Communist International

The Communist International (Comintern), known also as the Third International (1919–1943), was an international organization that advocated world communism. The Comintern resolved at its Second Congress to "struggle by all available means, including armed force, for the overthrow of the international bourgeoisie and the creation of an international Soviet republic as a transition stage to the complete abolition of the state".[1] The Comintern had been preceded by the 1916 dissolution of the Second International.

The Comintern held seven World Congresses in Moscow between 1919 and 1935. During that period, it also conducted thirteen Enlarged Plenums of its governing Executive Committee, which had much the same function as the somewhat larger and more grandiose Congresses. The Comintern was officially dissolved by Joseph Stalin in 1943 to avoid antagonizing its allies the United States and the United Kingdom.

Communist International
FounderVladimir Lenin
Founded2 March 1919
Dissolved15 May 1943
Preceded by
Succeeded byCommunist Information Bureau
NewspaperCommunist International
Youth wingYoung Communist International
IdeologyCommunism
Marxism–Leninism
Political positionFar-left
Colors     Red

Organizational history

Failure of the Second International

Communist-International-1920
The Communist International published a namesake theoretical magazine in a variety of European languages from 1919 to 1943

While the differences had been evident for decades, World War I proved the issue that finally divided the revolutionary and reformist wings of the workers' movement. The Triple Alliance comprised two empires while the Triple Entente gathered France and Britain into an alliance with Russia. Socialists had historically been anti-war and internationalist, fighting against what they perceived as militarist exploitation of the proletariat for bourgeois states. A majority of socialists voted in favor of resolutions for the Second International to call upon the international working class to resist war if it were declared.[2]

Despite this, after the beginning of World War I many European socialist parties announced support for their respective nations.[3] Some exceptions were the socialist parties of the Balkans and the British Labour Party. To Vladimir Lenin's surprise, even the Social Democratic Party of Germany voted in favor of war. The assassination of the influential anti-war French Socialist Jean Jaurès on 31 July 1914 cemented the socialist parties support for their government of national unity.

Socialist parties in neutral countries mostly supported neutrality rather than total opposition to the war. On the other hand, during the 1915 Zimmerwald Conference, Lenin organized an opposition to the "imperialist war" as the Zimmerwald Left, publishing the pamphlet Socialism and War where he called socialists collaborating with their national governments social chauvinists, i.e. socialists in word, but nationalists in deed.[4] The Zimmerwald Left produced no practical advice for how to initiate socialist revolt.[5]

The Second International divided into a revolutionary left-wing, a moderate center-wing, and a more reformist right-wing. Lenin condemned much of the center as "social pacifists" for several reasons, including their vote for war credits despite publicly opposing the war. Lenin's term "social pacifist" aimed in particular at Ramsay MacDonald, leader of the Independent Labour Party in Britain, who opposed the war on grounds of pacifism but did not actively fight against it.

Discredited by its apathy towards world events, the Second International dissolved in 1916. In 1917, Lenin published the April Theses which openly supported revolutionary defeatism, where the Bolsheviks hoped that Russia would lose the war so that they could quickly cause a socialist insurrection.[6]

Impact of the Russian Revolution

The victory of the Russian Communist Party in the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917 was felt throughout the world and an alternative path to power to parliamentary politics was demonstrated. With much of Europe on the verge of economic and political collapse in the aftermath of the carnage of World War I, revolutionary sentiments were widespread. The Russian Bolsheviks headed by Lenin believed that unless socialist revolution swept Europe, they would be crushed by the military might of world capitalism just as the Paris Commune had been crushed by force of arms in 1871. The Bolsheviks believed that this required a new international to foment revolution in Europe and around the world.

Founding Congress

The Comintern was founded at a Congress held in Moscow on 2–6 March 1919.[7] It opened with a tribute to Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, recently murdered by the Freikorps during the Spartakus Uprising.[8] against the backdrop of the Russian Civil War. There were 52 delegates present from 34 parties.[9] They decided to form an Executive Committee with representatives of the most important sections and that other parties joining the International would have their own representatives. The Congress decided that the Executive Committee would elect a five-member bureau to run the daily affairs of the International. However, such a bureau was not formed and Lenin, Leon Trotsky and Christian Rakovsky later delegated the task of managing the International to Grigory Zinoviev as the Chairman of the Executive. Zinoviev was assisted by Angelica Balabanoff, acting as the secretary of the International, Victor L. Kibaltchitch[note 1] and Vladmir Ossipovich Mazin.[11] Lenin, Trotsky and Alexandra Kollontai presented material. The main topic of discussion was the difference between bourgeois democracy and the dictatorship of the proletariat.[12]

The following parties and movements were invited to the Founding Congress:

Of these, the following attended (see list of delegates of the 1st Comintern congress): the communist parties of Russia, Germany, German Austria, Hungary, Poland, Finland, Ukraine, Latvia, Lithuania, Byelorussia, Estonia, Armenia, the Volga German region; the Swedish Social Democratic Left Party (the opposition), Balkan Revolutionary People's of Russia; Zimmerwald Left Wing of France; the Czech, Bulgarian, Yugoslav, British, French and Swiss Communist Groups; the Dutch Social-Democratic Group; Socialist Propaganda League and the Socialist Labor Party of America; Socialist Workers' Party of China; Korean Workers' Union, Turkestan, Turkish, Georgian, Azerbaijanian and Persian Sections of the Central Bureau of the Eastern People's and the Zimmerwald Commission.[9][note 2]

Zinoviev served as the first Chairman of the Comintern's Executive Committee from 1919 to 1926, but its dominant figure until his death in January 1924 was Lenin, whose strategy for revolution had been laid out in What Is to Be Done? (1902). The central policy of the Comintern under Lenin's leadership was that communist parties should be established across the world to aid the international proletarian revolution. The parties also shared his principle of democratic centralism (freedom of discussion, unity of action), namely that parties would make decisions democratically, but uphold in a disciplined fashion whatever decision was made.[15] In this period, the Comintern was promoted as the general staff of the world revolution.[16]

Second World Congress

2nd World Congress of the Comintern Lenin Zinoviev Bukharin Gorky
Second Congress of the Communist International
Kustodiev - Congress of Comintern
Painting by Boris Kustodiev representing the festival of the Comintern II Congress on the Uritsky Square (former Palace square) in Petrograd

Ahead of the Second Congress of the Communist International, held in July through August 1920, Lenin sent out a number of documents, including his Twenty-one Conditions to all socialist parties. The Congress adopted the 21 conditions as prerequisites for any group wanting to become affiliated to the International. The 21 Conditions called for the demarcation between communist parties and other socialist groups[note 3] and instructed the Comintern sections not to trust the legality of the bourgeois states. They also called for the build-up of party organisations along democratic centralist lines in which the party press and parliamentary factions would be under the direct control of the party leadership.

