Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar

Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar or Corpul Muncitorilor Legionari (CML, the Legionary Worker Corps or Legionary Workers' Corps) was a fascist association of workers in Romania, created inside the Iron Guard (which was originally known as the Legionary Movement) and having a rigid hierarchical structure. From its creation until September 1940, the CML was led by Gheorghe Clime; afterwards, the position was filled by Dumitru Groza, who oversaw the Corps during the period when the Iron Guard was in power — the National Legionary State —, and involved it in the 1941 Rebellion and Pogrom.[1] The CML had its headquarters in Bucharest, on Calea Călăraşilor.[2]

Together with the Iron Guard, it was outlawed by Conducător Ion Antonescu during the Rebellion, and dissolved itself. In time, the group formed around Dumitru Groza was drawn into collaboration with Antonescu, and later refused to become involved in talks with the Romanian Communist Party over the possibility of a political truce.

Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar
Founded1936
Date dissolved1941
MembersN/A
AffiliationIron Guard
Key peopleGheorghe Clime
Dumitru Groza
Office locationBucharest
CountryRomania

History

Context and creation

Even before the Corps creation, the Legionary Movement's leader, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu, had already manifested a special interest in the labor movement. As early as 1919, he had joined Constantin Pancu in his Garda Conştiinţei Naţionale, an association of workers, engaging in street battles with those whom they saw as Bolshevik agitators and drafting a political program which owed inspiration to the Austrian Christian Social Party and, possibly, to the DNSAP.[3] In 1933, he was among those who condemned the repression of the Griviţa Strike by the National Peasants' Party cabinet of Alexandru Vaida-Voevod.[4] Nevertheless, Roger Griffin's analysis of the relations established between the Movement and the working class indicates that such interventions were marginal in respect to other goals set by Codreanu, and largely fruitless.[5] In contrast, Codreanu himself is thought to have based his decision on the fact that industrial employees were already joining his grouping in relevant numbers.[6]

Corpul Muncitoresc was created on October 25, 1936.[1] The first of its units, centered in Azuga, was established in 1938.[5] Soon afterwards, all working-class political cells (cuiburi, or "nests") withdrew from their affiliation with local structures, and were reunited inside the CML.[1] Codreanu underlined the class' importance in the context of his ideology,[1] and, through an appeal to the CML in particular and the proletariat in general, he indicated:

"In your fight, up to now, you have strayed on hundreds of slanting paths and you have been defeated. All your attempts have been crushed. This time around, you will vanquish under the Legionary symbol, your sacrifice will be rewarded with a reward of the victorious and the masters of a country."[1]

Early trends

Various other statements of Legionary leaders clarified their intention to marginalize left-wing politics inside the labor movement, while making vague promises regarding social equality (appealing to "authentic workers", they indicated their refusal to accept "transforming the administrative and professional problem into a terrible political weapon", and proclaimed a will to balance the labor cause with capitalism, leading to a world were employers and employees would be "comrades").[3][5] Dumitru Groza, who expanded on the theme of Legionary workers being "masters of their own country",[5] is known to have deemed Codreanu "the Messiah of the Romanian worker".[5]

The Corps, coinciding with a peak in Iron Guard popularity and influence,[3][5] as well as with the apex of interwar industrialization in Romania,[3] signified a major shift in regard to recruitment policies.[3][5] Before the period of persecution and Codreanu's killing (November 1938), it swelled in numbers.[4][6] There are several views in respect to its overall importance inside the larger movement: according to Aurel Dragoş Munteanu, the Corps was the largest and most popular branch,[4] while Francisco Veiga describes it as "an elite organization", and argues that its strength lay in determination rather than sheer numbers.[3]

Initially, the CML made gains in the ranks of semi-skilled workers.[3] Soon after, it came to draw much of its membership (around 8,000 people)[5] from the industrial areas of Bucharest, most notably Griviţa, and from the city's major employers (both in the services industry, with Societatea de Transport Bucureşti, and in Nicolae Malaxa's factories).[4] Francisco Veiga indicates that the organization had only marginal impact on the Prahova County, where the oil industry was centered.[3]

It soon began organizing a series of leisure ventures, including several low-cost restaurants (one of them was maintained in Griviţa), which also functioned as charity canteens for the poor.[3] Following a model instituted by Opera nazionale dopolavoro in Fascist Italy, a number of campsites were set up, offering free vacationing to working-class children.[3]

Following King Carol II's 1938 decision to monopolize stately power and the subsequent creation of the National Renaissance Front as the single ruling party, the CML remained active in the underground, but was much weakened and efficiently supervised by the secret police (Siguranţa Statului).[3] It has also been argued that the Corps nonetheless gained political support, as an indirect consequence of Carol's similar move to outlaw all trade unions.[7]

