The Corfu incident was a 1923 diplomatic and military crisis between Greece and Italy. It was triggered when an Italian general heading a commission to resolve a border dispute between Albania and Greece was murdered in Greek territory along with members of his staff. In response, Benito Mussolini issued a severe ultimatum to Greece and when it was not accepted in whole, dispatched forces to bombard and occupy Corfu. Mussolini defied the League of Nations and stated Italy would leave if it arbitrated in the crisis, and the Conference of Ambassadors instead eventually tendered an agreement favoring Italy. This was an early demonstration of the League's weakness when dealing with larger powers.
Corfu, one of the Ionian Islands
|Commanders and leaders|
|Admiral Emilio Solari||Unknown|
2 torpedo boats
4 MAS boats
6 batteries of light artillery
|Casualties and losses|
16 civilians killed, 30 wounded and 2 amputated (per Greek sources)|
20 civilians killed and 32 wounded (reported)
During the Italo-Ottoman war of 1911-12, Italy had occupied the Dodecanese islands whose population was largely Greek. Under the Venizelos–Tittoni agreement of 1919, Italy promised to cede the Dodecanese islands except for Rhodes to Greece in exchange for Greek recognition of the Italian claims to part of Anatolia. However, the victories of the Turkish nationalist movement had put an end to all plans for partitioning Asia Minor by 1922, and Mussolini took the view that since the Italians had been forced out of Turkey that cancelled out the obligation to cede the Dodecanese islands to Greece. The Greeks continued to press Mussolini on the Dodecanese issue, and in the summer of 1923, he ordered the Italian garrison in the Dodecaneses reinforced as part of his plans to formally annex the islands to Italy, which caused Greece to issue notes of protest.
In May 1923, during a visit to Rome, the British Foreign Secretary, Lord Curzon, told Mussolini that Britain would cede Jubaland and Jarabub to Italy as part of a general settlement of all of Italy's claims, saying that Italians had to settle their disputes with both Yugoslavia and Greece as part of the price of Jubaland and Jarabub. Under the terms of the Treaty of London, under which Italy entered the First World War in 1915, Britain had promised to cede Jubaland and Jarabub to Italy, and as Mussolini had founded the Fascist Party in 1919 in part to protest the "mutilated victory" of 1918 as Italy did not obtain all of the territory promised by the Treaty of London, Jubaland and Jarabub had over-sized symbolic importance in Italy far out of proportion to the actual value of these territories. To obtain Jubaland and Jarabub would mean that Italy would have to settle the Fiume dispute with Yugoslavia and the Dodecanese islands dispute with Greece, neither of which Mussolini wanted to compromise on. Through the Milner-Scialoja agreement of 1920 had committed Britain to cede Jubaland and Jarabub to Italy, the British had subsequently tied that to the Italians settling the Dodecanese islands dispute first. Under the treaty of Lausanne in July 1923, all of the Allied powers abandoned their claims to Turkey, which badly damaged Mussolini's prestige as he promised as an opposition leader to obtain all of the territories the Italians had fought for in World War I including a large clunk of Anatolia. Having denounced his predecessors as weak leaders who had brought about the "mutilated victory" of 1918 and promised that he was a "strong leader" who would undo the "mutilated victory", Mussolini by the summer of 1923 was to face the reality that Italy was simply too weak to achieve all of his promises.
There was a boundary dispute between Greece and Albania. The two nations took their dispute to the Conference of Ambassadors, which created a commission of British, French, and Italian officials to determine the boundary, which was authorized by the League of Nations to settle the dispute. The Italian General Enrico Tellini became the chairman of the commission. From the outset of the negotiations, the relations between Greece and the commission were bad. Eventually the Greek delegate openly accused Tellini of working in favour of Albania's claims.
In July 1923, Mussolini had ordered the admirals of the Regina Marina to start preparing for the occupation of Corfu, which he predicated would happen that summer in response to the "expected provocative acts" by Greece. The Italian Navy minister, Admiral Paolo Thaon di Revel, welcomed the plan to seize Corfu for budgetary reasons, believing a triumph by the Regina Marina would show the Italian people the importance of the navy and thus led to a bigger naval budget. At the same time, Mussolini did not inform the professional diplomats of the Palazzo Chigi about his plans to seize Corfu, expecting them to object, an expectation that was confirmed when Corfu was indeed bombarded.