Regarding the political situation in the colonized world, the Second Congress of the Communist International stipulated that a united front should be formed between the proletariat, peasantry and national bourgeoisie in the colonial countries. Amongst the twenty-one conditions drafted by Lenin ahead of the congress was the 11th thesis which stipulated that all communist parties must support the bourgeois-democratic liberation movements in the colonies. Notably, some of the delegates opposed the idea of alliance with the bourgeoisie and preferred giving support to communist movements in these countries instead. Their criticism was shared by the Indian revolutionary M. N. Roy, who attended as a delegate of the Mexican Communist Party. The Congress removed the term bourgeois-democratic in what became the 8th condition.[17]

Many European socialist parties divided because of the adhesion issue. The French Section of the Workers International (SFIO) thus broke away with the 1920 Tours Congress, leading to the creation of the new French Communist Party (initially called French Section of the Communist International – SFIC). The Communist Party of Spain was created in 1920, the Communist Party of Italy was created in 1921, the Belgian Communist Party in September 1921 and so on.

Third and Fourth World Congresses

Writings from the Third Congress, held in June–July 1921, talked about how the struggle could be transformed into civil war when the circumstances were favorable and openly revolutionary uprisings.[18] The Fourth Congress, held in November 1922, at which Trotsky played a prominent role, continued in this vein.[19]

The Dungan commander of the Dungan Cavalry Regiment Magaza Masanchi attended the Third Congress.[20]

During this early period, known as the First Period in Comintern history, with the Bolshevik Revolution under attack in the Russian Civil War and a wave of revolutions across Europe, the Comintern's priority was exporting the October Revolution. Some communist parties had secret military wings. One example is the M-Apparat of the Communist Party of Germany. Its purpose was to prepare for the civil war the Communists believed was impending in Germany and to liquidate opponents and informers who might have infiltrated the party. There was also a paramilitary organization called the Rotfrontkämpferbund.[21]

The Comintern was involved in the revolutions across Europe in this period, starting with the Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919. Several hundred agitators and financial aid were sent from the Soviet Union and Lenin was in regular contact with its leader Béla Kun. Soon, an official Terror Group of the Revolutionary Council of the Government was formed, unofficially known as Lenin Boys.[22] The next attempt was the March Action in Germany in 1921, including an attempt to dynamite the express train from Halle to Leipzig. After this failed, the Communist Party of Germany expelled its former chairman Paul Levi from the party for publicly criticising the March Action in a pamphlet,[23] which was ratified by the Executive Committee of the Communist International prior to the Third Congress.[24] A new attempt was made at the time of the Ruhr crisis in spring and then again in selected parts of Germany in the autumn of 1923. The Red Army was mobilized, ready to come to the aid of the planned insurrection. Resolute action by the German government cancelled the plans, except due to miscommunication in Hamburg, where 200–300 Communists attacked police stations, but were quickly defeated.[25] In 1924, there was a failed coup in Estonia by the Estonian Communist Party.[26]

In 1924, the Mongolian People's Revolutionary Party joined Comintern.[27] At first, in China both the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang were supported. After the definite break with Chiang Kai-shek in 1927, Joseph Stalin sent personal emissaries to help organize revolts which at this time failed.[28]

Fifth to Seventh World Congresses: 1925–1935

Second Period

KilbomKominternKard
The Comintern membership card of Karl Kilbom

Lenin died in 1924 and the next year saw a shift in the organization's focus from the immediate activity of world revolution towards a defence of the Soviet state. In that year, Stalin took power in Moscow and upheld the thesis of socialism in one country, detailed by Nikolai Bukharin in his brochure Can We Build Socialism in One Country in the Absence of the Victory of the West-European Proletariat? (April 1925). The position was finalized as the state policy after Stalin's January 1926 article On the Issues of Leninism. Stalin made the party line clear: "An internationalist is one who is ready to defend the USSR without reservation, without wavering, unconditionally; for the USSR it is the base of the world revolutionary movement, and this revolutionary movement cannot be defended and promoted without defending the USSR".[29]

The dream of a world revolution was abandoned after the failures of the Spartacist uprising in Germany and of the Hungarian Soviet Republic and the failure of all revolutionary movements in Europe such as in Italy, where the fascist squadristi broke the strikes and quickly assumed power following the 1922 March on Rome. This period up to 1928 was known as the Second Period, mirroring the shift in the Soviet Union from war communism to the New Economic Policy.[30]

At the Fifth World Congress of the Comintern in July 1924, Zinoviev condemned Marxist philosopher Georg Lukács's History and Class Consciousness, published in 1923 after his involvement in Béla Kun's Hungarian Soviet Republic and Karl Korsch's Marxism and Philosophy. Zinoviev himself was dismissed in 1926 after falling out of favor with Stalin. Bukharin then led the Comintern for two years until 1928, when he too fell out with Stalin. Bulgarian Communist leader Georgi Dimitrov headed the Comintern in 1934 and presided until its dissolution.

Geoff Eley summed up the change in attitude at this time as follows:

By the Fifth Comintern Congress in July 1924 [...] the collapse of Communist support in Europe tightened the pressure for conformity. A new policy of "Bolshevization" was adopted, which dragooned the CPs toward stricter bureaucratic centralism. This flattened out the earlier diversity of radicalisms, welding them into a single approved model of Communist organization. Only then did the new parties retreat from broader Left arenas into their own belligerent world, even if many local cultures of broader cooperation persisted. Respect for Bolshevik achievements and defense of the Russian Revolution now transmuted into dependency on Moscow and belief in Soviet infallibility. Depressing cycles of "internal rectification" began, disgracing and expelling successive leaderships, so that by the later 1920s many founding Communists had gone. This process of coordination, in a hard-faced drive for uniformity, was finalized at the next Congress of the Third International in 1928.[31]

