Class collaboration

Class collaboration is a principle of social organization based upon the belief that the division of society into a hierarchy of social classes is a positive and essential aspect of civilization.

Fascist support

Class collaboration is one of the main pillars of social architecture in fascism. In the words of Benito Mussolini, fascism "affirms the irremediable, fruitful and beneficent inequality of men."[1] Given this premise, fascists conclude that the preservation of social hierarchy is in the interests of all classes, and therefore all classes should collaborate in its defense. Both the lower and the higher classes should accept their roles and perform their respective duties.

In fascist thought, the principle of class collaboration is combined with strong ultranationalism. The stability and the prosperity of the nation was seen as the ultimate purpose of collaboration between classes.

Communist opposition

Communists are ideologically and fundamentally opposed to class collaboration, advocating for class struggle and generally favoring a classless society instead.

Whereas the doctrine of class struggle urges the lower classes to overthrow the ruling class and the existing social order for the purpose of establishing equality, the doctrine of class collaboration urges them to accept inequality as part of the natural state of things and preserve the social order. Furthermore, it holds that the State alone 'reconciles' class antagonisms in society, and that the strife which gives rise to Communism can be harmonized.

Some Marxists use the term "class collaboration" as a pejorative term describing working class organisations that do not pursue class struggle. In this sense the term echoes the connotations of collaborationism.

At the same time, however, communists do not necessarily reject all alliances between classes. Some communists argue that, in a country with a large peasant population, the transition to communism can be accomplished by an alliance between two classes, the peasantry and the proletariat, united against the bourgeois class.[2] Mao Zedong's New Democracy concept calls for "the peasantry, the proletariat, the petty bourgeoisie and national and patriotic elements from the bourgeoisie to collectively operate for the building of a socialist society".

See also

References

  1. ^ "The Doctrine of Fascism". Enciclopedia Italiana. Rome: Istituto Giovanni Treccani. 1932.
  2. ^ V. I. Lenin (January 23, 1923). "How We Should Reorganise the Wokers' and Peasants' Inspection".
Argentine Fascist Party

The Argentine Fascist Party (Partido Fascista Argentino, PFA) was a fascist political party in Argentina from 1932 until its official disbandment in 1936, when it was succeeded by the National Fascist Union (Union Nacional Fascista, UNF). Founded by Italian Argentines, the party was formed as a breakaway faction from Argentina's National Fascist Party (Partido Nacional Fascista, PNF). It was based upon Italian Fascism and was recognized by Benito Mussolini's Italian National Fascist Party in 1935. In the 1930s the party became a mass organization, particularly in Córdoba. Nicholás Vitelli led the PFA's branch in Córdoba until his death in 1934, whereafter Nimio de Anquín took the leadership of the party. The PFA's main political allies in Córdoba were the Argentine Civic Legion and the Nationalist Action of Argentina/Affirmation of a New Argentina movement.

Argentine Patriotic League

The Argentine Patriotic League (Liga Patriótica Argentina) was a Nacionalista paramilitary group, officially created in Buenos Aires on January 16, 1919, during the Tragic week events. Presided over by Manuel Carlés, a professor at the Military College and the Escuela Superior de Guerra, it also counted among its members the deputy Santiago G. O'Farrell (1861-1926). The League was merged into the Argentine Civic Legion in 1931. The Argentine Patriotic League formed part of a larger movement of patriotic leagues active in Chile and Argentina during the early 20th century.

Blueshirts (Falange)

The Blueshirts (Spanish: Camisas Azules) was the Falangist paramilitary militia in Spain. The name refers to the blue uniform worn by members of the militia. The colour blue was chosen for the uniforms in 1934 by the FE de las JONS because it was, according to José Antonio Primo de Rivera, "clear, whole, and proletarian," and is the colour typically worn by mechanics, as the Falange sought to gain support among the Spanish working class. In Francoist Spain the Blueshirts were officially reorganized and officially renamed the Falange Militia of the FET y de las JONS in 1940.

Brit HaBirionim

Brit HaBirionim (Hebrew: ברית הבריונים, The Strongmen Alliance (Alliance of Thugs)) was a clandestine, self-declared fascist faction of the Revisionist Zionist Movement (ZRM) in Mandatory Palestine, active between 1930 and 1933. It was founded by the trio of Abba Ahimeir, Uri Zvi Greenberg and Yehoshua Yeivin.

Crypto-fascism

Crypto-fascism is the secret support for, or admiration of, fascism. The term is used to imply that an individual or group keeps this support or admiration hidden to avoid political persecution or political suicide. The common usage is "crypto-fascist", one who practices this support.

Fascio

Fascio (pronounced [ˈfaʃʃo]; plural fasci) is an Italian word literally meaning "a bundle" or "a sheaf", and figuratively "league", and which was used in the late 19th century to refer to political groups of many different (and sometimes opposing) orientations. A number of nationalist fasci later evolved into the 20th century Fasci movement, which became known as fascism.