On August 27, 1923, Tellini, two of his aides, their interpreter and a chauffeur fell into an ambush and were assassinated by unknown assailants at the border crossing of Kakavia, which is near the town of Ioannina, within Greek territory. The five victims were Tellini, Major Luigi Corti, Lieutenant Mario Bonacini, Albanian interpreter Thanas Gheziri and the chauffeur Remigio Farnetti. None of the victims were robbed. The incident occurred close to the disputed border and therefore could have been carried out by either side.
According to Italian newspapers and the official statement of the Albanian government, the attack was carried out by Greeks, while other sources, including the Greek government and its officials and the Romanian consul in Ioannina, attributed the murder to Albanian bandits. Reginald Leeper, the British Ambassador to Greece, in a letter to the British Foreign Secretary Sir Anthony Eden sent in April 1945, expressed the viewpoint that it was the Cham Albanians were responsible for the murder of General Tellini, saying that it was a Cham Albanian bandit named Daout Hodja [Daut Hohxa] who killed General Tellini and the other officers. Summarising the most recent evidence, the Greek historian Aristotle Kallis wrote: "Much about the incident which resulted in Tellini's assassination remains unclear. There is sufficient evidence to lend credence to the Greek government's argument that the perpetrators had in fact originated from Albania and had crossed the border illegally to ambush the car inside Greece and thus inculpate the Greek side".
Upon news of the murder, anti-Greek demonstrations broke out in Italy. The Greek newspapers were reported by Australian newspapers to "condemn unanimously the Tellini crime, and express friendly sentiments towards Italy. They hope that the Cabinet will give legitimate satisfaction to Italy without going beyond the limits of national dignity."
Italy sent an ultimatum to Greece on August 29, 1923, demanding: (1) a complete official apology at the Italian legation in Athens, (2) a solemn funeral in the Catholic cathedral in Athens in the presence of all the Greek government, (3) military honours for the bodies of the victims, (4) full honours by the Greek fleet to the Italian fleet which would be sent to Piraeus, (5) capital punishment for the guilty, (6) an indemnity of 50 million lire within five days of receipt of the note and (7) a strict inquiry, to be carried out quickly with the assistance of the Italian military attaché. In addition, Italy demanded that Greece must reply to the ultimatum within 24 hours.
Greece replied to Italy on August 30, 1923, accepting four of the demands which with modifications were as follows: (1) The commandant of Piraeus would express the Greek Government's sorrow to the Italian Minister, (2) a memorial service will be held in the presence of members of the government, (3) on the same day a detachment of the guard would salute the Italian flag at the Italian legation, (4) the military would render honors to the remains of the victims when they were transferred to an Italian warship. The other demands were rejected on the ground that they would infringe the sovereignty and honor of Greece. In addition, the Greek government declared its complete willingness to grant, as a measure of justice, an equitable indemnity to the families of the victims, and that it didn't accept an enquiry in the presence of the Italian military attaché but it would be pleased to accept any assistance which Colonel Perone (the Italian military attaché) might be able to lend by supplying any information likely to facilitate the discovery of the assassins.
Mussolini and the Italian cabinet were not satisfied with the reply of the Greek government and declared that it was unacceptable. The Italian press, including the opposition journals, endorsed Mussolini's demands and insisted that Greece must comply without discussion. Mussolini's decision was received with enthusiasm in all of Italy.
On August 31, 1923, a squadron of the Italian Navy bombarded the Greek island of Corfu and landed 5,000 to 10,000 troops. Airplanes aided in the attack. Italian fire was concentrated on the town's Old Fortress, which had long been demilitarized and served as a shelter for refugees from Asia Minor, and on the Cities Police school at the New Fortress, which was also a refugee shelter. The bombardment lasted 15 to 30 minutes. As a result of the bombardment 16 civilians were killed, 30 injured and two had limbs amputated, while according to other sources 20 were killed and 32 wounded. There were no soldiers reported among the victims, all of whom were refugees and orphans. The majority of those killed were children. The Commissioner of the Save the Children Fund described the bombing as "inhuman and revolting, unjustifiable and unnecessary.
