Brazilian Integralist Action

Brazilian Integralist Action (Portuguese: Ação Integralista Brasileira, AIB) was an integralist/fascist political party in Brazil. It was based upon the ideology of Brazilian Integralism as developed by its leader Plínio Salgado. Brazilian Integralism supported a revival of spirituality in Brazil in the form of Brazilian nationalism to form a shared identity between Brazilians. It denounced materialism, liberalism, and Marxism. It was violently opposed to the Brazilian Communist Party (then still called Communist Party of Brazil) and competed with the Communists for the working class vote.

Brazilian Integralist Action

Ação Integralista Brasileira
PresidentPlínio Salgado
FoundedOctober 7, 1932
DissolvedNovember 10, 1937
Succeeded byParty of Popular Representation
HeadquartersRio de Janeiro
IdeologyBrazilian nationalism
Brazilian Integralism
Clerical fascism
Anti-communism
Political positionFar-right
ReligionCatholic Church
International affiliationNone
Colours     Blue

Character

SaudacaoIntegralista1935
The Integralist salute "Anauê!". It means "you are my brother!" (believed by some to have originated in a Tupi language expression)
Congresso Integralista 1935
Closing session of the Integralist Congress in Blumenau, 1935
JuventudeIntegralista
Departamento Feminino e de Juventude (Women and Youth Department).

In its outward forms, Integralism was similar to European fascism: a green-shirted paramilitary organization with uniformed ranks, highly regimented street demonstrations, and rhetoric against Marxism and liberalism. However, it differed markedly from it in specific ideology: a prolific writer before turning political leader, Salgado interpreted human history at large as an opposition between "materialism"—understood by him as the normal operation of natural laws guided by blind necessity—and "spiritualism": the belief in God, in the immortality of the soul, and in the conditioning of individual existence to superior, eternal goals. Salgado advocated, therefore, the harnessing of individual interest to values such as pity, self-donation and concern to others.[1] For him, human history consisted of the eternal struggle of the human spirit against the laws of nature, as expressed by the atheism of modern society in the twin forms of liberalism and socialismcapitalist competition leading eventually to the merger of private capitals in a single state-owned economy.[2] Thus the integralists favoured nationalism as a shared spiritual identity,[3] in the context of a heterogeneous and tolerant nation influenced by "Christian virtues"—such virtues being concretely enforced by means of an authoritarian government enforcing compulsory political activity under the guidance of an acknowledged leader.[4]

The Integralists were something akin to the contemporary Irish Blueshirts who, like them, were revolutionary in spirit, and were an offshoot of the Fenian movement and the IRB, both of which were terrorist organisations condemned repeatedly by the Irish Roman Catholic bishops and excommunicated by Pope Pius IX on 12 October 1869 and 12 January 1870.[5] Like the European fascists, Integralists were essentially middle class. In particular, they drew support from military officers, especially in the Brazilian Navy.

Integralism being a mass movement, there were marked differences in ideology among its leaders under the influence of various international fascist and quasi-fascist contemporary movements, as in the issue of anti-Semitism: Salgado was against it. Gustavo Barroso, the party's chief ideologist after Salgado, was known for his militant antisemitic views, becoming notorious for being the author of the first and so far only Portuguese translation of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. Barroso was also the author of various antisemitic works of his own (Judaism, Freemasonry, and Communism; Synagogues in São Paulo).[6] This led to at least two serious ruptures in the movement: one in 1935 and the other, 1936, when Salgado almost renounced leadership of the movement.

One of the most important principles in an Integralist's life was the "Internal Revolution", or "Revolution of the Self", through which a man was encouraged to stop thinking only for himself, and instead start to integrate into the idea of a giant integralist family—becoming one with the Homeland, while also leaving behind selfish and "evil" values.

History

Attitudes of the Vargas regime

In the beginning of the 1930s, Brazil went through a strong wave of political radicalism. The government led by President Getúlio Vargas had a degree of support from workers because of the labor laws he introduced, and competed with the Communist Party of Brazil for working-class support. In the face of communist advances, and at the same time building on his intensive crackdown against the Brazilian left, Vargas turned to the integralist movement as a single mobilized base of right-wing support. With center-left factions excluded from the Vargas' coalition and the left crushed, Vargas progressively set out to co-opt the populist movement to attain the widespread support that allowed him eventually (in 1937) to proclaim his Estado Novo—an integralist "New State".

