Collective Security Treaty Organization

The Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO; Russian: Организация Договора о Коллективной Безопасности, Organizacija Dogovora o Kollektivnoj Bezopasnosti, ODKB) is an intergovernmental military alliance that was signed on 15 May 1992. In 1992, six post-Soviet states belonging to the Commonwealth of Independent States—Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan—signed the Collective Security Treaty (also referred to as the "Tashkent Pact" or "Tashkent Treaty").[1] Three other post-Soviet states—Azerbaijan, Belarus, and Georgia—signed the next year and the treaty took effect in 1994. Five years later, six of the nine—all but Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Uzbekistan—agreed to renew the treaty for five more years, and in 2002 those six agreed to create the Collective Security Treaty Organization as a military alliance. Uzbekistan rejoined the CSTO in 2006 but withdrew in 2012.

Nikolai Bordyuzha was appointed secretary general of the new organization. On 23 June 2006, Uzbekistan became a full participant in the CSTO; and its membership was ratified by the Uzbek parliament on 28 March 2008.[2] It suspended its membership in 2012. The CSTO is an observer organization at the United Nations General Assembly.

The CSTO charter reaffirmed the desire of all participating states to abstain from the use or threat of force. Signatories would not be able to join other military alliances or other groups of states,[3] while aggression against one signatory would be perceived as an aggression against all. To this end, the CSTO holds yearly military command exercises for the CSTO nations to have an opportunity to improve inter-organization cooperation. A CSTO military exercise called "Rubezh 2008" was hosted in Armenia, where a combined total of 4,000 troops from all seven constituent CSTO member countries conducted operative, strategic and tactical training with an emphasis towards furthering efficiency of the collective security element of the CSTO partnership.[4] The largest of such exercises was held in Southern Russia and central Asia in 2011, consisting of more than 10,000 troops and 70 combat aircraft.[5] In order to deploy military bases of a third country in the territory of the CSTO member-states, it is necessary to obtain the official consent of all its members.[6]

The CSTO employs a "rotating presidency" system in which the country leading the CSTO alternates every year.[7]

Collective Security Treaty Organization
Հավաքական անվտանգության պայմանագրի կազմակերպության (Armenian)
Арганізацыя Дамовы аб калектыўнай бяспецы (Belarusian)
Ұжымдық қауіпсіздік туралы шарт ұйымы (Kazakh)
Жамааттык коопсуздук жөнүндө келишим уюму (Kyrgyz)
Организация Договора о коллективной безопасности (Russian)
Созмони Аҳдномаи амнияти дастаҷамъӣ (Tajik)
Emblem of the Collective Security Treaty Organization.svg
Flag of the Collective Security Treaty Organization
Collective Security Treaty Organization orthographic projection
Formation15 May 1992 (as Collective Security Treaty)
7 October 2002 (as Collective Security Treaty Organization)
TypeMilitary alliance
HeadquartersMoscow, Russia
Official language
Secretary General
Valeryy Semerikov (acting)

Member states

Stamps of Kazakhstan, 2012-17
Stamp of Kazakhstan, 2012

Member and observer states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization:

Country name Flag Membership Year of entry
Armenia Armenia full member 1994
Belarus Belarus full member 1994
Kazakhstan Kazakhstan full member 1994
Kyrgyzstan Kyrgyzstan full member 1994
Russia Russia full member 1994
Tajikistan Tajikistan full member 1994
Afghanistan Afghanistan non-member observer state 2013
Serbia Serbia non-member observer state 2013

Former member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization:

Country name Flag Membership Year of entry Year of withdrawal
Azerbaijan Azerbaijan former member state 1994 1999
Georgia Georgia (country) former member state 1994 1999
Uzbekistan Uzbekistan former member state 1994 (first time)

2006 (second time)

1999 (first time)

2012 (second time)

Potential future members

In May 2007 the CSTO secretary-general Nikolai Bordyuzha suggested Iran could join the CSTO saying, "The CSTO is an open organization. If Iran applies in accordance with our charter, we will consider the application." If Iran joined it would be the first state outside the former Soviet Union to become a member of the organization.