The prefect of Corfu, Petros Evripaios, and Greek officers and officials were arrested by the Italians and detained aboard an Italian warship. The Greek garrison of 150 men did not surrender but retired to the interior of the island.
After the landing, the Italian officers were worried that British citizens may have been wounded or killed, and were relieved when they learned that there were no British among the victims.
Mussolini in a speech denounced the Greek government for not understanding that "Corfu had been Venetian for four hundred years" before becoming part of Greece in 1864,. Throughout the crisis, Mussolini kept stating that Corfu had been ruled by Venice in a manner that suggested he viewed Corfu as rightfully part of Italy rather than Greece under the grounds that Italy was the heir to the Most Serene Republic of Venice. One of the few groups in Italy who did object to the bombardment were the senior diplomats of the Palazzo Chigi who not informed and many of them including Salvatore Contarini, the Permanent Secretary to the Foreign Minister, were on vacation on the day of the bombardment.
During the crisis, Contarini together with Antonio Salandra, the Italian delegate to the League of Nations, and Romano Avezzana, the Italian ambassador to France, emerged as a force for moderation within the Italian government, constantly working to persuade Mussolini to drop his more extreme demands and to accept a compromise. Mussolini who only become prime minister on 28 October 1922, was determined to assert his power by proving that he was an unconventional leader who did not follow the normal rules of diplomacy, and the Corfu crisis was the first clash between Mussolini and the traditional elites in Italy, who while not objecting to imperialistic policies, disliked Il Duce's reckless style. At the time, Italy was engaging in negotiations with Britain for the cession of Jubaland in East Africa and Jarabub in North Africa to the Italian empire. From the viewpoint of the Palazzo Chigi, the success of these negotiations hinged in part on presenting Italy as a responsible partner to Britain, which was threatened by Mussolini's rash behavior as such as occupying Corfu.
Following the incident, the Greek government proclaimed martial law throughout Greece. The Greek fleet was ordered to retire to the Gulf of Volos to avoid contact with the Italian fleet. In the Athens Cathedral, a solemn memorial service was held for the persons who were killed in the Corfu bombardment, and the bells of all of the churches were tolled continuously. After the service, demonstrations against Italy broke out. All places of amusement were closed as a sign of mourning for the victims of the bombardment.
After the protest of the Italian Minister, the Greek Government suspended for one day the newspaper Eleftheros Typos for characterizing the Italians as "the fugitives of Caporetto" and dismissed the censor for allowing the statement to pass. The Greek Government provided a detachment of 30 men to guard the Italian Legation in Athens. Greek newspapers were unanimous in condemning Italy's action.
Italy closed the Straits of Otranto to Greek ships. In addition, Italy suspended all Greek shipping companies sailing for her, and ordered Italian ships to boycott Greece, although the Greek ports were open to Italian vessels. Greek steamers were detained in Italian ports and one was seized by a submarine in the straits of Corfu, but on September 2, the Italian Ministry of Marine ordered all Greek ships to be released from Italian ports. Anti-Greek demonstrations broke out in Italy again. The Italian government ordered the Italian reservists in London to hold themselves in readiness for army service. The King of Italy, Victor Emmanuel III, returned to Rome from his summer residence immediately. The Italian military attaché who was sent to inquire into the murder of the Italian delegates was recalled by the Italian legation, and Greek journalists were expelled from Italy.
Albania reinforced the Greco-Albanian frontier and prohibited passage across.
Chairman on the League of Nations commissioning assisting deported women and children, who was eyewitness of the bombardment said: "The crime of Corfu was official murder by a civilized nation...I consider the manner in which Corfu occupied as inhuman."