Integralism, claiming a rapidly growing membership throughout Brazil by 1935, especially among the German-Brazilians and Italian-Brazilians (communities which together amounted to approximately one million people), began filling this ideological void. In 1934, the Integralists targeted the Communist movement led by Luiz Carlos Prestes, mobilizing a conservative mass support base engaging in street brawls. In 1934, following the disintegration of Vargas' delicate alliance with labor, and his new alliance with the AIB, Brazil entered one of the most agitated periods in its political history. Brazil's major cities began to resemble 1932-33 Berlin with its street battles between the Communist Party of Germany and the National-Socialist German Workers' Party. By mid-1935, Brazilian politics had been drastically destabilized.

Crackdown and legacy

When Vargas established full dictatorial powers under the Estado Novo in 1937, he turned against the movement. Although AIB favored Vargas' hard right turn, Salgado was overly ambitious, with overt presidential aspirations that threatened Vargas' grip on power. In 1938, the Integralists made a last attempt at achieving power, by attacking the Guanabara Palace during the night, but police and army troops arrived at the last minute, and the ensuing gunfight ended with around twenty casualties. This attempt was called the Integralist "Pajama Putsch".[7]

The AIB disintegrated after that failure in 1938, and in 1945 Salgado founded the Party of Popular Representation (PRP), which maintained the ideology of Integralism, but without the uniforms, salutes, signals, and signs. The various political leaderships raised among Integralistm dispersed into various ideological positions during subsequent political struggles. Those who maintained ties with the political Right included many of the former members of the participants in the 1964 military coup that was to overthrow President João Goulart. Conversely, other former integralists associated later with the Left, as was to be the case of Goulart's foreign minister Santiago Dantas, the Catholic bishop D. Hélder Câmara. The Brazilian populist leader (and Goulart's brother-in-law) Leonel Brizola, in an early stage of his political career, won the gubernatorial elections in the State of Rio Grande do Sul by means of an electoral alliance with the PRP.[8] Today, there are two groups in Brazil which uphold the strict integralist ideology: the "Frente Integralista Brasileira" (FIB) and the "Movimento Integralista e Linearista Brasileiro" (MIL-B).

Integralistas and the military regime (1964-1985)

Integralistas and former Integralistas took a range of positions as regards the military right-wing dictatorship that followed the 1964 coup. Plínio Salgado joined the ARENA, the pro-military party. Augusto Rademaker and Márcio Melo, former Integralistas, served as two of the three member junta that briefly ruled Brazil in 1969, during the transition from the second military government (that of Artur da Costa e Silva) to the third (that of Emílio Médici). Rademaker was also vice-president in the third military government. He was generally considered as one of the most diehard rightists in the contemporary military topbrass.[9] Many former Integralistas in the military occupied government posts in the second and third military administrations, usually thought to be aligned with hardline sectors in the army. On the other hand, D. Hélder Câmara, also a former Integralista, operated at the time as the best-known opponent of the regime.

References

  1. ^ Cf. Ricardo Benzaquém de Araújo, Totalitarismo e Revolução: o Integralismo de Plínio Salgado, Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 1988, ISBN 85-85061-83-9 , pages 30/32
  2. ^ Benzaquém de Araújo, Totalitarismo e Revolução, 33 &46/48
  3. ^ Benzaquém de Araújo, Totalitarismo e Revolução, 57
  4. ^ Benzaquèm de Araújo, Totalitarismo e Revolução, 71
  5. ^ Why the Roman Catholic Church so rightly condemned the Irish Fenians.... "Roman Christendom" blog, 30 November 2014.
  6. ^ Philip Rees, Biographical Dictionary of the Extreme Right Since 1890, pp. 25-26; on Barroso's translation of the Protocols and antisemitic works, see Roney Cytrynowicz, "Integralismo e anti-semitismo nos textos de Gustavo Barroso na década de 30" Dissertação (Mestrado em História), USP (1992)
  7. ^ R.S. Rose (2000), One of the Forgotten Things: Getúlio Vargas and Brazilian Social Control, 1930-1954, Westport: Greenwood, p. 86
  8. ^ Lucídio Castelo Branco, Da memória de um repórter. Porto Alegre: Editora Age, 2002, page 36
  9. ^ R. S. Rose, The Unpast: Elite Violence and Social Control in Brazil, 1954-2000. Ohio University Press, 2005 , ISBN 0-89680-243-4 , page 134
Antifascist United Front (Brazil)