National Legionary State

Under the National Legionary State, created soon after Carol's fall in 1940 as a partnership between General Ion Antonescu (who took the title of Conducător) and the Iron Guard's Horia Sima, Dumitru Groza's CML was instated as an official institution, officially replacing all trade unions.[8] It developed an autonomous structure, which included its own paramilitary wing (garnizoană),[3][7][8] and rose to over 13,200 members in Bucharest.[3] Advertised as a new social nucleus of the nation, the CML increased the number of its ventures, owning its own cinemas, and even criticized various employers for the treatment they offered to workers (which played a part in the proclamation of a theoretical minimum wage).[3] At the time, the Iron Guard's Minister of Labor Vasile Iaşinschi was quoted as saying:

"among the workers today will be recruited the tomorrow's factory owners, if not in the first generation, at least in the second."[5]

In autumn 1940, as tensions between the Guard and Antonescu escalated, the movement began appealing to Romanian Army personnel, in an attempt to draw support away from the military leaders.[9] In the process, the CML and Ajutorul Legionar, the Guard's humanitarian venture, were depicted as evidence that the Sima's was the only political body capable of dealing with the social problems faced by soldiers.[9] In parallel, the CML's paramilitary troops took part in waves of violence and repression, occasionally taking initiative; on November 26–27, 1940, together with Legionary sympathizers in the Romanian Police, it carried out the killings of former National Renaissance Front officials who were detained in Jilava.[3]

The CML was among the main participants in the Legionary Rebellion of January 21, 1941, when the final clash with Antonescu took place.[1][10] It also played a prominent part in the parallel pogrom, organizing a roundup of Jews.[2][3] The Corps transported those captured to the forest in Jilava, where they were shot.[2] Among those killed were the two sons of Rabbi Zvi Gutman (shots were also fired in Gutman's direction, as he laid down on the ground, but missed their target).[2]

Aftermath

Although Antonescu singled out Dumitru Groza as one of the Rebellion leaders, Siguranţa Statului obtained the former CML's leader collaboration for much of World War II.[10] In 1945, following Antonescu's downfall and the onset of Soviet occupation (see Romania during World War II), and the establishment of the Petru Groza executive, state authorities progressively came under control from the Romanian Communist Party. In the process, the factionalized and underground interior branch of the Iron Guard was approached by the Communist Party's Teohari Georgescu and Alexandru Nicolschi with an offer for a truce (evidence was also cited that the agreement was directly ordered by Soviet overseers).[4][10] Such talks were mainly carried out with Nicolae Petraşcu, who claimed to represent the exiled leadership of Sima.[4][10] Dumitru Groza's faction refused to partake in the deal.[10]

During the Communist regime, established in 1948, the CML's impact in industrial areas of Bucharest was obscured, with the PCR claiming to have been the main agent of political agitation during the 1930s.[4] As part of their conflict with Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, both Ana Pauker and her associate Georgescu were accused of having orchestrated the enrollment of Legionaries in the Party (Pauker is known to have publicly welcomed former members of the Iron Guard on one occasion in 1945,[4] and it has been argued that she took part in the actual negotiations).[10]

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f Eftimie Ardeleanu, "Structuri legionare" ("Legionary Structures"), in Dosarele Istoriei, 4/1997, p.44-45
  2. ^ a b c d Ion C. Butnaru, Waiting for Jerusalem: Surviving the Holocaust in Romania, Praeger/Greenwood, Westport, 1993, p.40
  3. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Francisco Veiga, Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919-1941: Mistica ultranaţionalismului ("History of the Iron Guard, 1919-1941: The Mistique of Ultra-Nationalism"), Bucharest, Humanitas, 1993 (Romanian-language version of the 1989 Spanish edition La mística del ultranacionalismo (Historia de la Guardia de Hierro) Rumania, 1919–1941, Bellaterra, Publicacions de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, ISBN 84-7488-497-7), p.47-49, 224-226, 263, 285-286, 292-293, 301
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h ‹See Tfd›(in Romanian) Aurel Dragoş Munteanu, "Comunişti si verzi - Eşecul alianţei dorite de Moscova" ("Communists and Greens - Failure of the Alliance Desired by Moscow"), in Jurnalul Naţional, September 20, 2006
  5. ^ a b c d e f g h i Roger Griffin, Fascism, Totalitarianism And Political Religion, Routledge, London, 2005, p.151-152
  6. ^ a b Ion C. Butnaru, The Silent Holocaust: Romania and Its Jews, Praeger/Greenwood, Westport, 1992, p.52
  7. ^ a b Final Report Archived June 29, 2007, at the Wayback Machine of the International Commission on the Holocaust in Romania, p.110
  8. ^ a b Stanley George Payne, A History of Fascism, 1914-1945, Routledge, London, 1995, p.394
  9. ^ a b ‹See Tfd›(in Romanian) Petre Otu, "Septembrie 1940-ianuarie 1941. Armata în «Statul Naţional Legionar»: Preliminarii" ("September 1940-January 1941. The Army in the «National Legionary State»: Preliminaries") Archived 2007-10-10 at the Wayback Machine, in Magazin Istoric, June 1997
  10. ^ a b c d e f Ilarion Ţiu, "Şi verzi, şi roşii" ("Both Greens and Reds"), in Jurnalul Naţional, May 10, 2006
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (Romanian pronunciation: [korˈneliu ˈzele̯a koˈdre̯anu] (listen); born Corneliu Zelinski; September 13, 1899 – November 30, 1938), commonly known as Corneliu Codreanu, was a Romanian politician who was the founder and charismatic leader of the Iron Guard (also known as the Legionnaire movement), an ultranationalistic, antisemitic, Magyarophobic, and anti-gypsy organization active throughout most of the interwar period. Generally seen as the main variety of local fascism, and noted for its Romanian Orthodox-inspired revolutionary message, the Iron Guard grew into an important actor on the Romanian political stage, coming into conflict with the political establishment and democratic forces. The Legionnaires traditionally referred to Codreanu as Căpitanul ("The Captain"), and he held absolute authority over the organization until his death. He is on the list for 100 Greatest Romanians.