The Comintern was a relatively small organization, but it devised novel ways of controlling communist parties around the world. In many places, there was a communist subculture, founded upon indigenous left-wing traditions which had never been controlled by Moscow. The Comintern attempted to establish control over party leaderships by sending agents who bolstered certain factions, by judicious use of secret funding, by expelling independent-minded activists and even by closing down entire national parties (such as the Communist Party of Poland in 1938). Above all, the Comintern exploited Soviet prestige in sharp contrast to the weaknesses of local parties that rarely had political power.[32][33]

Communist front organizations

Communist front organizations were set up to attract non-members who agreed with the party on certain specific points. Opposition to fascism was a common theme in the popular front era of the mid 1930s.[34] The well-known names and prestige of artists, intellectuals and other fellow travelers were used to advance party positions. They often came to the Soviet Union for propaganda tours praising the future.[35] Under the leadership of Zinoviev, the Comintern established fronts in many countries in the 1920s and after.[36] To coordinate their activities, the Comintern set up international umbrella organizations linking groups across national borders, such as the Young Communist International (youth), Profintern (trade unions),[37] Krestintern (peasants), International Red Aid (humanitarian aid), Sportintern (organized sports) and more. Front organizations were especially influential in France, which in 1933 became the base for communist front organizer Willi Münzenberg.[38] These organizations were dissolved in the late 1930s or early 1940s.

Third Period

In 1928, the Ninth Plenum of the Executive Committee began the so-called Third Period, which was to last until 1935.[39] The Comintern proclaimed that the capitalist system was entering the period of final collapse and therefore all communist parties were to adopt an aggressive and militant ultra-left line. In particular, the Comintern labelled all moderate left-wing parties social fascists and urged the communists to destroy the moderate left. With the rise of the Nazi movement in Germany after 1930, this stance became controversial.

The Sixth World Congress also revised the policy of united front in the colonial world. In 1927, the Kuomintang had turned on the Chinese Communists, which led to a review of the policy on forming alliances with the national bourgeoisie in the colonial countries. The Congress did make a differentiation between the character of the Chinese Kuomintang on one hand and the Indian Swarajist Party and the Egyptian Wafd Party on the other, considering the latter as an unreliable ally yet not a direct enemy. The Congress called on the Indian Communists to utilize the contradictions between the national bourgeoisie and the British imperialists.[40]

Seventh World Congress and the Popular Front

Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai's Delegate's Card at Comintern's 1935 VII Congress, Moscow
Nguyễn Thị Minh Khai's Delegates' Card at the 1935 Comintern's 7th Congress as she was a delegate representing the Indochinese Communist Party

The Seventh and last Congress of the Comintern was held between 25 July 25 and 20 August 1935. It was attended by representatives of 65 communist parties. The main report was delivered by Dimitrov, other reports were delivered by Palmiro Togliatti, Wilhelm Pieck and Dmitry Manuilsky.[41] The Congress officially endorsed the popular front against fascism. This policy argued that communist parties should seek to form a popular front with all parties that opposed fascism and not limit themselves to forming a united front with those parties based in the working class. There was no significant opposition to this policy within any of the national sections of the Comintern. In France and Spain, it would have momentous consequences with Léon Blum's 1936 election which led to the Popular Front government.

Stalin's purges of the 1930s affected Comintern activists living in both the Soviet Union and overseas. At Stalin's direction, the Comintern was thoroughly infused with Soviet secret police and foreign intelligence operatives and informers working under Comintern guise. One of its leaders, Mikhail Trilisser, using the pseudonym Mikhail Aleksandrovich Moskvin, was in fact chief of the foreign department of the Soviet OGPU (later the NKVD). At Stalin's orders, 133 out of 492 Comintern staff members became victims of the Great Purge. Several hundred German communists and antifascists who had either fled from Nazi Germany or were convinced to relocate in the Soviet Union were liquidated and more than a thousand were handed over to Germany.[42] Fritz Platten died in a labor camp and the leaders of the Indian (Virendranath Chattopadhyaya or Chatto), Korean, Mexican, Iranian and Turkish communist parties were executed. Out of 11 Mongolian Communist Party leaders, only Khorloogiin Choibalsan survived. Leopold Trepper recalled these days: "In house, where the party activists of all the countries were living, no-one slept until 3 o'clock in the morning. [...] Exactly 3 o'clock the car lights began to be seen [...] we stayed near the window and waited [to find out], where the car stopped".[43]

Dissolution

At the start of World War II, the Comintern supported a policy of non-intervention, arguing that the war was an imperialist war between various national ruling classes, much like World War I had been, but when the Soviet Union itself was invaded on 22 June 1941 the Comintern changed its position to one of active support for the Allies. On 15 May 1943, a declaration of the Executive Committee was sent out to all sections of the International, calling for the dissolution of Comintern. The declaration read:

The historical role of the Communist International, organized in 1919 as a result of the political collapse of the overwhelming majority of the old pre-war workers' parties, consisted in that it preserved the teachings of Marxism from vulgarisation and distortion by opportunist elements of the labor movement. But long before the war it became increasingly clear that, to the extent that the internal as well as the international situation of individual countries became more complicated, the solution of the problems of the labor movement of each individual country through the medium of some international centre would meet with insuperable obstacles.

Concretely, the declaration asked the member sections to approve:

To dissolve the Communist International as a guiding centre of the international labor movement, releasing sections of the Communist International from the obligations ensuing from the constitution and decisions of the Congresses of the Communist International.

After endorsements of the declaration were received from the member sections, the International was dissolved.[44] Usually, it is asserted that the dissolution came about as Stalin wished to calm his World War II allies (particularly Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill) and keep them from suspecting the Soviet Union of pursuing a policy of trying to foment revolution in other countries.[45]

Successor organizations

The Research Institutes 100 and 205 worked for the International and later were moved to the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, founded at roughly the same time that the Comintern was abolished in 1943, although its specific duties during the first several years of its existence are unknown.[46][47][48]

Following the June 1947 Paris Conference on Marshall Aid, Stalin gathered a grouping of key European communist parties in September and set up the Cominform, or Communist Information Bureau, often seen as a substitute to the Comintern. It was a network made up of the communist parties of Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia (led by Josip Broz Tito, Yugoslavia was expelled in June 1948). The Cominform was dissolved in 1956 following Stalin's 1953 death and the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

While the communist parties of the world no longer had a formal international organization, they continued to maintain close relations with each other through a series of international forums. In the period directly after the Comintern's dissolution, periodical meetings of communist parties were held in Moscow. Moreover, World Marxist Review, a joint periodical of the communist parties, played an important role in coordinating the communist movement up to the break-up of the Socialist Bloc in 1989–1991.