The Antifascist United Front (FUA) - [Portuguese: Frente Única Antifascista] was a political organization founded on June 25, 1933 in the city of São Paulo to oppose fascism, represented in Brazil by the Brazilian Integralist Action (AIB). FUA was created on the initiative of Communist League (LC), Brazilian Socialist Party (PSB), Italian anti-Fascist immigrants and other leftist minority organizations. Two important segments of Sao Paulo's left at the time, the anarchists and militants of the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), did not formally participate in the FUA, but they maintained contacts and articulated themselves with the Antifascist front on some occasions.FUA, together with other sectors of the left, held a series of anti-fascist demonstrations and demonstrations, and its militants played an important role in the Battle of the Praça da Sé. Until February 1934, the year in which the organization ceased its activities, FUA edited the newspaper O Homem Livre, considered the main vehicle of antifascist propaganda of that period.Throughout 1934, with the advance of fascism in Europe and the reform of the policies of the Communist International (Comintern), which aimed at the formation of popular fronts, FUA opened space for the formation of a broader front of progressive sectors, the antifascist struggle in the more general struggle for reforms and against the conservative forces, which culminated in the formation of the National Liberation Alliance (ANL) in 1935.

Brazilian Integralism

Brazilian integralism (Portuguese: integralismo) was a fascist, nationalist and catholic political movement in Brazil, created in October 1932. Founded and led by Plínio Salgado, a literary figure who was somewhat famous for his participation in the 1922 Modern Art Week, the movement had adopted some characteristics of European mass movements of those times, specifically of Italian Fascism, but distancing itself from Nazism because Salgado himself did not support racism. Despite the movement's slogan "Union of all races and all peoples", some militants held anti-Semitic views. The name of the party created to support its doctrine was Brazilian Integralist Action (Portuguese: Ação Integralista Brasileira, AIB). The reference to Integralism mirrored a traditionalist movement in Portugal, the Lusitanian Integralism. For its symbol, the AIB used a flag with a white disk on a royal blue background, with an uppercase sigma (Σ) in its center.

Cemitério do Morumbi

Cemitério do Morumbi (Morumbi Cemetery) is a cemetery in São Paulo, Brazil. It is located in the affluent neighborhood of Morumbi.

Christofascism

Christofascism is a combination of Christian and fascism coined by Dorothee Sölle in 1970. Sölle, a liberation theology proponent, used the term to describe the Christian church which she characterized as totalitarian and imperialistic.

Clerical fascism

Clerical fascism (also clero-fascism or clerico-fascism) is an ideology that combines the political and economic doctrines of fascism with clericalism. The term has been used to describe organizations and movements that combine religious elements with fascism, support by religious organizations for fascism, or fascist regimes in which clergy play a leading role.

Communist uprising of 1935

The Communist uprising of 1935, (Portuguese: Intentona Comunista), was a military revolt by leftist low-rank military against Getúlio Vargas' government, in the name of the National Liberation Alliance and with the support of the Brazilian Communist Party, which was back then called the Communist Party of Brazil, the uprising also had the support of the Comintern. It was the last of a series of Brazilian military revolts which began on 1922 under the name of tenentismo or the lieutenants revolts. Later, Vargas used it as a pretext for the Estado Novo establishment.