The Republic of Serbia and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan have been accorded observer status in the CSTO.[8]


GUAM Organization for Democracy and Economic DevelopmentGeorgia (country)AzerbaijanUkraineMoldovaTajikistanTurkmenistanCollective Security Treaty OrganizationEurasian Economic UnionUzbekistanKyrgyzstanKazakhstanArmeniaUnion StateBelarusRussiaCommonwealth of Independent StatesCommonwealth of Independent States Free Trade AreaBaltic AssemblyLithuaniaLatviaEstoniaCommunity for Democracy and Rights of NationsTransnistriaAbkhaziaSouth OssetiaRepublic of Artsakh
Euler diagram showing the relationships among various supranational organisations in the territory of the former Soviet Unionv • d • e

The CSTO grew out of the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States, and first began as the CIS Collective Security Treaty (CST) which was signed on 15 May 1992, by Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russian Federation, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan, in the city of Tashkent. Azerbaijan signed the treaty on 24 September 1993, Georgia on 9 December 1993 and Belarus on 31 December 1993. The treaty came into effect on 20 April 1994.

The CST was set to last for a 5-year period unless extended. On 2 April 1999, only six members of the CST signed a protocol renewing the treaty for another five-year period – Azerbaijan, Georgia and Uzbekistan refused to sign and withdrew from the treaty instead. At the same time Uzbekistan joined the GUAM group, established in 1997 by Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, and Moldova, and largely seen as intending to counter Russian influence in the region. Uzbekistan later withdrew from GUAM in 2005 and joined the CSTO in 2006 in order to seek closer ties with Russia. On 28 June 2012, Uzbekistan suspended its membership in the CSTO.[9]

Policy agenda

Information Technology & Cyber Security

Member nations adopted measures to counter cyber security threats and information technology crimes in a Foreign Ministers Council meeting in Minsk, Belarus.[10] Foreign Minister Abdrakhmanov put forward a proposal to establishing a Cyber Shield system.[10]

Recent developments

During 2005, the CSTO partners conducted some common military exercises.

In June 2007, Kyrgyzstan assumed the rotating CSTO presidency.

In October 2007, the CSTO signed an agreement with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), in the Tajik capital of Dushanbe, to broaden cooperation on issues such as security, crime, and drug trafficking.[11]

On 6 October 2007, CSTO members agreed to a major expansion of the organization that would create a CSTO peacekeeping force that could deploy under a U.N. mandate or without one in its member states. The expansion would also allow all members to purchase Russian weapons at the same price as Russia.[12]

On 29 August 2008, Russia announced it would seek CSTO recognition of the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. Three days earlier, on 26 August, Russia recognized the independence of Georgia's breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia.[13]

On 5 September 2008, Armenia assumed the rotating CSTO presidency during a CSTO meeting in Moscow, Russia.[14]

On 10 December 2010, the member states approved a declaration establishing a CSTO peacekeeping force and a declaration of the CSTO member states, in addition to signing a package of joint documents.[15]

Since 21 December 2011, the Treaty parties can the veto the establishment of new foreign military bases in the member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO). Additionally, Kazakhstan took over the rotating presidency of the CSTO from Belarus.[6]

In August 2014, 3,000 soldiers from the members of Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan participated in psychological and cyber warfare exercises in Kazakhstan under war games managed by CSTO.[16]

On March 19, 2015, the CSTO Secretary General Nikolai Bordyuzha offered to send a peacekeeping mission to Donbass, Ukraine. "The CSTO has a peacekeeping capacity. Our peacekeepers continuously undergo corresponding training. If such a decision is taken by the United Nations, we stand ready to provide peacekeeping units.”[17]

Collective Rapid Reaction Force

On 4 February 2009, an agreement to create the Collective Rapid Reaction Force (KSOR) (Russian: Коллекти́вные си́лы операти́вного реаги́рования (КСОР)) was reached by five of the seven members, with plans finalized on 14 June. The force is intended to be used to repulse military aggression, conduct anti-terrorist operations, fight transnational crime and drug trafficking, and neutralize the effects of natural disasters. Belarus and Uzbekistan initially refrained from signing on to the agreement; Belarus because of a trade dispute with Russia, and Uzbekistan due to general concerns. Belarus signed the agreement the following October while Uzbekistan has yet to sign it. However a source in the Russian delegation said Uzbekistan would not participate in the collective force on a permanent basis but would "delegate" its detachments to take part in operations on an ad hoc basis.[18][19]