Comintern-sponsored international organizations

Several international organizations were sponsored by the Comintern in this period:

International Liaison Department

The OMS (Russian: Отдел международной связи, otdel mezhdunarodnoy svyazi, ОМС), also known in English as the International Liaison Department (1921–1939),[49][50] was the most secret department of the Comintern. It has also been translated as the Illegal Liaison Section[51][52] and Foreign Liaison Department.[53]

One historian has described:

The OMS was the Comintern's department for the coordination of subversive and conspiratorial activities. Some of its functions overlapped with those of the main Soviet intelligence agencies, the OGPU and the GRU, whose agents sometimes were assigned to the Comintern. But the OMS maintained its own set of operations and had its own representative on the central committees of each Communist party abroad.[52]

In 2012, historian David McKnight stated:

The most intense practical application of the conspiratorial work of the Comintern was carried out by its international liaison service, the OMS. This body undertook clandenstine courier activities and work which supported underground political activities. These included the transport of money and letters, the manufacture of passports and other false documents and technical support to underground parties, such as managing "safe houses" and establishing businesses overseas as cover activities.[49]

World congresses and plenums of Comintern

Congresses

Event Year held Dates Location Delegates
Founding Congress 1919 2–6 March Moscow 34 + 18
2nd World Congress 1920 19 July–7 August Petrograd and Moscow 167 + ≈53
3rd World Congress 1921 22 June–12 July Moscow
4th World Congress 1922 5 November–5 December Petrograd and Moscow 340 + 48
5th World Congress 1924 17 June–8 July Moscow 324 + 82
6th World Congress 1928 17 July–1 September Moscow
7th World Congress 1935 25 July–21 August Moscow

Plenums of ECCI

Event Year held Dates Location Delegates
1st Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1922 24 February–4 March Moscow 105
2nd Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1922 7–11 June Moscow 41 + 9
3rd Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1923 12–23 June Moscow
4th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1924 12 June and 12–13 July Moscow
5th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1925 21 March–6 April Moscow
6th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1926 17 February–15 March Moscow 77 + 53
7th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1926 22 November–16 December Moscow
8th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1927 18–30 May Moscow
9th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1928 9–25 February Moscow 44 + 48
10th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1929 3–19 July Moscow 36 + 72
Enlarged Presidium of ECCI 1930 25–? February Moscow
11th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1931 26 March–11 April Moscow
12th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1932 27 August–15 September Moscow 38 + 136
13th Enlarged Plenum of ECCI 1933 28 November–12 December Moscow

Related meetings

Event Year held Dates Location Delegates
Conference of the Amsterdam Bureau 1920 10–11 February Amsterdam 16
1st Congress of the Peoples of the East 1920 1–8 September Baku 1,891
1st Congress of Toilers of the Far East 1922 21 January–2 February Moscow and Petrograd
World Congress Against Colonial Oppression and Imperialism 1927 10–15 February Brussels 152
2nd Congress of the League Against Imperialism 1929 July Frankfurt
1st International Conference of Negro Workers 1930 7–8 July Hamburg 17 + 3

See also

Lists
Internationals

Notes

  1. ^ Kibaltchitch would later take the name Victor Serge. A former anarchist, he was not even a member of the RCP(b) at the time. He believed he was included because of his knowledge of European languages.[10]
  2. ^ Delegates with deciding votes were: Hugo Eberlein (Communist Party of Germany), Vladimir Lenin (Russian Communist Party), Leon Trotsky (RCP(b)), Zinoviev (RCP(b)), Joseph Stalin (RCP(b)), Bukharin (RCP(b)), Georgy Chicherin (RCP(b)), Karl Steinhardt (Communist Party of German Austria) K. Petin (CPGA), Endre Rudnyánszky (Communist Party of Hungary), Otto Grimlund (Social Democratic Left Party of Sweden), Emil Stang (Norwegian Labour Party), Fritz Platten (the opposition within the Swiss Social Democratic Party), Boris Reinstein (Socialist Labor Party of America), Christian Rakovsky (Balkan Revolutionary Social Democratic Federation), Jozef Unszlicht (Communist Party of Poland), Yrjö Sirola (Communist Party of Finland), Kullervo Manner (CPF), O. V. Kuusinen (CPF), Jukka Rahja (CPF), Eino Rahja (CPF), Mykola Skrypnyk (Communist Party (Bolshevik) of Ukraine), Serafima Gopner (CPU), Karl Gailis (Communist Party of Latvia), Kazimir Gedris (Communist Party of Lithuania and Belorussia), Hans Pöögelman (Communist Party of Estonia), Gurgen Haikuni (Communist Party of Armenia), Gustav Klinger (Communist Party of the German Colonists in Russia), Gaziz Yalymov (United Group of the Eastern Peoples of Russia), Hussein Bekentayev (UGEPR), Mahomet Altimirov (UGEPR), Burhan Mansurov (UGEPR), Kasim Kasimov (UGEPR) and Henri Guilbeaux (Zimmerwald Left of France). Delegates with consultative votes were: N. Osinsky (RCP(b)), V. V. Vorovsky (RCP(b)), Jaroslav Handlíř (Czech Communist Group), Stojan Dyorov (Bulgarian Communist Group), Ilija Milkić (Yugoslav Communist Group), Joseph Fineberg (British Communist Group), Jacques Sadoul (French Communist Group), S. J. Rutgers (Dutch Social Democratic Party/Socialist Propaganda League of America), Leonie Kascher (Swiss Communist Group), Liu Shaozhou (Chinese Socialist Workers Party), Zhang Yongkui (CSWP), Kain (Korean Workers League), Angelica Balabanoff (Zimmerwald Committee) and the following delegates representing the sections the Central Bureau of Eastern Peoples: Gaziz Yalymov (Turkestan), Mustafa Suphi (Turkey), Tengiz Zhgenti (Georgian), Mir Jafar Baghirov (Azerbaijan) and Mirza Davud Huseynov (Persia).[14]
  3. ^ For example, the thirteenth condition stated: "The communist parties of those countries in which the communists can carry out their work legally must from time to time undertake purges (re-registration) of the membership of their party organisations in order to cleanse the party systematically of the petty-bourgeois elements within it". The term purge has taken on very negative connotations because of the Great Purge of the 1930s, but in the early 1920s the term was more ambiguous. See J. Arch Getty's Origins of the Great Purges: The Soviet Communist Party Reconsidered, 1933–1938 at p. 41 for discussion of the ambiguities in the term, including its use in the 1920 Comintern resolution.