In 1932, the fascist Brazilian Integralist Action party was created. Later, in March 1935, an organization called the National Liberation Alliance (Portuguese: Aliança Nacional Libertadora - ANL) was created in Brazil, inspired by some popular fronts that emerged in Europe to prevent Nazi-fascist political advance. It argued for nationalist proposals and had as one of its objects to struggle for land reform. Led by nationalists and leftists, it managed to bring together the various sectors of society and quickly became a mass movement. Many military, Catholics, socialists and liberals, most of them disillusioned with the direction of the political process started in 1930, when Getúlio Vargas assumed the presidency of the Republic, joined the movement. Luís Carlos Prestes was chosen as its honorary president due to his prestige, in the left in general, particular with communists and some military while leading revolts during 1920s.

Despite the Brazilian Communist Party being declared illegal once again in August 1927, it quickly became the most prominent leftist organization in the country, establishing branches in many different cities and with thousands of supporters. In July 1935, just months after its creation, the ANL was declared illegal by Getúlio Vargas. Although the difficulty of mobilization had increased, the ANL still continued organizing rallies and demonstrations and reporting news critical of the government. In August, the organization stepped up preparations for an armed movement aiming at the overthrow of Vargas from power and the installation of a Communist regime headed by Luís Carlos Prestes. The plan was to start military uprisings in several regions with the support of the working class, which would trigger strikes across the country.

The first military uprising broke out on November 23, 1935, in Natal. The next day, another military uprising took place in Recife. On the 27th, a revolt broke out in Rio de Janeiro, then capital of the country. Without the support of the working class, and restricted to the three cities, the rebellion was quickly and violently put down. From then on, intense persecution affected not only communists, but also all government opponents. Thousands of people were arrested across the country, including congressmen, senators and even the mayor of Rio de Janeiro, Pedro Ernesto Batista.

Despite its failure, the Communist revolt had provided a justification or pretext for assigning more power to Getúlio Vargas. After November 1935, the Congress approved a series of laws that restricted its own power, while the executive gained almost unlimited powers of repression. This process culminated in the coup of November 10, 1937, which closed the Congress, canceled the upcoming 1938 presidential elections and made Getúlio Vargas rule as a dictator. This period of Vargas dictatorship is called the Estado Novo, which lasted until 1945.

Fascism in Europe

Fascism in Europe was composed of numerous ideologies that were present during the 20th century and they all developed their own differences with each other. Fascism was born in Italy, but subsequently several fascist movements emerged across Europe and they borrowed influences from the Italian Fascism. The origins of fascism in Europe began outside of Italy and can be observed in the combining of a traditional national unity and revolutionary anti-democratic rhetoric espoused by integral nationalist Charles Maurras and revolutionary syndicalist Georges Sorel in France. The first foundations of fascism can be seen in the Italian Regency of Carnaro, many of its politics and aesthetics were taken from Gabriele D'Annunzio's rule and they were subsequently used by Benito Mussolini and his Italian Fasci of Combat which he had founded as the Fasci of Revolutionary Action in 1914. Despite the fact that its members referred to themselves as "fascists", the ideology was based around national syndicalism. The ideology of fascism would not fully develop until 1921 when Mussolini transformed his movement into the National Fascist Party which then in 1923 incorporated the Italian Nationalist Association. The INA was a nationalist movement that established fascist tropes, colored shirt uniforms for example, and also received the support of important proto-fascists like D'Annunzio and nationalist intellectual Enrico Corradini.

The first declaration of the political stance of fascism was the Fascist Manifesto written by national syndicalist Alceste De Ambris and futurist poet Filippo Tommaso Marinetti published in 1919. Many of the contents of the manifesto such as centralization, the abolition of the senate, formation of national councils loyal to the state, expanded military and support for militias (Blackshirts for example) were adopted by Mussolini's regime whilst other calls such as universal suffrage and a peaceful foreign policy were abandoned. De Ambris would later become a prominent anti-fascist. In 1932 The Doctrine of Fascism was published written by Mussolini and Giovanni Gentile providing an outline of fascism that better represented Mussolini's regime.

Fascist symbolism

Fascist symbolism is the use of certain images and symbols which are designed to represent aspects of Fascism. These include national symbols of historical importance, goals, and political policies.