Lord Curzon, wrote that the "terms demanded by Mussolini are extravagant-much worse than the ultimatum after Sarajevo". In a telegram to the Prime Minister, Stanley Baldwin, who was vacation in at Aix-les-Bains, Lord Curzon wrote that Mussolini's actions were "violent and inexcusable" and if Britain did not support the Greek appeal to the League of Nations then "that institution may as well shut its doors".Harold Nicolson and Sir William Tyrrell at the Foreign Office wrote a memo calling for "concentrating our efforts to protect Greece through the agency of the League of Nations against an unfair exploitation by Italy". Lord Curzon's initial attempt to end the crisis by referring it to the League of Nations was dropped after Mussolini threatened to leave the League. More importantly, sanctions against Italy would require that the approval of the League Council and it was believed that France would veto any sanctions against Italy if the Corfu incident was referred to the League. Within Whitehall, the Treasury objected to sanctions against Italy under the grounds that the United States was not a member of the League and any League sanctions if adopted would be ineffective as the United States would continue to trade with Italy while the Admiralty demanded a declaration of war against Italy as the prerequisite of a blockade. Howard William Kennard, in charge of the British embassy in Rome as the ambassador Sir Ronald Graham was on vacation wrote in a dispatch to Lord Curzon that Mussolini was possibly insane, a man suffering from a "mixture of megalomania and extreme patriotism". Kennard drew the conclusion that Mussolini was perhaps rash enough to turn the crisis into an all-out war between Italy and Greece as he kept demanding sums of money in compensation that were well beyond Greece's ability to pay. However, Kennard believed that the Fascist regime was the only thing saving Italy from communism, and if Mussolini were defeated in a war, then the Fascist regime would collapse and the Italian Communist Party would take over. As Kennard much preferred Fascism in power in Italy to Communism, this led him to advocate appeasement, saying that Britain must pressure Greece to submit to the Italian terms while trying to persuade Mussolini to lower the compensation amounts as the best way of avoiding a war. Farther afield, Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia were more supportive of Greece with both governments condemning Italy's actions.
On September 1, Greece appealed to the League of Nations, but Antonio Salandra, the Italian representative to the League, informed the Council that he had no permission to discuss the crisis. Mussolini refused to co-operate with the League and demanded that the Conference of Ambassadors should deal with the matter. Italy assured that it would leave the League rather than allow the League to interfere.
Britain favored referring the Corfu matter to the League of Nations, but France opposed such a course of action fearing that it would provide a precedent for the League to become involved in the French occupation of the Ruhr.
With the threat of Mussolini to withdraw from the League and lack of French support the matter went to the Conference of Ambassadors. Italy's prestige was safeguarded and the French were relieved from any linkage between Corfu and the Ruhr at the League of Nations.
On September 8 the Conference of Ambassadors announced to both Greece and Italy, as well as to the League of Nations, the terms upon which the dispute should be settled.
The decision was that:
In Italy the press widely reported satisfaction with the Conference's decision and praised Mussolini.
On September 11 the Greek delegate, Nikolaos Politis, informed the Council that Greece had deposited the 50,000,000 lire in a Swiss bank and on September 15, the Ambassadors Conference informed Mussolini that Italy must evacuate Corfu on the September 27, at the latest.
On September 26, before the inquiry had finished, the Conference of Ambassadors awarded Italy an indemnity of 50,000,000 lire, on the alleged ground that "the Greek authorities had been guilty of a certain negligence before and after the crime."
In addition, Italy demanded from Greece 1,000,000 lire per day for the cost of the occupation of Corfu and Conference of the Ambassadors replied that Italy reserved the right of recourse to an International Court of Justice in connection with the occupation expenses.
In Greece there was a general depression over the decision, because Italy obtained practically everything she demanded.
Harold Nicolson, a first secretary in the central department of the Foreign Office said: "In response to the successive menaces of M. Mussolini we muzzled the League, we imposed the fine on Greece without evidence of her guilt and without reference to the Hague, and we disbanded the Commission of Enquiry. A settlement was thus achieved."
On September 27 the Italian flag was lowered and the Italian troops evacuated Corfu. The Italian fleet and a Greek destroyer saluted the Italian flag, and when the Greek flag hoisted, the Italian flagship saluted it.