References

  1. ^ Fisher, Harold Henry (1955). The Communist Revolution: An Outline of Strategy and Tactics. Stanford UP. p. 13.
  2. ^ North, David; Kishore, Joe (2008). The Historical & International Foundations of the Socialist Equality Party. Mehring Books. p. 13.
  3. ^ Tucker, Spencer C. (2005). The Encyclopedia of World War I: A Political, Social, and Military History. ABC-CLIO. pp. 883–85.
  4. ^ R. Craig Nation (1989). War on War: Lenin, the Zimmerwald Left, and the Origins of Communist Internationalism. Duke University Press.
  5. ^ Rees, Tim; Thorpe, Andrew (1998). International Communism and the Communist International, 1919–43. Manchester University Press. pp. 15–21. ISBN 9780719055461.
  6. ^ Service. Lenin: A Biography. p. 262.
  7. ^ Berg, Nils J. (1982). I kamp för Socialismen – Kortfattad framställning av det svenska kommunistiska partiets historia 1917–1981.
  8. ^ Stockholm: Arbetarkultur. p. 19.
  9. ^ a b "Glossary of Events: Congresses of the Communist International". marxists.org.
  10. ^ Serge, Victor. Memoirs of a Revolutionary.
  11. ^ Lenin; Trotsky; Bukharin; Kollontai. "First Congress of the Communist International". www.marxists.org.CS1 maint: Uses authors parameter (link)
  12. ^ Blunden, Andy. "History of the Communist International". marxists.org.
  13. ^ Lenin; Trotsky; Rakovsky. "First Congress of the Communist International". marxists.org.CS1 maint: Uses authors parameter (link)
  14. ^ "First Congress of the Communist International".
  15. ^ Lenin, V. (1906). Report on the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P.
  16. ^ William Henry Chamberlin Soviet Russia: A Living Record and a History 1929, chapter 11; Max Shachtman "For the Fourth International!" New International, Vol. 1, No. 1, July 1934; Walter Kendall "Lenin and the Myth of World Revolution", Revolutionary History. Archived 28 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
  17. ^ M.V.S. Koteswara Rao. Communist Parties and United Front – Experience in Kerala and West Bengal. Hyderabad: Prajasakti Book House, 2003. pp. 48, 84–85.
  18. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 275–276; Minutes of the Seventh Session.
  19. ^ Blunden, Andy. "History of the Communist International". marxists.org.
  20. ^ Joseph L. Wieczynski (1994). The Modern encyclopedia of Russian and Soviet history, Volume 21. Academic International Press. p. 125. ISBN 0-87569-064-5. Retrieved 1 January 2011.
  21. ^ The Black Book of Communism. pp. 282. Marxist Internet Archive.
  22. ^ The Black Book of Communism pp. 272–275
  23. ^ Broue, P. (2006) The German Revolution: 1917–1923, Chicago: Haymarket Books, p. 516.
  24. ^ Broue, P. (2006) The German Revolution: 1917–1923, Chicago: Haymarket Books, p. 531.
  25. ^ The Black Book of Communism. pp. 277–278.
  26. ^ The Black Book of Communism. pp. 278–279.
  27. ^ [1] Archived September 13, 2006, at the Wayback Machine
  28. ^ The Black Book of Communism. pp. 280–282.
  29. ^ David Priestland, Of the Read Flag: A History of Communism (2009) p. 124.
  30. ^ Duncan Hallas The Comintern, chapter 5.
  31. ^ Geoff Eley, Forging Democracy: The History of the Left in Europe, 1850–2000 (Oxford University Press 2002). p. 228.
  32. ^ David Priestland, The Read Flag: A History of Communism (2009) p. 124–125
  33. ^ Robert Service, Comrades!: a history of world communism (2007) pp. 164–173.
  34. ^ Archie Brown, The Rise and Fall of Communism (2011) pp. 88–89.
  35. ^ Michael David‐Fox, "The Fellow Travelers Revisited: The 'Cultured West' through Soviet Eyes," Journal of Modern History (2003) 75#2 pp. 300–335 in JSTOR.
  36. ^ Robert Service, Comrades!: a history of world communism (2007) pp. 173–174.
  37. ^ Ian Birchall, "Profintern: Die Rote Gewerkschaftsinternationale 1920–1937," Historical Materialism, 2009, Vol. 17, Issue 4, pp 164–176, review (in English) of a German language study by Reiner Tosstorff.
  38. ^ Julian Jackson, The Popular Front in France (1990) p. x.
  39. ^ Duncan Hallas The Comintern, chapter 6; Nicholas N. Kozlov, Eric D. Weitz "Reflections on the Origins of the 'Third Period': Bukharin, the Comintern, and the Political Economy of Weimar Germany" Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 24, No. 3 (Jul., 1989), pp. 387–410 JSTOR.
  40. ^ M.V.S. Koteswara Rao. Communist Parties and United Front – Experience in Kerala and West Bengal. Hyderabad: Prajasakti Book House, 2003. pp. 47–48.
  41. ^ Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPCz CC, Institute of Marxism-Leninism of the CPS CC. An Outline of the History of the CPCz. Prague: Orbis Press Agency, 1980. p. 160.
  42. ^ The Black Book of Communism. p. 298–301.
  43. ^ Radzinski, Stalin, 1997
  44. ^ "Dissolution of the Communist International". marxists.org.
  45. ^ Robert Service, Stalin. A biography. (Macmillan – London, 2004), pp. 444–445.
  46. ^ Mark Kramer, The Role of the CPSU International Department in Soviet Foreign Relations and National Security Policy, Soviet Studies, Vol. 42, No. 3 (Jul., 1990), pp. 429–446.
  47. ^ "H-Net Discussion Networks". h-net.msu.edu.
  48. ^ Stalin and the Cold War in Europe: The Emergence and Development of East-West Conflict, 1939–1953.
  49. ^ a b McKnight, David (2012). Espionage and the Roots of the Cold War: The Conspiratorial Heritage. Routledge. pp. vii (Rudnik), 52 (Trilisser), 60 (OMS), 61–62 (dissolution), 119–120 (Ducroux, Rudnik).
  50. ^ Lazitch, Branko; Milorad M. Drachkovitch (1986). Biographical Dictionary of the Comintern. Hoover Press. pp. xxix (description), 120 (Flieg), 319 (Mirov-Abramov), 479 (Trilisser).
  51. ^ Krivitsky, Walter (2013) [1939]. In Stalin's Secret Service: An Expose of Russia's Secret Polices by the Formem Chief of the Soviet Intelligence in Western Europe. Harper & Brothers (Enigma Books). p. 125.
  52. ^ a b Sakmyster, Thomas L. (2011). Red Conspirator: J. Peters and the American Communist Underground. University of Illinois Press. pp. 37 (translation), 38 (organization), 40 (Browder), 62 (Russian counterpart), 63 (process).
  53. ^ West, Nigel (2015). Historical Dictionary of International Intelligence. Rowman & Littlefield. p. 77.
  54. ^ "The Communist International (1919–1943)". Marxist History. Retrieved March 22, 2010.