Codreanu, who began his career in the wake of World War I as an anticommunist and antisemitic agitator associated with A. C. Cuza and Constantin Pancu, was a co-founder of the National-Christian Defense League and assassin of the Iaşi Police prefect Constantin Manciu. Codreanu left Cuza to found a succession of far-right movements, rallying around him a growing segment of the country's intelligentsia and peasant population. Outlawed by successive Romanian cabinets on several occasions, his Legion assumed different names and survived in the underground, during which time Codreanu formally delegated leadership to Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul. Following Codreanu's instructions, the Legion carried out assassinations of politicians it viewed as corrupt, including Prime Minister Ion G. Duca and his former associate Mihai Stelescu. Simultaneously, Corneliu Zelea Codreanu advocated Romania's adherence to a military and political alliance with Nazi Germany.

He registered his main electoral success during the 1937 suffrage, but was blocked out of power by King Carol II, who came to favor rival fascist alternatives around the National Christian Party and the National Renaissance Front. The rivalry between Codreanu and, on the other side, Carol and moderate politicians like Nicolae Iorga ended with Codreanu's imprisonment at Jilava and eventual assassination at the hands of the Gendarmerie. He was succeeded as leader by Horia Sima. In 1940, under the National Legionary State proclaimed by the Iron Guard, his killing served as the basis for violent retribution.

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's views influenced the modern far-right. Groups claiming him as a forerunner include Noua Dreaptă and other Romanian successors of the Iron Guard, the International Third Position, and various neofascist organizations in Italy and other parts of Europe.

Iron Guard

The Iron Guard (Romanian: Garda de fier pronounced [ˈɡarda de ˈfjer] (listen)) is the name most commonly given to a fascist movement and political party in Romania founded in 1927 by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu as the Legion of the Archangel Michael (Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail) or the Legionnaire movement (Mișcarea Legionară). The League was ultra-nationalist, antisemitic, antiziganist, anti-communist, anti-capitalist and promoted Eastern Orthodox Christianity. In March 1930 Codreanu formed the "Iron Guard" as a paramilitary political branch of the Legion, and in 1935, the Legion changed its official name to the "Totul pentru Ţară" party (literally "Everything For the Country" Party). It existed into the early part of World War II. Its members were called "Greenshirts" because of the predominantly green uniforms they wore.When Marshal Ion Antonescu came to power in September 1940, he brought the Iron Guard into the government, creating the National Legionary State. In January 1941, however, following the Legionnaires' rebellion, Antonescu used the army to suppress the movement, destroying the organization, but its then commander, Horia Sima, and some other leaders escaped to Germany.

National Renaissance Front

The National Renaissance Front (Romanian: Frontul Renașterii Naționale, FRN; also translated as Front of National Regeneration, Front of National Rebirth, Front of National Resurrection, or Front of National Renaissance) was a Romanian political party created by King Carol II in 1938 as the single monopoly party of government following his decision to ban all other political parties and suspend the 1923 Constitution, and the passing of the 1938 Constitution of Romania. It was the party of Prime Ministers Armand Călinescu, Gheorghe Argeșanu, Constantin Argetoianu, Gheorghe Tătărescu and Ion Gigurtu, whose regimes were associated with corporatism and antisemitism. Largely reflecting Carol's own political choices, the FRN was the last of several attempts to counter the popularity of the fascist and antisemitic Iron Guard. In mid-1940, Carol reorganized the FRN into the more radical Party of the Nation (Partidul Națiunii or Partidul Națiunei, PN), designed as a "totalitarian unity party". It effectively ceased to function the following year when the Parliament of Romania was dissolved.

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