40,000 residents of Corfu welcomed the prefect when he landed, and shouldered him to the prefecture. British and French flags were waved by the crowd which demonstrated enthusiastically in front of the Anglo-French consulates.
The 50,000,000 lire deposited in a Swiss bank were at the disposal of The Hague Tribunal and the bank refused to transfer the money to Rome without the authority of the Greek National Bank, which was given on the evening of the same day.
On September 30, the Italian fleet, except one destroyer, departed.
In Corfu during the first quarter of the 20th century, many Italian operas were performed at the Municipal Theatre of Corfu. This tradition came to a halt following the Corfu incident. After the bombardment, the theatre featured Greek operas as well as Greek theater performances by distinguished Greek actors such as Marika Kotopouli and Pelos Katselis.
The crisis was the first major test for the League of Nations but the League failed it. It showed that the League was weak and couldn't settle disputes when a great power confronted a small one. The authority of the League had been openly defied by Italy, a founding member of the League and a permanent member of the Council. The Italian Fascist regime had managed to prevail in its first major international confrontation.
The crisis was also a failure for the policy of Great Britain, which had appeared as the greatest champion of the League during the crisis. As the Greeks became focused on securing the return of Corfu, the Dodecanese islands issue faded into the background, and the Greek government ceased to protest the continued Italian occupation of the islands, which Mussolini formally annexed to Italy in 1925.
In addition, it showed the purpose and tone of Fascist foreign policy. Italy's invasion of Corfu was Mussolini's most aggressive move of the 1920s. The reputation of Mussolini in Italy was enhanced.
As a consequence Mussolini started in the 1930s to claim the Italian irredentism of Corfu & the Ionian islands.
An Italian Post Office opened on September 11, 1923 in Corfu, issuing a set of 8 Italian stamps overprinted "CORFÙ" which were placed on sale on the 20th. Three additional stamps overprinted in Greek currency arrived on 24th. The third stamp was 2.40 drachma on 1 lire. The Post Office closed at midday on 26 September 1923, only remaining open to dispatch the morning mail. The office had been open for 15 days.
Three further values arrived on the day the Post Office closed, and were never issued. They eventually became available for sale at the postal ministry in Rome. Many used copies of these stamps have forged postmarks, but it is known that the Corfu cancel was applied to hundreds of stamps before the Post Office closed.
Although the incident occurred close to the disputed border and could therefore have been carried out by either side, the Italians blamed the Greeks.
Unfortunately he was murdered, most likely by bandits. Although the culprits were never caught, reports were flashed to Mussolini blaming the Greek side
Adolf Vinnen was a five-masted barquentine that was built by Friedrich Krupp Germaniawerft, Kiel, Germany. She was wrecked on her maiden voyage in 1923.Alexandros Karapanos
Alexandros Karapanos (Greek: Αλέξανδρος Καραπάνος, 1873–1946) was a Greek politician and diplomat. He was born in Arta (Epirus) and died in Athens.
Karapanos was the son of politician and archeologist Konstantinos Karapanos. He studied law and political science in Paris. In 1899 he joined the Greek diplomatic corps and became the country’s ambassador in several European capitals during the following years. At the outbreak of the Balkan Wars he was appointed political-diplomatic advisor to the Army of Epirus.
In February 1914, when the Great Powers awarded the region of Northern Epirus, which had been under the control of the Greek army, to the Principality of Albania, he moved to Gjirokastër and became Minister of Foreign Affairs in the provisional autonomous government formed by the local Greek population. His relative, Georgios Christakis-Zografos, was the head of this government. After successful negotiations with the representatives of the Great Powers and William of Wied of Albania, in May the Protocol of Corfu was signed which granted full autonomy to Northern Epirus.Karapanos became MP for Arts in the Greek elections of December 1915, and in 1916 he was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs of the official royal government. He launched negotiations for the country’s participation with the Triple Entente in the First World War, but negotiations became deadlocked.