Fascism in Canada

Fascism in Canada (French: Fascisme au Canada) consisted of a variety of movements and political parties in Canada during the 20th century. Largely a fringe ideology, fascism has never commanded a large following amongst the Canadian people, and was most popular during the Great Depression. Most Canadian fascist leaders were interned at the outbreak of World War II under the Defence of Canada Regulations and in the post-war period, fascism never recovered its former small influence.

The Canadian Union of Fascists, based in Winnipeg, Manitoba, was modeled on Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists. Its leader was Chuck Crate.

Parti National Social Chrétien was founded in Quebec in February 1934 by Adrien Arcand. In October 1934, the party merged with the Canadian Nationalist Party, which was based in the prairie provinces. In June 1938, it merged with Nazi groups from Ontario and Quebec (many of which were known as Swastika clubs), to form the National Unity Party.Fascist concepts and policies, such as eugenics, formulated in the US, found a friendly reception in Canada in some provinces, such as Alberta, where, under a Social Credit government, alleged mental defectives and other 'non-producers' were involuntarily sterilized to prevent the birth of more similar people. Social democrat Tommy Douglas, Premier of Saskatchewan, wrote his 1933 master thesis paper endorsing some of the ideas of eugenics, but later abandoned and rejected such notions.

Folkhemmet

Folkhemmet (Swedish: [²fɔlkhɛmːɛt], the people's home) is a political concept that played an important role in the history of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and the Swedish welfare state. It is also sometimes used to refer to the long period between 1932 and 1976 when the Social Democrats were in power (except for a brief period in 1936 when Axel Pehrsson-Bramstorp from the Farmer's League was prime minister) and the concept was put into practice, but also works as a poetic name for the Swedish welfare state. Sometimes referred to as "the Swedish Middle Way", folkhemmet was viewed as midway between capitalism and socialism. The base of the folkhem vision is that the entire society ought to be like a small family, where everybody contributes, but also where everybody looks after one another. The Swedish Social Democrats' successes in the postwar period is often explained by the fact that the party managed to motivate major social reforms with the idea of the folkhem and the national family's joint endeavor.The term is thought to have its roots in Rudolf Kjellén's vision of a corporatist-styled society based on class collaboration in the national interest, largely based on Otto von Bismarck's juxtaposing of conservative stability and continuity to social reforms otherwise associated with socialist parties, such as universal healthcare and unemployment benefits.

The Social Democratic leaders Ernst Wigforss, an avid Keynesian, and Per Albin Hansson, a social corporatist, are considered the main architects of folkhemmet, with inspiration from the conservative Kjellén. It was later developed by Prime Ministers Tage Erlander and Olof Palme until the Social Democratic Party lost power in 1976. Another important proponent was Hjalmar Branting, who came into contact with the concept while a student at Uppsala University, and went on to become the first socialist Prime Minister of Sweden.

Heroic capitalism

Heroic capitalism or dynamic capitalism was a concept that Italian Fascism took from Werner Sombart's explanations of capitalist development. This phase was known by Sombart as early capitalism. In 1933, Benito Mussolini claimed that capitalism began with dynamic or heroic capitalism (1830-1870) followed by static capitalism (1870-1914) and then reached its final form of decadent capitalism, known also as supercapitalism, which began in 1914.Mussolini argued that although he did not support this type of capitalism he considered it at least a dynamic and heroic form. Some Fascists, including Mussolini, considered it a contribution to the industrialism and technical developments, but they claimed not to favour the creation of supercapitalism in Italy due to its strong agricultural sector.Mussolini claimed that dynamic or heroic capitalism inevitably degenerates into static capitalism and then supercapitalism due to the concepts of bourgeois economic individualism. Instead, he proposed a state supervised economy, although he contrasted it to Russian state supercapitalism. Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private initiatives and property while allowing the state and the syndicalist movement to intervene in the economy in the matters where private initiative intervenes in public affairs. This system would lead also to some nationalizations when necessary and the greatest participation of the employees in all the aspects of the company and in the utility given by the company.

Labor Party (Romania)

The Labor Party (Romanian: Partidul Muncei, modernized Partidul Muncii, PM) was a minor left-wing political group in Romania. Based in the city of Iași, and founded by George Diamandy, in its inception it was a split from the National Liberal Party (PNL). The PM responded to the major social and political crisis sparked by World War I, with the southern regions of Romania having been invaded and occupied by Germany. It notably pushed for urgent land reform, universal suffrage, and labor rights, also wishing to replace the 1866 Constitution with a more democratic one, and advocating class collaboration. Through Diamandy, its roots were planted in the "generous youth" current of 19th-century reformism.

Co-chaired by Nicolae L. Lupu, the PM grouped together disgruntled members of the PNL, old affiliates of homegrown Poporanism, and left-agarianists with republican leanings, inspired by the success of Russian Revolutionary Socialists (or "Esers"). It was perceived as a nuisance by the institutions of the Romanian Kingdom, but largely dismissed as shambolic, and reportedly criticized as "bourgeois" by Russian radicals. It campaigned independently during the June 1918 elections, but these registered a sweep for the Conservative Party; the PM only held one seat in Chamber, taken by Grigore Trancu-Iași.