Further reading

  • Carr, E.H. Twilight of the Comintern, 1930–1935. New York: Pantheon Books, 1982. online free to borrow
  • Chase, William J. Enemies within the Gates? The Comintern and the Stalinist Repression, 1934–1939. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2001.
  • Dullin, Sabine, and Brigitte Studer. "Communism+ transnational: the rediscovered equation of internationalism in the Comintern years." Twentieth Century Communism 14.14 (2018): 66-95.
  • Gankin, Olga Hess and Harold Henry Fisher. The Bolsheviks and the World War: The Origin of the Third International. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1940.
  • Haithcox, John Patrick. Communism and nationalism in India: MN Roy and Comintern policy, 1920–1939 (1971).
  • Hallas, Duncan. The Comintern: The History of the Third International. London: Bookmarks, 1985.
  • Hopkirk, Peter. Setting the East Ablaze: Lenin's Dream of a Empire in Asia 1984 (1984).
  • James, C.L.R., World Revolution 1917–1936: The Rise and Fall of the Communist International. (1937). Duke University Press, 2017.
  • Lazitch, Branko and Milorad M. Drachkovitch. Biographical dictionary of the Comintern (2nd ed. 1986).
  • McDermott, Kevin. "The History of the Comintern in Light of New Documents," in Tim Rees and Andrew Thorpe (eds.), International Communism and the Communist International, 1919–43. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press, 1998.
  • McDermott, Kevin. "Rethinking the Comintern: Soviet Historiography, 1987–1991," Labour History Review, vol. 57, no. 3 (Wintern 1992), pp 37–58.
  • McDermott, Kevin, and J. Agnew. The Comintern: a History of International Communism from Lenin to Stalin. Basingstoke, 1996.
  • Melograni, Piero. Lenin and the Myth of World Revolution: Ideology and Reasons of State 1917–1920, Humanities Press, 1990.
  • Priestland, David. The Red Flag: A History of Communism. 2010.
  • Riddell, John. "The Comintern in 1922: The Periphery Pushes Back." Historical Materialism 22.3-4 (2014): 52-103. online
  • Smith, S. A. (ed.) The Oxford Handbook of the History of Communism (2014) ch 10 on Commintern.
  • Ulam, Adam B. Expansion and Coexistence: Soviet Foreign Policy, 1917–1973. Second Edition. New York: Praeger Publishers, 1974.
  • Worley, Matthew et al. (eds.) Bolshevism, Stalinism and the Comintern: Perspectives on Stalinization, 1917–53. (2008).
  • The Comintern and its Critics (Special issue of Revolutionary History Volume 8, no 1, Summer 2001).

Primary sources

  • Davidson, Apollon, et al. (eds.) South Africa and the Communist International: A Documentary History. 2 vol. 2003.
  • Degras, Jane T. The Communist International, 1919–43 (3 Vols. 1956); documents; online vol 1 1919–22; vol 2 1923–28 vol 3 1929-43 (PDF).
  • Firsov, Fridrikh I., Harvey Klehr, and John Earl Haynes, eds. Secret Cables of the Comintern, 1933–1943. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2014.
  • Gruber, Helmut. International Communism in the Era of Lenin: A Documentary History (Cornell University Press, 1967)
  • Riddell, John (ed.): The Communist International in Lenin's Time, Vol. 1: Lenin's Struggle for a Revolutionary International: Documents: 1907–1916: The Preparatory Years. New York: Monad Press, 1984.
    • Riddell, John (ed.): The Communist International in Lenin's Time, Vol. 2: The German Revolution and the Debate on Soviet Power: Documents: 1918–1919: Preparing the Founding Congress. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1986.
    • Riddell, John (ed.) The Communist International in Lenin's Time, Vol. 3: Founding the Communist International: Proceedings and Documents of the First Congress: March 1919. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1987.
    • Riddell, John (ed.) The Communist International in Lenin's Time: Workers of the World and Oppressed Peoples Unite! Proceedings and Documents of the Second Congress, 1920. In Two Volumes. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1991.
    • Riddell, John (ed.) The Communist International in Lenin's Time: To See the Dawn: Baku, 1920: First Congress of the Peoples of the East. New York: Pathfinder Press, 1993.
    • Riddell, John (ed.) Toward the United Front: Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Communist International, 1922. Lieden, NL: Brill, 2012.

External links

1st Congress of the Comintern

The 1st Congress of the Comintern was an international gathering of communist, revolutionary socialist, and syndicalist delegates held in Moscow which established the Communist International (Comintern). The gathering, held from March 2 to 6, 1919, was attended by 51 representatives of more than two dozen countries from around Europe, North America, and Asia.

2nd World Congress of the Comintern

The 2nd World Congress of the Comintern was a gathering of approximately 220 voting and non-voting representatives of Communist and revolutionary socialist political parties from around the world, held in Petrograd and Moscow from July 19 to August 7, 1920. The 2nd Congress is best remembered for formulating and implementing the 21 Conditions for membership in the Communist International.

Anti-Comintern Pact

The Anti-Comintern Pact (German: Antikominternpact; Italian: Patto anticomintern; Japanese: 防共協定, Bōkyō kyōtei) was an anti-Communist pact concluded between Germany and Japan (later to be joined by other, mainly fascist, governments) on November 25, 1936, and was directed against the Communist International (Comintern).

... recognizing that the aim of the Communist International, known as the Comintern, is to disintegrate and subdue existing States by all the means at its command; convinced that the toleration of interference by the Communist International in the internal affairs of the nations not only endangers their internal peace and social well‑being, but is also a menace to the peace of the world desirous of co‑operating in the defense against Communist subversive activities ...