Karapanos participated at the Paris Peace Conference (1919) as a representative of the Northern Epirotes. In 1920 he became again an MP. Two years later, following the Asia Minor Catastrophe, he disagreed with the policies of the military revolt of September 1922, and rejected an offer to become Prime Minister of Greece.
Continuing his diplomatic activity, he was sent to Rome in 1923 to negotiate with Italy, after the Corfu incident. In 1928 he became again Minister of Foreign Affairs, in the cabinet of Eleftherios Venizelos (4 July 1928 – 7 June 1929). During this period Greece signed a number of treaties with Italy and Yugoslavia.
Alexandros Karapanos was the founder of the newspaper Elefthero Vima, which is known today as To Vima ("the tribune") and the magazine Politiki Epitheorisi ("Political Review").Conference of Ambassadors
The Conference of Ambassadors of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers was an inter-allied organization of the Entente in the period following the end of World War I. Formed in Paris in January 1920 it became a successor of the Supreme War Council and was later on de facto incorporated into the League of Nations as one of its governing bodies. It became less active after the Locarno Treaties of 1925 and formally ceased to exist in 1931 or 1935.The Conference consisted of ambassadors of Great Britain, Italy, and Japan accredited in Paris and French minister of foreign affairs. The ambassador of the United States attended as an observer because the United States was not an official party to the Treaty of Versailles. French diplomat René Massigli was its secretary-general for its entire existence. It was chaired by foreign minister of France (among them Georges Clemenceau, Raymond Poincaré and Aristide Briand).
It was formed to enforce peace treaties and to mediate various territorial disputes among European states. Some of the disputed regions handled by the Conference included Cieszyn Silesia (between Poland and Czechoslovakia), the Vilnius Region (between Poland and Lithuania), the Klaipėda Region (between Germany and Lithuania) and the Corfu Incident (between Italy and Greece). One of its major territorial decisions was made on 15 March 1923, in recognizing the eastern borders of Poland created following the Polish–Soviet War of 1920. The Conference also recognized Polish sovereignty over the Vilnius region and Eastern GaliciaThe Conference of Ambassadors of the Principal Allied and Associated Powers was appointed by the League of Nations to take charge of the Greek/Albanian border dispute that turned into the Corfu Incident of 1923.
Jules Laroche and Massigli were the first two Secretaries-General. The Conference of Ambassadors are contradicted by the existence of the general secretariat and a row of committees and commissions, who worked as permanent or sometimes ad hoc advisers.Conte di Cavour-class battleship
The Conte di Cavour–class battleships were a group of three dreadnoughts built for the Royal Italian Navy (Regia Marina) in the 1910s. The ships were completed during World War I, but none saw action before the end of hostilities. Leonardo da Vinci was sunk by a magazine explosion in 1916 and sold for scrap in 1923. The two surviving ships, Conte di Cavour and Giulio Cesare, supported operations during the Corfu Incident in 1923. They were extensively reconstructed between 1933 and 1937 with more powerful guns, additional armor and considerably more speed than before.
Both ships participated in the Battle of Calabria in July 1940, when Giulio Cesare was lightly damaged. They were both present when British torpedo bombers attacked the fleet at Taranto in November 1940, and Conte di Cavour was torpedoed. She was grounded with most of her hull underwater and her repairs were not completed before the Italian surrender in September 1943. Conte di Cavour was scrapped in 1946. Giulio Cesare escorted several convoys, and participated in the Battle of Cape Spartivento in late 1940 and the First Battle of Sirte in late 1941. She was designated as a training ship in early 1942, and escaped to Malta after Italy surrendered. The ship was transferred to the Soviet Union in 1949 and renamed Novorossiysk. The Soviets also used her for training until she was sunk when a mine exploded in 1955. She was scrapped in 1957.Corfiot Italians
Corfiot Italians (or "Corfiote Italians") are a population from the Greek island of Corfu (Kerkyra) with ethnic and linguistic ties to the Republic of Venice. Their name was specifically established by Niccolò Tommaseo during the Italian Risorgimento. During the first half of the 20th century, Mussolini (whose fascist regime promoted the ideals of Italian irredentism) successfully used the Corfiot Italians as a pretext to occupy Corfu twice.Enrico Tellini
Enrico Tellini (25 August 1871 – 27 August 1923) was an Italian General whose assassination provoked the Corfu incident of 1923.HMS L9
HMS L9 was a L-class submarine built for the Royal Navy during World War I. The boat survived the war and was sold for scrap in 1927.Italian battleship Andrea Doria
Andrea Doria was the lead ship of her class of battleships built by the Regia Marina (Royal Navy). The class included only one sister ship, Caio Duilio. Andrea Doria was named after the 16th century Genoese admiral of the same name. Laid down in March 1912, the battleship was launched a year later in March 1913, and completed in March 1916. She was armed with a main battery of thirteen 305 mm (12.0 in) guns and had a top speed of 21 knots (39 km/h; 24 mph).