List of fascist movements by country

This is a list of political parties, organizations, and movements that have been claimed to follow some form of fascist ideology. Since definitions of fascism vary, entries in this list may be controversial. For a discussion of the various debates surrounding the nature of fascism, see fascism and ideology and definitions of fascism.

This list has been divided into four sections for reasons of length:

List of fascist movements by country A–F

List of fascist movements by country G–M

List of fascist movements by country N–T

List of fascist movements by country U–Z

List of fascist movements by country A–F

A list of political parties, organizations, and movements adhering to various forms of fascist ideology, part of the list of fascist movements by country.

List of political parties in Brazil

Above the broad range of political parties in Brazilian Congress, the Workers' Party (PT), the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), the Social Liberal Party (PSL) and the Democrats (DEM) together control the absolute majority of seats in the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. Smaller parties often make alliances with at least one of these four major parties.

Since 1982 Brazilian political parties have been given an electoral number to make it easier for illiterate people to vote. Initially, it was a one-digit number: 1 for PDS, 2 for PDT, 3 for PT, 4 for PTB, and 5 for PMDB. When it became clear that there was going to be more than nine parties, two-digit numbers were assigned, with the first five parties having a "1" added to their former one-digit number (PDS becoming number 11, PDT 12, PT 13, PTB 14, and PMDB 15). Often political parties change their names but retain their number.

List of right-wing political parties

The following is a list of right-wing political parties. It includes parties from the centre-right to the far and ultra right.

Miguel Reale

Miguel Reale (November 6, 1910 – April 14, 2006) was a Brazilian jurist, philosopher, academic, politician and poet. Known as one of the most important jurists of Brazil, he is considered the greatest Brazilian philosopher of law of all time.

One of the leaders of Integralism in Brazil and ideologue of the "Brazilian Integralist Action", Reale subsequently adopted as ideology the social liberalism.

Reale served as Secretary of Justice for the state of São Paulo in 1947. He founded the Brazilian Institute of Philosophy in 1949 and the São Paulo-based Inter-American Society of Philosophy in 1954. He was a member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters.

He graduated from the Law Faculty of the University of São Paulo (1934), where he was professor (1941) and rector (1949-1950, 1969-1973). In addition, he received the title of professor emeritus of the University of São Paulo.

As a scholar, he became well known in Latin America and in Continental Europe for his works on law and philosophy.

Was a prolific writer in the legal field, having written several classic works of Brazilian philosophical and legal thought. Among his works: Philosophy of Law and Preliminary Lessons of Law.

Received notoriety when formulating the three-dimensional theory of law on which the law has three dimensions: social fact, value and legal norm. Briefly, his theory can be understood as follows: "The social fact (sociological aspect) is valued (axiological aspect) and, due to this, it produces a legal standard." Thus, the three dimensions of law come into connection through a peculiar cultural dialectic called "dialectic of polarity and implication."

In 1969 he was appointed by President Arthur da Costa e Silva for "High Level Commission" set up to review the 1967 Constitution. Resulted this work part of the text of Constitutional Amendment No. 1, dated 17 October 1969, which consolidated the military regime in Brazil.

Was supervising the setting-up committee of the Brazilian Civil Code of 2002 whose project was sanctioned by President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, becoming the Law 10.406/2002. He is considered the chief architect of Brazil's current Civil Code.

Miguel Reale had prominent role in the field of philosophy, occupying the following positions: Co-founder of the Brazilian Institute of Philosophy of Lisbon, Portugal. Organizing seven Brazilian Congresses of Philosophy (1950-2002) and the VIII Inter-American Congress of Philosophy (Brasilia, 1972). Special Rapporteur on the XII, XIII and XIV World Congress of Philosophy (Venice, 1958, and Mexico City, 1963, and Vienna, 1968). Lecturer specially invited by the International Federation of Philosophical Societies for the XVI and XVIII World Congress (Düsseldorf, Germany, 1978, and Brighton, UK, 1988). Organizer and president of the II Brazilian Congress of Legal and Social Philosophy (São Paulo, 1986) and the third and fourth Congresses (João Pessoa, Paraíba, 1988/1990).