Borotbists

The Borotbists (Fighters) (1918-1920) was a left-nationalist political party in Ukraine. It should not be associated with its Russian affiliation the Ukrainian Party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries (Borbysts) and the Ukrainian Communist Party (Ukapists).

It arose in May 1918 after the split in the Ukrainian Socialist-Revolutionary Party on the basis of supporting Soviet regime in Ukraine. The Borotbists are often associated with the Russian party of Left Socialist-Revolutionaries who in Ukraine also called themselves borotbists.

In March 1919 it assumed the name Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Revolutionary-Borotbists (Communists) (Ukrainian: Українська партія соціалістів-революціонерів-боротьбістів (комуністів), Ukrayins’ka partiya sotsialistiv-revolyutsioneriv-borot’bistiv (komunistiv)), and in August the same year the name was changed to Ukrainian Communist Party (Borotbists) (Українська комуністична партія (боротьбистів), Ukrayins’ka komunistychna partiya (borot’bistiv)). Its leaders, among others, were Vasyl Blakytnyy, Hryhoriy Hrynko, Ivan Maistrenko and Oleksander Shumskyy.The Borotbists twice applied to the Executive Committee of the Communist International to be allowed to affiliate with the Communist International. On February 26, 1920, the Communist International by a special decision called on the Borotbists to dissolve their party and merge with the Communist Party (bolshevik) of Ukraine, the CP(b)U.

At the Borotbists' conference in the middle of March 1920, a decision was passed to dissolve the party. A decision to admit the Borotbists to membership of the CP(b)U was adopted at the Fourth All-Ukraine Conference of the CP(b)U, which was held in Kharkiv on March 17–23. After the dissolution, many Borotbists joined the Ukrainian Communist Party (Ukapists), rather than the Bolshevik party which was more closely tied to Moscow.After 1920 the history of the Borotbisty took the form of a struggle between the two trends, the centralist Russophile element, and the ‘universal current’ of Ukrainian communists.

Ukrainization heralded an unprecedented national renaissance in the 1920s. The Ukrainian communists, including prominent ex-Borotbisty, carried forward Ukrainization, a “weapon of cultural revolution in Ukraine”. Ukrainization meant efforts to assert autonomy and counter ascendant Stalinism. Stalinist centralism and its partner Russian nationalism destroyed senses of equality between the republics. The Ukrainian communists and intelligentsia were annihilated. The Borotbist “co-founders of the Ukrainian SSR” were amongst the last remnants of opposition purged under the guise of the destruction of the fake “Borotbist Center” in 1936. They were still being subjected to official attack in 1938.

Communist Workers' International

The Communist Workers' International (German: Kommunistische Arbeiter-Internationale, KAI) or Fourth Communist International was a council communist international. It was founded around the Manifesto of the Fourth Communist International, published by the Communist Workers' Party of Germany (KAPD) in 1921.

Communist party

In political science, a communist party is a political party that seeks to realize the social and economic goals of Communism through revolution and state policy. The term communist party was popularized by the title of the Manifesto of the Communist Party (1848), by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. As a vanguard party, the communist party guides the political education and development of the working class (proletariat); as the ruling party, the communist party exercises power through the dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin developed the role of the communist party as the revolutionary vanguard, when social democracy in Imperial Russia was divided into ideologically opposed factions, the Bolshevik faction ("of the majority") and the Menshevik faction ("of the minority"). To be politically effective, Lenin proposed a small vanguard party managed with democratic centralism, which allowed centralized command of a disciplined cadre of professional revolutionaries; once policy was agreed upon, realizing political goals required every Bolshevik's total commitment to the agreed-upon policy.

In contrast, the Menshevik faction included Trotsky, who said that the party should not neglect the importance of the mass populations in realizing a communist revolution. In the course of revolution, the Bolshevik party became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), and assumed government power in Russia after the October Revolution in 1917. With the creation of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1919, the concept of "communist party leadership" was adopted by many revolutionary parties, worldwide. In effort to ideologically standardize the international Communist movement and maintain central control of the member parties, the Comintern required that parties identify as a Communist party. In the CPSU, the interpretations of Orthodox Marxism to Russia produced Leninist and Marxist-Leninist political parties. After the death of Lenin, the official interpretation of Leninism in the USSR was the book Foundations of Leninism (1924), by Joseph Stalin.

Communist parties are illegal in Estonia, Indonesia, Iran, Latvia, Lithuania, Myanmar, Romania, Georgia and Hungary. In the U.S., the Communist Party USA is banned under authority of the Communist Control Act of 1954, which was never enforced.

Executive Committee of the Communist International

The Executive Committee of the Communist International, commonly known by its acronym, ECCI (Russian acronym ИККИ), was the governing authority of the Comintern between the World Congresses of that body. The ECCI was established by the Founding Congress of the Comintern in 1919 and was dissolved with the rest of the Comintern in May 1943.

French Communist Party

The French Communist Party (French: Parti communiste français, PCF ; French pronunciation: ​[paʁti kɔmynist fʁɑ̃sɛ]) is a communist party in France.

Although its electoral support has declined in recent decades, the PCF retains a strong influence in French politics, especially at the local level. In 2012, the PCF claimed 138,000 members including 70,000 who have paid their membership fees. This would make it the third largest party in France in terms of membership after the Republicans (LR) and the Socialist Party (PS).

Founded in 1920 by the majority faction of the socialist French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO), it participated in three governments:

in the provisional government of the Liberation (1944–1947);

at the beginning of François Mitterrand's presidency (1981–1984); and

in the Plural Left cabinet led by Lionel Jospin (1997–2002).It was also the largest party on the left in France in a number of national elections, from 1945 to 1960, before falling behind the Socialist Party in the 1970s. The PCF has lost further ground to the Socialists since that time.

Since 2009 the PCF has been a leading member of the Left Front (Front de gauche), alongside Jean-Luc Mélenchon's Left Party (PG). During the 2017 presidential election, the PCF supported Mélenchon's candidature; however, tensions between the PCF and Mélenchon's movement, La France insoumise, have led the two movements to campaign separately for the general elections.The PCF is a member of the Party of the European Left, and its MEPs sit in the European United Left–Nordic Green Left group.