Pushed into obscurity by the events of the war, which drove its other leaders into exile, the PM, relaunched under the leadership of landowner Numa Protopopescu, divided itself into factions. One of these continued to survive as a separate wing of the anti-PNL People's League. Lupu later reorganized the group as a component of the "Parliamentary Bloc", backing a government formed around the Romanian National Party in 1920. He and his supporters were also among those who established the Peasants' Party in 1921.

List of fascist movements by country

This is a list of political parties, organizations, and movements that have been claimed to follow some form of fascist ideology. Since definitions of fascism vary, entries in this list may be controversial. For a discussion of the various debates surrounding the nature of fascism, see fascism and ideology and definitions of fascism.

This list has been divided into four sections for reasons of length:

List of fascist movements by country A–F

List of fascist movements by country G–M

List of fascist movements by country N–T

List of fascist movements by country U–Z

National Catholicism

National Catholicism (Spanish: Nacionalcatolicismo) was part of the ideological identity of Francoism, the political system with which dictator Francisco Franco governed Spain between 1939 and 1975. Its most visible manifestation was the hegemony that the Catholic Church had in all aspects of public and private life. As a symbol of the ideological divisions within Francoism, it can be contrasted to National syndicalism (nacionalsindicalismo), an essential component of the ideology and political practice of the Falangists.

National Fascist Party (Argentina)

The National Fascist Party of Argentina (Partido Nacional Fascista) was a fascist political party formed in 1923. In 1932, a group broke away from the party to form the Argentine Fascist Party, which eventually became a mass movement in the Córdoba region of Argentina.

National Fascist Union (Argentina)

The National Fascist Union (Unión Nacional Fascista, UNF) was a fascist political party formed in Argentina in 1936, as the successor to the Argentine Fascist Party.In August 1936, UNF leader Nimio de Anquín attempted to force students at a law school in Cordoba to pledge a statement of support for the Spanish general Francisco Franco. Police responded with a crackdown against Argentine nationalists. Support for the UNF surged after two nationalists were shot in the Colegio Montserrat in 1938. In the aftermath of the Montserrat murders, Anquin denounced the middle and upper class for complicity and cowardice and claimed that "communism, Judaism, and degenerate Radicalism" were responsible for causing the murders. Anquín called for the mourners to swear "by God, honour, and the Fatherland, to return the homicidal bullet".By 1939, the UNF was largely defunct, and Anquín returned to his hometown to resume his earlier career as a lecturer.

National syndicalism

National syndicalism is an adaptation of syndicalism to suit the social agenda of integral nationalism. National syndicalism developed in France, and then spread to Italy, Spain, Portugal and Romania.

Neosocialism

Neosocialism was the name of a political faction that existed in France during the 1930s and in Belgium around the same time and which included several revisionist tendencies in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). Step by step, the faction distanced itself from revolutionary Marxism and reformist socialism, instead advocating a revolution from above which they termed as a constructive revolution. Neosocialists came to oppose the majority of the socialists in France National Assembly and the faction was expelled from SFIO.

Originally linked to fascist politics in France, neosocialists expressed admiration for Italian fascism. This ideological orientation later emerged in the newly formed Neosocialist Party which advocated authoritarianism and antisemitic policies as well as intimate cooperation with the Nazis.

Proletarian nation

Proletarian nation was a term used by 20th century Italian nationalist intellectuals such as Enrico Corradini and later adopted by Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini to refer to Italy and other poorer countries that were subordinate to the Western imperialist powers. These powers were described by Mussolini as "plutocratic nations" (nazioni plutocratiche). Corradini associated the proletariat with the economic function of production and believed that the producers should be at the forefront of a new imperialist proletarian nation. Mussolini considered that the military struggles unfolding in Europe in the mid-20th century could have revolutionary consequences that could lead to an improvement in the position of Italy in comparison with the major imperialist powers such as Britain.

Nazism rejected the Marxist concept of internationalist class struggle, it identified "class struggle between nations" and sought to resolve internal class struggle in the nation while it identified Germany as a proletarian nation fighting against plutocratic nations.

Tropical fascism

In African political science, tropical fascism is a type of post-colonial state which is either considered fascist or is seen to have strong fascist tendencies. Gnassingbé Eyadéma dictator of Togo and leader of the Rally of the Togolese People, Mobutu Sese Seko dictator of Zaire and leader of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and Idi Amin dictator of Uganda have all been considered an example of tropical fascism in Africa. The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic and larger Hutu Power movement, a Hutu ultranationalist and supremacist movement that organized and committed the Rwandan Genocide aimed at exterminating the Tutsi people of Rwanda, has been regarded as a prominent example of tropical fascism in Africa. Pol Pot and The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia has been called a tropical fascist regime, as they officially renounced communism in 1981.

Young Egypt Party (1933)

The Young Egypt Party (Arabic: حزب مصر الفتاة‎, Misr El-Fatah) was an Egyptian political party.

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