Party of Popular Representation

The Party of Popular Representation (Portuguese: Partido de Representação Popular, PRP) was a political party in Brazil. The PRP was founded by Plínio Salgado on September 26, 1945. He reassembled the former members of the Brazilian Integralism, and was ideologically aligned with the nationalist right. It always obtained representation in the Brazilian Congress and had a greater presence in the south. Salgado ran for President of Brazil in the 1955 election, won by Juscelino Kubitschek. He won around 8% of the vote.

Like all parties of that era, it was abolished by the military regime in 1965. Most of its members joined the party of the military junta, the ARENA.

Plínio Salgado

Plínio Salgado (Portuguese: [ˈplĩɲu sawˈɡadu]; January 22, 1895 – December 8, 1975) was a Brazilian politician, writer, journalist, and theologian. He founded and led Brazilian Integralist Action, a political party inspired by the Fascist regimes of Benito Mussolini and Adolf Hitler.

Initially a supporter of the dictatorship led by Getúlio Vargas, he was later persecuted and exiled in Portugal for promoting uprisings against the government. After his return, he launched the Party of Popular Representation, and was elected to represent Paraná in the Chamber of Deputies in 1958, being re-elected in 1962, this time to represent São Paulo. He was also a candidate in the 1955 presidential election, securing 8.28% of the votes. After the 1964 coup d'état, which led to the extinction of political parties, he joined the National Renewal Alliance political party, obtaining two terms in the Chamber of Deputies. He retired from politics in 1974, just a year before his death.

Political colour

Political colours are colours used to represent a political party, either officially or unofficially. Parties in different countries with similar ideologies sometimes use similar colours. For example, the colour red symbolises left-wing ideologies in many countries (see the red flag, Red Army and Red Scare) while the colour orange symbolizes Christian democratic political ideology. However, the political associations of a given colour vary from country to country: red is also the colour associated with the conservative Republican Party in the United States. Politicians making public appearances will often identify themselves by wearing rosettes, flowers or ties in the colour of their political party.

Political uniform

A number of political movements have involved their members wearing uniforms, typically as a way of showing their identity in marches and demonstrations. The wearing of political uniforms has tended to be associated with radical political beliefs, typically at the far-right or far-left of politics, and can be used to imply a paramilitary type of organization.

Roman salute

The Roman salute (Italian: saluto romano) is a gesture in which the arm is fully extended, facing forward, with palm down and fingers touching. In some versions, the arm is raised upward at an angle; in others, it is held out parallel to the ground. In contemporary times, the former is widely considered a symbol of fascism that is commonly perceived to be based on a custom in ancient Rome. However, no Roman text gives this description, and the Roman works of art that display salutational gestures bear little resemblance to the modern Roman salute.Beginning with Jacques-Louis David's painting The Oath of the Horatii (1784), an association of the gesture with Roman republican and imperial culture emerged. The gesture and its identification with Roman culture were further developed in other neoclassic artworks. This was further elaborated upon in popular culture during the late 19th and early 20th centuries in plays and films that portrayed the salute as an ancient Roman custom. These included a 1914 Italian film called Cabiria based upon a screenplay by the nationalist poet Gabriele d'Annunzio. In 1919, d'Annunzio adopted the cinematographically depicted salute as a neo-imperial ritual when he led the occupation of Fiume.

Through d'Annunzio's influence, the gesture soon became part of the rising Italian Fascist movement's symbolic repertoire. In 1923 the salute was gradually adopted by the Italian Fascist regime. It was then adopted and made compulsory within the Nazi Party in 1926, and gained nationwide prominence in the German state when the Nazis took power in 1933. It was also adopted by other fascist movements.

Since the end of World War II, displaying the Nazi variant of the salute has been a criminal offence in Germany, Austria, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Poland. Legal restrictions on its use in Italy are more nuanced, and use there has generated controversy. The gesture and its variations continue to be used in neo-fascist, neo-Nazi and Falangist contexts.

Political parties represented in
the Chamber of Deputies
(513 seats)
Political parties represented
in the Federal Senate
(81 seats)
Political parties not represented
in the National Congress of Brazil
Defunct

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