Georgi Dimitrov

Georgi Dimitrov Mikhaylov (; Bulgarian: Гео̀рги Димитро̀в Миха̀йлов), also known as Georgi Mikhaylovich Dimitrov (Russian: Гео́ргий Миха́йлович Дими́тров; 18 June 1882 – 2 July 1949), was a Bulgarian communist politician. He was the first communist leader of Bulgaria, from 1946 to 1949. Dimitrov led the Communist International from 1934 to 1943. He was a theorist of capitalism who expanded Lenin's ideas by arguing that fascism was the dictatorship of the most reactionary elements of financial capitalism.

Internationalism (politics)

Internationalism is a political principle which transcends nationalism and advocates a greater political or economic cooperation among nations and people.Supporters of this principle are referred to as internationalists, and generally believe that the people of the world should unite across national, political, cultural, racial, or class boundaries to advance their common interests, or that the governments of the world should cooperate because their mutual long-term interests are of greater importance than their short-term disputes.

The term is similar to globalism and cosmopolitanism.

Left communism

Left communism (or the Communist Left) is a position held by certain groups of communists which criticise the political ideas and practices espoused by Marxist-Leninists, i.e. Stalinists, and social democrats. Left communists assert positions which they regard as more authentically Marxist than the views of Marxism–Leninism espoused by the Communist International after its "Bolshevization" by Stalin and during its second congress.In general, there are two currents of left communism, namely the Italian and Dutch-German left. The Communist Left in Italy was formed during World War I in organizations like the Italian Socialist Party and the Communist Party of Italy. The Italian left considers itself to be Leninist in nature but denounces Marxism-Leninism as a form of bourgeois "opportunism" materialized in the Soviet Union under Stalin. The Italian left supports vanguardism, organic centralism, revolutionary totalitarianism, and a firm dedication to proletarian internationalism. The Italian left is currently embodied in organizations such as the International Communist Party. The Dutch-German left, however, split from Lenin himself prior to Stalin's rule, and supports a firmly council communist and libertarian Marxist viewpoint, as opposed to the more anti-democratic theories of the Italian left. The Dutch-German and Italian left are generally opposed to each other.

Left communism breaks from Marxist-Leninist theory, believing that communists should not participate in capitalist parliaments or participate in conservative trade unions. However, many left communists split over their criticisms of Marxism-Leninism. Council communists criticised the Bolsheviks for "elitist party functions" and emphasised a more autonomous organisation of the working class, without political parties. Others in the Italian current, such as Amadeo Bordiga, emphasised the need for an international communist party and denounced democratic states.Although she was murdered in 1919 before the Communist Left appeared as a distinct current, Rosa Luxemburg has heavily influenced most left communists. Proponents of left-wing communism have included Amadeo Bordiga, Onorato Damen, Jacques Camatte, Herman Gorter, Antonie Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Sylvia Pankhurst and Paul Mattick.

M. N. Roy

Manabendra Nath Roy (21 March 1887 – 26 January 1954), born Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, was an Indian revolutionary, radical activist and political theorist, as well as a noted philosopher in the 20th century. Roy was a founder of the Mexican Communist Party and the Communist Party of India. He was also a delegate to congresses of the Communist International and Russia's aide to China. Following the rise of Joseph Stalin, Roy left the mainline communist movement to pursue an independent radical politics. In 1940 Roy was instrumental in the formation of the Radical Democratic Party, an organisation in which he played a leading role for much of the decade of the 1940s.

In the aftermath of World War II Roy moved away from Marxism to espouse the philosophy of radical humanism, attempting to chart a third course between liberalism and communism.

Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army

The Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army was the main anti-Japanese guerrilla army in Northeast China (Manchuria) after the Japanese invasion of Manchuria in 1931. Its predecessors were various anti-Japanese volunteer armies organized by locals and the Manchuria branches of the Communist Party of China (CPC). In February 1936, the CPC, in accordance with the instructions of the Communist International, issued The Declaration of the Unified Organization of Northeast Anti-Japanese United Army and marked the official formation of the organization.

Olav Scheflo

Olav Andreas Scheflo (9 September 1883 - 25 June 1943) was a Norwegian Communist politician and journalist.

Olav Scheflo was a member of the Norwegian Labour Party from 1905. After the October Revolution he fought hard to convince the Labor Party to join the Communist International and Scheflo was a Norwegian representative at the second congress of the Comintern in 1920 and was member of the Comintern Executive Committee from 1921 to 1927. Critical towards Stalinism, he left the Norwegian Communist Party in 1928 and rejoined the Labor Party in 1929.

When Sweden's Communist leader, Zeth Höglund was offered to be made honorable corporal in the Red Army in 1918 but declined, the offer instead went to Scheflo, who gladly accepted the position.

When Leon Trotsky lived in exile in Norway in 1935 and 1936, Scheflo strongly defended him against attacks from both Stalinist and the Norwegian bourgeoisie. However, he would never become a real Trotskyists since he was closer to the Soviet Right Opposition.

Scheflo's autobiography is Den røde tråd i Norges historie (The Red Thread in Norwegian History).

Ultra-leftism

The term ultra-leftism has two overlapping uses. A usage common among Marxist activist groups ("historical ultra-left" below) is as a generally pejorative term for certain types of positions on the far-left that are extreme or intransigent. Another definition historically refers to a particular current of Marxist communism, in which the Communist International repudiated social democratic parties (and all other progressive groupings outside of the Communist Party). Pejoratively, ultra-left is often used by Marxists against other socialists, communists, and anarchists within far-left parties who advocate strategies which some Marxists may consider to be without regard of the current political consciousness or of the long-term consequences that would result from following a proposed course.Ultra-leftism within and outside the Communist International was evident in periods when political groupings pursued council communism and left communism.

Vasil Kolarov

Vasil Petrov Kolarov (Bulgarian: Васил Петров Коларов) (16 July 1877 – 23 January 1950) was a Bulgarian communist political leader and leading functionary in the Communist International (Comintern).

Wilhelm Pieck

Friedrich Wilhelm Reinhold Pieck (German pronunciation: [ˈvɪlhɛlm ˈpiːk]; 3 January 1876 – 7 September 1960) was a German politician and a communist. In 1949, he became the first President of the German Democratic Republic, an office abolished upon his death. His successor as head of state was Walter Ulbricht, who served as chairman of the Council of State.

Young Communist International

The Young Communist International was the parallel international youth organization affiliated with the Communist International (Comintern).

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