On 3 August 2009 the foreign ministry of Uzbekistan criticized plans by Russia to establish a military base in southern Kyrgyzstan for the CSTO rapid reaction force, stating, "The implementation of such projects on complex and unpredictable territory, where the borders of three Central Asian republics directly converge, may give impetus to the strengthening of militarization processes and initiate all kinds of nationalistic confrontations. […] Also, it could lead to the appearance of radical extremist forces that could lead to serious destabilization in this vast region." [20]

Kyrgyz conflict

After Kurmanbek Bakiyev was ousted from office as President of Kyrgyzstan as a result of riots in Kyrgyzstan in April, 2010, he was granted asylum in Belarus. Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko expressed doubt about the future of the CSTO for failing to prevent Bakiyev's overthrow, stating, "What sort of organization is this one, if there is bloodshed in one of our member states and an anticonstitutional coup d'etat takes place, and this body keeps silent?" [21] Lukashenko had previously accused Russia of punishing Belarus with economic sanctions after Lukashenko's refusal to recognize the independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, stating "Economy serves as the basis for our common security. But if Belarus’s closest CSTO ally is destroy this basis and de facto put the Belarusians on their knees, how can one talk about consolidating collective security in the CSTO space?" [22] After refusing to attend a CSTO summit in 2009, Lukashenko said, "Why should my men fight in Kazakhstan? Mothers would ask me why I sent their sons to fight so far from Belarus. For what? For a unified energy market? That is not what lives depend on. No!"[23]

During a trip to Ukraine to extend Russia's lease of the Crimean port Sevastopol in return for discounted natural gas supplies, Russian President Dmitry Medvedev was asked about whether Belarus could expect a similar deal and responded, "Real partnership is one thing and a declaration of intentions is another; reaching agreement on working seriously, meeting each other halfway, helping each other is one thing and making decisions about granting permanent residence to people who have lost their job is another." The Belarusian President defended himself against this criticism by citing former Russian President Vladimir Putin's invitation of Askar Akayev to Russia after he was ousted as President of Kyrgyzstan during the 2005 Tulip Revolution.[24] The following month, President Medvedev ordered the CEO of Russia's natural gas monopoly Gazprom to cut gas supplies to Belarus.[25] Subsequently the Russian television channel NTV, run by Gazprom, aired a documentary film which compared Lukashenko to Bakiyev.[26] Then the Russian President's foreign policy adviser Sergei Prikhodko threatened to publish the transcript of a CSTO meeting where Lukashenko said that his administration would recognize Abkhazian and South Ossetian independence.[27]

In June 2010, ethnic clashes broke out between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbeks in southern Kyrgyzstan, leading interim Kyrgyz President Roza Otunbayeva to request the assistance of Russian troops to quell the disturbances. Kurmanbek Bakiyev denied charges that his supporters were behind the ethnic conflict and called on the CSTO to intervene.[28] Askar Akayev also called for the CSTO to send troops saying, "Our priority task right now should be to extinguish this flame of enmity. It is very likely that we will need CSTO peacekeepers to do that." [29] Russian President Dmitry Medvedev said that "only in the case of a foreign intrusion and an attempt to externally seize power can we state that there is an attack against the CSTO," and that, "all the problems of Kyrgyzstan have internal roots," while CSTO Secretary General Nikolai Bordyuzha called the violence "purely a domestic affair." [30] Later however Bordyuzha admitted that the CSTO response may have been inadequate and claimed that "foreign mercenaries" provoked the Kyrgyz violence against ethnic Uzbek minorities.[31]

On 21 July 2010, interim Kyrgyz President Roza Otunbayeva called for the introduction of CSTO police units to southern Kyrgyzstan saying, "I think it’s important to introduce CSTO police forces there, since we’re unable to guarantee people’s rights on our own," but added "I’m not seeking the CSTO’s embrace and I don’t feel like bringing them here to stay but the bloodletting there will continue otherwise." [32] Only weeks later the deputy chairman of Otubayeva's interim Kyrgyz government complained that their appeals for help from the CSTO had been ignored.[33] The CSTO was unable to agree on providing military assistance to Kyrgyzstan at a meeting in Yerevan, Armenia, which was attended by Roza Otunbayeva as well as Alexander Lukashenko.[34]