Andrea Doria saw no major action in World War I, and served extensively in Mediterranean in the 1920s and 1930s. She was involved in the suppression of rebels in Fiume and the Corfu incident in the 1920s. Starting in 1937, Andrea Doria underwent an extensive modernization, which lasted until 1940. She saw relatively little action during World War II; she was tasked with escorting convoys to Libya throughout 1941 and into 1942, during which she engaged in the inconclusive First Battle of Sirte. After the Armistice in September 1943 the ship was sailed to Malta and interned by the Allies. She remained there until 1944, when she was permitted to return to Italian ports. Andrea Doria survived the war and soldiered on in the post-war navy as a training ship until 1956. Paid off in September, she was formally stricken from the naval register on 1 November and sold for scrapping later that year.Italian battleship Caio Duilio
Caio Duilio was an Italian Andrea Doria-class battleship that served in the Regia Marina during World War I and World War II. She was named after the Roman fleet commander Gaius Duilius. Caio Duilio was laid down in February 1912, launched in April 1913, and completed in May 1916. She was initially armed with a main battery of thirteen 305 mm (12.0 in) guns, but a major reconstruction in the late 1930s replaced these with ten 320 mm (13 in) guns. Caio Duilio saw no action during World War I owing to the inactivity of the Austro-Hungarian fleet during the conflict. She cruised the Mediterranean in the 1920s and was involved in the Corfu incident in 1923.
During World War II, she participated in numerous patrols and sorties into the Mediterranean, both to escort Italian convoys to North Africa and in attempts to catch the British Mediterranean Fleet. In November 1940, the British launched an air raid on Taranto; Caio Duilio was hit by one torpedo launched by a Fairey Swordfish torpedo bomber, which caused significant damage. Repairs lasted some five months, after which the ship returned to convoy escort duties. A fuel shortage immobilized the bulk of the Italian surface fleet in 1942, and Caio Duilio remained out of service until the Italian surrender in September 1943. She was thereafter interned at Malta until 1944, when the Allies permitted her return to Italian waters. She survived the war, and continued to serve in the post-war Italian navy, primarily as a training ship. Caio Duilio was placed in reserve for a final time in 1953; she remained in the Italian navy's inventory for another three years before she was stricken from the naval register in late 1956 and sold for scrapping the following year.Italian battleship Conte di Cavour
Conte di Cavour was the name ship of the three Conte di Cavour-class battleships built for the Royal Italian Navy (Regia Marina) in the 1910s. She served during both World War I and World War II, although she was little used and saw no combat during the former. The ship supported operations during the Corfu Incident in 1923 and spent much of the rest of the decade in reserve. She was rebuilt between 1933 and 1937 with more powerful guns, additional armor and considerably more speed than before.
Both Conte di Cavour and her sister ship, Giulio Cesare, participated in the Battle of Calabria in July 1940, where the latter was lightly damaged. They were both present when British torpedo bombers attacked the fleet at Taranto in November 1940, and Conte di Cavour was torpedoed. She was deliberately grounded, with most of her hull underwater, and her repairs were not completed before the Italian surrender in September 1943. The ship was then captured by the Germans, but they made no use of her. She was damaged in an Allied air raid in early 1945 and capsized seven days later. Conte di Cavour was eventually scrapped in 1946.Italian battleship Giulio Cesare
Giulio Cesare was one of three Conte di Cavour-class dreadnought battleships built for the Royal Italian Navy (Regia Marina) in the 1910s. She served in both World Wars, although she was little used and saw no combat during the 1st world war. The ship supported operations during the Corfu Incident in 1923 and spent much of the rest of the decade in reserve. She was rebuilt between 1933 and 1937 with more powerful guns, additional armor and considerably more speed than before.
