɡénɛ͜ɛs]), also known as Diogenes the Cynic (Ancient Greek: Διογένης ὁ Κυνικός, Diogenēs ho Kynikos), was a Greek philosopher and one of the founders of Cynic philosophy. He was born in Sinope, an Ionian colony on the Black Sea, in 412 or 404 BC and died at Corinth in 323 BC.Diogenes was a controversial figure. His father minted coins for a living, and Diogenes was banished from Sinope when he took to debasement of currency. After being exiled, he moved to Athens and criticized many cultural conventions of the city. He modeled himself on the example of Heracles, and believed that virtue was better revealed in action than in theory. He used his simple life-style and behaviour to criticize the social values and institutions of what he saw as a corrupt, confused society. He had a reputation for sleeping and eating wherever he chose in a highly non-traditional fashion, and took to toughening himself against nature. He declared himself a cosmopolitan and a citizen of the world rather than claiming allegiance to just one place. There are many tales about his dogging Antisthenes' footsteps and becoming his "faithful hound".Diogenes made a virtue of poverty. He begged for a living and often slept in a large ceramic jar in the marketplace. He became notorious for his philosophical stunts, such as carrying a lamp during the day, claiming to be looking for an honest man. He criticized Plato, disputed his interpretation of Socrates, and sabotaged his lectures, sometimes distracting listeners by bringing food and eating during the discussions. Diogenes was also noted for having mocked Alexander the Great, both in public and to his face when he visited Corinth in 336.Diogenes was captured by pirates and sold into slavery, eventually settling in Corinth. There he passed his philosophy of Cynicism to Crates, who taught it to Zeno of Citium, who fashioned it into the school of Stoicism, one of the most enduring schools of Greek philosophy. None of Diogenes' writings have survived, but there are some details of his life from anecdotes (chreia), especially from Diogenes Laërtius' book Lives and Opinions of Eminent Philosophers and some other sources.

Global Cosmopolitans

Global Cosmopolitans refers to "a talented population of highly educated multilingual people that have lived, worked and studied for extensive periods in different cultures. While their international identities have diverse starting points and experiences, their views of the world and themselves are profoundly affected by both the realities of living in different cultures and their manner of coping with the challenges that emerge.".The term was developed by Linda Brimm, Professor of Organizational Behavior at INSEAD and further explored in her book Global Cosmopolitans: The Creative Edge of Difference.

Global citizens movement

In most discussions, the global citizens movement is a socio-political process rather than a political organization or party structure. The term is often used synonymously with the anti-globalization movement or the global justice movement."Global citizens movement" has been used by activists to refer to a number of organized and overlapping citizens groups who seek to influence public policy often with the hope of establishing global solidarity on an issue. Such efforts include advocacy on ecological sustainability, corporate responsibility, social justice, and similar progressive issues.

In theoretical discussions of social movements, global citizens movement refers to a complex and unprecedented phenomenon made possible by the unique subjective and objective conditions of the planetary phase of civilization. The term is used to distinguish the latent potential for a profound shift in values among an aware and engaged citizenry from existing transnational citizens movements which tend to focus on specific issues (such as the anti-war movement or the labor movement).

Global citizenship

Global citizenship is the idea that all people have rights and civic responsibilities that come with being a member of the world, with whole-world philosophy and sensibilities, rather than as a citizen of a particular nation or place. The idea is that one’s identity transcends geography or political borders and that responsibilities or rights are derived from membership in a broader class: "humanity". This does not mean that such a person denounces or waives their nationality or other, more local identities, but such identities are given "second place" to their membership in a global community. Extended, the idea leads to questions about the state of global society in the age of globalization. In general usage, the term may have much the same meaning as "world citizen" or cosmopolitan, but it also has additional, specialized meanings in differing contexts. Various organizations, such as the World Service Authority, have advocated global citizenship


Harsha (c. 590–647 CE), also known as Harshavardhana, was an Indian emperor who ruled North India from 606 to 647 CE. He was a member of the Vardhana dynasty; and was the son of Prabhakarvardhana who defeated the Alchon Huna invaders, and the younger brother of Rajyavardhana, a king of Thanesar, present-day Haryana. At the height of Harsha's power, his Empire covered much of North and Northwestern India, extended East till Kamarupa, and South until Narmada River; and eventually made Kannauj (in present Uttar Pradesh state) his capital, and ruled till 647 CE. Harsha was halted by the south Indian Emperor Pulakeshin II of the Chalukya dynasty, when Harsha tried to expand his Empire into the southern peninsula of India.The peace and prosperity that prevailed made his court a centre of cosmopolitanism, attracting scholars, artists and religious visitors from far and wide. The Chinese traveller Xuanzang visited the court of Harsha and wrote a very favourable account of him, praising his justice and generosity. His biography Harshacharita ("Deeds of Harsha") written by Sanskrit poet Banabhatta, describes his association with Thanesar, besides mentioning the defence wall, a moat and the palace with a two-storied Dhavalagriha (white mansion).

International ethics

International ethics is an area of international relations theory which concerns the extent and scope of ethical obligations between states in an era of globalization. Schools of thought include cosmopolitanism and anti-cosmopolitanism.Realism, Liberalism, and Marxism are ethical traditions that conceptually address moral issues in international relations.


Internationalism may refer to:

Multilateralism (international relations), multiple countries working in concert on a given issue

Internationalism (politics), a political movement that advocates a greater economic and political cooperation among nations

Internationalist–defencist schism, a current within the socialist movement opposed to World War I

Cosmopolitanism, the view that all human ethnic groups belong to a single community based on a shared morality as opposed to communitarian-ism, patriotism and nationalism

Internationalism (linguistics), the groups of words called internationalisms

Proletarian internationalism, the Marxist view of internationalism

Internationalism (US), the United States political party

Internationalism (Venezuela), the Venezuelan political party

Kwame Anthony Appiah

Kwame Akroma-Ampim Kusi Anthony Appiah ( AP-ee-ah; born May 8, 1954) is a

British-born Ghanaian-American philosopher, cultural theorist, and novelist whose interests include political and moral theory, the philosophy of language and mind, African intellectual history. Appiah was the Laurance S. Rockefeller University Professor of Philosophy at Princeton University, before moving to New York University (NYU) in 2014. He currently holds an appointment at the NYU Department of Philosophy and NYU's School of Law.

Rootless cosmopolitan

Rootless cosmopolitan (Russian: безродный космополит, bezrodnyi kosmopolit) was a pejorative Soviet euphemism widely used during Soviet anti-Semitic campaign of 1948–1953, which culminated in the "exposure" of the non-existent Doctors' plot. The term "rootless cosmopolitan" referred mostly to Jewish intellectuals, as an accusation in their lack of full allegiance to the Soviet Union. The campaign against "rootless cosmopolitans" began in 1946, when Joseph Stalin in his speech in Moscow attacked writers who were ethnic Jews. The expression was coined in 19th century by Russian literary critic Vissarion Belinsky to describe writers who lacked Russian national character.

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