See also


  1. ^ ed, Alexei G. Arbatov ..., (1999). Russia and the West : the 21st century security environment. Armonk, NY [u.a.]: Sharpe. p. 62. ISBN 978-0765604323. Retrieved 25 February 2015.
  2. ^ "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 27 February 2014. Retrieved 2014-12-24.CS1 maint: Archived copy as title (link)
  3. ^ Obydenkova, Anastassia (23 November 2010). "Comparative regionalism: Eurasian cooperation and European integration. The case for neofunctionalism?" (PDF). Journal of Eurasian Studies. 2 (2): 91. doi:10.1016/j.euras.2011.03.001.
  4. ^ Sputnik (22 July 2008). "Former Soviet states boost defense capability in joint drills".
  5. ^ J. Berkshire Miller, The Diplomat. "Russia Launches War Games". The Diplomat.
  6. ^ a b Vladimir Radyuhin. "CSTO tightens foreign base norms". The Hindu.
  7. ^
  8. ^ "Парламентские делегации Республики Сербия и Исламской Республики Афганистан получили статус наблюдателей при Парламентской Ассамблее ОДКБ".
  9. ^ "Uzbekistan Suspends Its Membership in CSTO". The Gazette of Central Asia. 29 June 2012. Retrieved 29 June 2012.
  10. ^ a b "CSTO foreign ministers adopt measures to curb IT crime during Minsk meeting". The Astana Times.
  11. ^ Daily Times – Leading News Resource of Pakistan
  12. ^ "Gendarme of Eurasia – Kommersant Moscow". Archived from the original on 1 February 2014.
  13. ^ "Kremlin announces that South Ossetia will join 'one united Russian state".
  14. ^ "CSTO Security Councils Secretaries meet in Yerevan". PanARMENIAN.Net.
  15. ^ "Meeting of the Collective Security Treaty Organisation". President of Russia.
  16. ^ "Armenia to participate in Kazakhstan CSTO drills".
  17. ^ "Bordyuzha: CSTO ready to deploy its peacekeepers to resolve conflict in Ukraine". Archived from the original on 2 April 2015. Retrieved 21 March 2015.
  18. ^ Sputnik (4 February 2009). "CSTO's rapid-reaction force to equal NATO's – Medvedev".
  19. ^ With Russian Prodding, CSTO Begins Taking Shape Archived 24 December 2014 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved on 24 November 2009
  20. ^ Tashkent Throws Temper Tantrum over New Russian Base in Kyrgyzstan, EurasiaNet, 3 August 2009
  21. ^ Belarus leader raps Russia, may snub security summit, Reuters, 25 April 2010.
  22. ^ Belarus-Russia rift widens, Minsk snubs Moscow meet, Reuters, 14 June 2009.
  23. ^ Lukashenko Plays Coy With Kremlin, Moscow Times, 28 August 2009.
  24. ^ Lukashenka dismisses Moscow’s criticism over Bakiyev, Belaplan, 25 April 2010.
  25. ^ Russia Cuts Gas Supplies to Belarus, VOANews, 21 June 2010.
  26. ^ Russia and Belarus: It takes one to know one, Economist, 22 July 2010.
  27. ^ Tensions flare between Kremlin, Belarus strongman, Agence France-Presse, 14 August 2010.
  28. ^ Moscow-led bloc may try to quell Kyrgyz clashes, Reuters, 14 June 2010.
  29. ^ Cases of cash paid for Kyrgyz unrest – former president Archived 19 June 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Russia Today, 17 June 2010.
  30. ^ Kyrgyzstan tests Russia's regional commitments, GlobalPost, 15 June 2010.
  31. ^ CSTO Chief Says Foreign Mercenaries Provoked Race Riots In Kyrgyzstan Archived 6 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Eurasia Review, 1 July 2010.
  32. ^ Kyrgyzstan takes decision on deploying CIS police force in South, Itar-Tass, 21 July 2010.
  33. ^ Kyrgyz Official Criticizes Foreign Partners, Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, 11 August 2010.
  34. ^ Russian-led bloc undecided on aid for Kyrgyzstan, Reuters, 20 August 2010.