Both Giulio Cesare and her sister ship, Conte di Cavour, participated in the Battle of Calabria in July 1940, when the former was lightly damaged. They were both present when British torpedo bombers attacked the fleet at Taranto in November 1940, but Giulio Cesare was not damaged. She escorted several convoys to North Africa and participated in the Battle of Cape Spartivento in late 1940 and the First Battle of Sirte in late 1941. She was designated as a training ship in early 1942, and escaped to Malta after Italy surrendered. The ship was transferred to the Soviet Union in 1949 and renamed Novorossiysk (Russian: Новороссийск). The Soviets also used her for training until she was sunk, with the loss of 608 men, when an old German mine exploded in 1955. She was salvaged the following year and later scrapped.Italian cruiser San Marco
The Italian cruiser San Marco was a San Giorgio-class armoured cruiser built for the Royal Italian Navy (Regia Marina) in the first decade of the 20th century. She was the first large Italian ship fitted with steam turbines and the first turbine-powered ship in any navy to have four propeller shafts. The ship participated in the Italo-Turkish War of 1911–12, during which time she supported the occupations of Benghazi and Derna, the island of Rhodes, and bombarded the fortifications defending the entrance to the Dardanelles. During World War I, San Marco's activities were limited by the threat of Austro-Hungarian submarines, although the ship did participate in the bombardment of Durazzo, Albania in late 1918. She played a minor role in the Corfu incident in 1923 and was converted into a target ship in the first half of the 1930s. San Marco was captured by the Germans when they occupied northern Italy in 1943 and was found sunk at the end of the war. The ship was broken up and scrapped in 1949.Kakavia (border crossing)
The Kakavia or Kakavijë border crossing (Greek: Κακαβιά) is a major road border crossing between southern Albania and northwestern Greece. On the Albanian side lies the village of Kakavijë, located in the Gjirokastër County, Dropull region. On the Greek side lies the village of Ktismata, in the Delvinaki municipality, Ioannina regional unit. The main road from Sarandë and Gjirokastër to Ioannina passes through this border crossing. The Greek National Road 22 (GR-22, European route E853) connects Kakavia with the GR-20 at Kalpaki.
On August 27, 1923 the Italian general Enrico Tellini, three of his assistants, and their interpreter fell into an ambush and were assassinated by unknown assailants at Kakavia, leading to the Corfu incident.New Fortress
The New Fortress of Corfu (Greek: Νέο Φρούριο, Venetian: Fortezza Nuova) is a Venetian fortress built on the hill of St. Mark in Corfu in stages. The original architect of the fort was the military engineer Ferrante Vitelli. The current buildings which exist within the fortress were built by the British during their rule of the island (1815–63).At the top of the castle there is a stone building which was used for defence and a brick building which in modern times functions as the headquarters of the Naval Station of Corfu. The Venetian fortifications were later expanded by the British and the French to help defend against a possible Turkish attack. Its fortifications included 700 pieces of artillery with range estimated as far as the Albanian coast.USS Delphy (DD-261)
USS Delphy (DD-261) was a Clemson-class destroyer in the United States Navy following World War I. Named for Richard Delphy, she was the flagship of the destroyer group involved in the Honda Point Disaster.USS Nicholas (DD-311)
USS Nicholas (DD-311) was a Clemson-class destroyer in the United States Navy following World War I. She was the first Navy ship named for Samuel Nicholas (1744–1790), the first Commandant of the United States Marine Corps.USS S. P. Lee (DD-310)
The first USS S. P. Lee (DD-310) was a Clemson-class destroyer in the United States Navy following World War I. She was named for Samuel Phillips Lee.