External links

2012 in Uzbekistan

The following lists events that happened during 2012 in Uzbekistan.

Armenia–Pakistan relations

Armenia–Pakistan relations refers to international and bilateral relations between Armenia and Pakistan.

Pakistan's relations with Armenia are poor as Pakistan is the only country that does not recognize Armenia as a state.The main issues are the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the Armenian irredentist claims against Turkey. The Nagorno-Karabakh region is mainly populated with ethnic Armenians after war, but is not recognised by any nation (except Abkhazia, South Ossetia, and Transnistria, which too lack the recognition of most nations) as being de jure inside the borders of Azerbaijan. Pakistan had supported Azerbaijan during and after the Nagorno-Karabakh War. Due to its close relations with Armenia's adversaries, Turkey and Azerbaijan, Pakistan considers the Khojaly Massacre, carried out by Armenia against Azerbaijan, to be a genocide. Being the third country after Turkey and Romania to recognize Azerbaijan, Pakistan has close relations with Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan supports Pakistan's stand on the Kashmir conflict. Because of the perceived pro-Azerbaijan and pro-Turkey policies by Pakistan, Armenia developed friendly relations with India, and supports the Indian position on the Kashmir conflict.At the end of 2016, Armenian–Pakistani relations deteriorated and Armenia has reportedly vetoed Pakistan’s observer bid in the Russian-led Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) Parliamentary Assembly.

Armenia–Russia relations

Armenia–Russia relations (Russian: Российско-армянские отношения, Armenian: Հայ-ռուսական հարաբերություններ) is the bilateral relationships between Armenia and the Russian Federation. Diplomatic relations between modern-day Armenia and Russia were established on 3 April 1992; Russia has been an important actor in Armenia since the early 19th century. The two countries' historic relationship has its roots in the Russo-Persian War (1826-1828) between the Russian Empire and Qajar Persia after which Eastern Armenia was ceded to Russia. Moreover, Russia was viewed as a protector of the Christian subjects in the Ottoman Empire, including the Armenians.After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Armenia has shared Russia's approach aimed at strengthening the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). Armenia and Russia are both members of a military alliance, the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), along with four other ex-Soviet countries, a relationship that Armenia finds essential to its security. Among the contracts and the agreements, which determine intergovernmental relations – a treaty of friendship, collaboration and mutual aid of 29 August 1997 are a number of the documents, which regulate bases of Russian military units and liaisons in the Republic of Armenia. Armenia became a full member of the Eurasian Economic Union on 2 January 2015.

Austria–Russia relations

Austria–Russia relations (Russian: Российско-австрийские отношения or Австрийско-российские отношения, German: Österreichisch-russische Beziehungen) refers to the bilateral relationship between Austria and Russia and their predecessor states. Since October 1955, the Republic of Austria maintains the constitutionally-mandated status of neutrality; the country ia a founding member of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OEEC). Austria joined the EU in 1995. Russia is a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, a partner of ASEAN, a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), the G20, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), as well as the leading member state of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), and the Eurasian Economic Union (EEU). Both countries are members of the Council of Europe, the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, and the World Trade Organization (WTO).

Collective Rapid Reaction Force

Collective Rapid Reaction Force (Russian: Коллективные силы оперативного реагирования, КСОР; KSOR) is a joint combined arms task force comprising independent military units from the Collective Security Treaty Organization member states. CRRF was created in 2009 with the general purpose to counter a limited military aggression against CSTO member states, to fight against terrorism and drug trafficking.

Commonwealth of Independent States

The Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)[3] is a regional intergovernmental organization of 10 post-Soviet republics in Eurasia formed following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. It has an area of 20,368,759 km² (8,097,484 sq mi) and has an estimated population of 239,796,010. The CIS encourages cooperation in economical, political and military affairs and has certain powers to coordinate trade, finance, lawmaking and security. It has also promoted cooperation on cross-border crime prevention.

The CIS has its origins in the Soviet Union (USSR), which replaced the old Russian Empire in 1917 when it was established by the 1922 Treaty and Declaration of the Creation of the USSR by the Russian SFSR, Byelorussian SSR and Ukrainian SSR. When the USSR began to fall in 1991, the founding republics signed the Belavezha Accords on 8 December 1991, declaring the Soviet Union would cease to exist and proclaimed the CIS in its place. A few days later the Alma-Ata Protocol was signed, which declared that Soviet Union was dissolved and that the Russian Federation was to be its successor state. The Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania), which regard their membership in the Soviet Union as an illegal occupation, chose not to participate. Georgia withdrew its membership in 2008. Ukraine, which participated as an associate member, ended its participation in CIS statutory bodies on 19 May 2018.Eight of the nine CIS member states participate in the CIS Free Trade Area. Three organizations are under the overview of the CIS, namely the Collective Security Treaty Organization, the Eurasian Economic Union (alongside subdivisions, the Eurasian Customs Union and the Eurasian Economic Space, which comprises territory inhabited by over 180 million people); and the Union State. While the first and the second are military and economic alliances, the third aims to reach a supranational union of Russia and Belarus with a common government, flag, currency and so on.

Dušan Bajatović

Dušan Bajatović (Serbian Cyrillic: Душан Бајатовић; born 29 November 1967) is a politician, entrepreneur, and administrator in Serbia. He has served in the National Assembly of Serbia since 2007 as a member of the Socialist Party of Serbia and is a former member of both the Assembly of Serbia and Montenegro and the Assembly of Vojvodina. Once an ally of Slobodan Milošević, he was later a prominent advocate of moving the Socialist Party away from Milošević's legacy. Since 2008, he has been the general manager of the powerful public utility Srbijagas.

Jovan Palalić

Jovan Palalić (Serbian Cyrillic: Јован Палалић; born April 26, 1971) is a politician in Serbia. He was elected to his fifth term in the National Assembly of Serbia in 2016. Once a prominent member of the Democratic Party of Serbia (Demokratska stranka Srbije; DSS), Palalić is now the general secretary of the Serbian People's Party (Srpska narodna partija; SNP).

List of intergovernmental organizations

The following is a list of the major existing intergovernmental organizations (IGOs).

For a more complete listing, see the Yearbook of International Organizations, which includes 25,000 international non-governmental organizations (INGOs), excluding for-profit enterprises, about 5,000 IGOs, and lists dormant and dead organizations as well as those in operation (figures as of the 400th edition, 2012/13).

List of international trips made by Serzh Sargsyan

This is a list of international trips made by Serzh Sargsyan, the third President of Armenia.

Milovan Drecun

Milovan Drecun (Serbian Cyrillic: Милован Дрецун born 4 October 1957) is a Serbian journalist and politician. A member of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS), he has been an MP in the Serbian parliament since 2012.

During the 1990s Drecun worked as correspondent at the state-owned broadcaster RTS. In parallel, he maintained a career in politics. As member of the Serbian Revival, he was a candidate at the 2004 Serbian presidential elections receiving 0.54% of the popular vote.

Post-Soviet states

The post-Soviet states, also collectively known as the former Soviet Union (FSU) or former Soviet Republics, and in Russian as the "near abroad" (discussed below) are the states that emerged and re-emerged from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in its breakup in 1991, with Russia internationally recognised as the successor state to the Soviet Union after the Cold War. The three Baltic states were the first to declare their independence, between March and May 1990, claiming continuity from the original states that existed prior to their annexation by the Soviet Union in 1940. The remaining 12 republics all subsequently seceded. 12 of the 15 states, excluding the Baltic states, initially formed the CIS and most joined CSTO, while the Baltic states focused on European Union and NATO membership.

Several disputed states with varying degrees of recognition exist within the territory of the former Soviet Union: Transnistria in eastern Moldova, Abkhazia and South Ossetia in northern Georgia and Nagorno-Karabakh in southwestern Azerbaijan. Since 2014, the Donetsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic in Eastern Ukraine have claimed independence. All of these unrecognised states except Nagorno-Karabakh depend on Russian armed support and financial aid. Nagorno-Karabakh is integrated to Armenia, which also maintains close cooperation with Russia. Prior to the annexation of Crimea to Russia in March 2014, which is not recognized by most countries, it briefly declared itself an independent state.

In the political language of Russia and some other post-Soviet states, the near abroad refers to the newly independent republics (other than Russia itself) which emerged after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Near abroad became more widely used in English, usually to assert Russia's right to have major influence in the region. Russian President Vladimir Putin has declared the region Russia's "sphere of influence", and strategically vital for Russia. The concept has been compared to the Monroe Doctrine.

Russia–Tajikistan relations

Russia–Tajikistan relations (Russian: Российско-таджикские отношения) is the bilateral relationship between the Russian Federation and Tajikistan.

Both countries are close allies and members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, the military alliance formed by the Collective Security Treaty Organization, and the Commonwealth of Independent States. Tajikistan hosts Russian military units and infrastructure in Central Asia. Tajikistan and Russia also work closely together in issues concerning Afghanistan and are partners in anti-terrorism, anti-narcotics, and intelligence operations.

Tajikistan is highly dependent on the remittances coming from Russia. In 2012, it received US $3.595 billion in migrant remittances, equalling some 48% of its GDP. Some 1.5 million Tajiks work abroad, mostly in Russia.The current Ambassador of Russia to Tajikistan is Igor Lyakin-Frolov. The current Ambassador of Tajikistan to Russia is Imomuddin Sattorov.

Stanislav Zas

Major General Stanislav Vasilievich Zas (Belarusian: Станісла́ў Васі́левіч Зась, Russian: Станислав Васильевич Зась) is a Ukrainian-born Belarusian general and politician who is the current State Secretary of the Security Council of Belarus.

Tajik Mobile Forces

The Mobile Forces are the paratroopers of the armed forces of Tajikistan. They are similar to the Russian Airborne Troops, whom they often train with. The Mobile Forces act as a special forces in Tajikistan, subservient to the Defense Ministry.

Although they are called paratroopers, the Mobile Forces often deployed out of helicopters, as the Tajik Air Force has few fixed wing aircraft.

Telephone tapping in the Eastern Bloc

Telephone tapping in the countries of the Eastern Bloc was a widespread method of the mass surveillance of the population by the secret police.

Warsaw Pact

The Warsaw Pact, formally known as the Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance, was a collective defence treaty signed in Warsaw, Poland among the Soviet Union and seven Soviet satellite states of Central and Eastern Europe in May 1955, during the Cold War. The Warsaw Pact was the military complement to the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CoMEcon), the regional economic organization for the socialist states of Central and Eastern Europe. The Warsaw Pact was created in reaction to the integration of West Germany into NATO in 1955 per the London and Paris Conferences of 1954, but it is also considered to have been motivated by Soviet desires to maintain control over military forces in Central and Eastern Europe.The Warsaw Pact was established as a balance of power or counterweight to NATO; there was no direct confrontation between them. Instead, the conflict was fought on an ideological basis and in proxy wars. Both NATO and the Warsaw Pact led to the expansion of military forces and their integration into the respective blocs. Its largest military engagement was the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968 (with the participation of all Pact nations except Albania, Romania and East Germany), which, in part, resulted in Albania withdrawing from the pact less than a month later. The Pact began to unravel in its entirety with the spread of the Revolutions of 1989 through the Eastern Bloc, beginning with the Solidarity movement in Poland and its electoral success in June 1989.

East Germany withdrew from the Pact following reunification with West Germany in 1990. On 25 February 1991, the Pact was declared at an end at a meeting of defence and foreign ministers from the six remaining member states in Hungary. The USSR itself was dissolved in December 1991, although most of the former Soviet republics formed the Collective Security Treaty Organization shortly thereafter. Throughout the following 20 years, the seven Warsaw Pact countries outside the USSR each joined NATO (East Germany through its reunification with West Germany; and the Czech Republic and Slovakia as separate countries), as did the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) that had been part of the Soviet Union.

Yuri Khatchaturov

Yuri Khachaturov (Armenian: Յուրի Խաչատուրով; born 1 May 1952) is the Secretary-General of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and former Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces of Armenia.

Zoran Radojičić (Dveri politician)

Zoran Radojičić (Serbian Cyrillic: Зоран Радојичић; born 1975) is a politician in Serbia. He has served in the National Assembly of Serbia since 2016 as a member of the right-wing Dveri party.

Central Asian regional organizations
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