Black nationalism

Black nationalism is a type of political thought that seeks to promote, develop and maintain a black race identity for people of black ancestry.[1]

Black nationalist activism revolves around social, political, and economic empowerment of black communities and people, especially to resist assimilation into white culture (through integration or otherwise), and maintain a distinct black identity.[1]

Early history

Martin Delany (1812–1885), an African-American abolitionist, was the grandfather of black nationalism.[2]

Inspired by the success of the Haitian Revolution, the origins of Black and indigenous African nationalism in political thought lie in the 19th and early 20th centuries with people such as Marcus Garvey, Benjamin "Pap" Singleton, Henry McNeal Turner, Martin Delany, Henry Highland Garnet, Edward Wilmot Blyden, Paul Cuffe, and others. The repatriation of African-American slaves to Liberia or Sierra Leone was a common black nationalist theme in the 19th century. Marcus Garvey's Universal Negro Improvement Association of the 1910s and 1920s was the most powerful black nationalist movement to date, claiming millions of members. Garvey's movement was opposed by mainline black leaders, and crushed by government action. However, its many alumni remembered its inspiring rhetoric.[3]

According to Wilson Jeremiah Moses, black nationalism as a philosophy can be examined from three different periods. giving rise to various ideological perspectives for what we can today consider black nationalism.[4]

The first period of pre-classical black nationalism began when the first Africans were brought to the Americas as slaves through the American Revolutionary period.[5]

The second period of black nationalism began after the Revolutionary War. This period refers to the time when a sizeable number of educated Africans within the colonies (specifically within New England and Pennsylvania) had become disgusted with the social conditions that arose out of the Enlightenment's ideas. From this way of thinking came the rise of individuals within the black community who sought to create organizations that would unite black people. The intention of these organizations was to group black people together so they could voice their concerns, and help their own community advance itself. This form of thinking can be found in historical personalities such as; Prince Hall, Richard Allen and Absalom Jones, James Forten, Cyrus Bustill, William Gray through their need to become founders of certain organizations such as African Masonic lodges, the Free African Society, and Church Institutions such as the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas. These institutions served as early foundations to developing independent and separate organizations for their own people. The goal was to create groups was to include those who so many times had been excluded from (exclusively) white community and government-funded organizations.

The third period of black nationalism arose during the post-Reconstruction era, particularly among various African-American clergy circles. Separated circles were already established and accepted because African-Americans had long endured the oppression of slavery and Jim Crowism in the United States since its inception. The clerical phenomenon led to the birth of a modern form of black nationalism that stressed the need to separate blacks from non-blacks and build separate communities that would promote racial pride and collectivize resources. The new ideology became the philosophy of groups like the Moorish Science Temple and the Nation of Islam. By 1930, Wallace Fard Muhammad had founded the Nation of Islam. His method to spread information about the Nation of Islam used unconventional tactics to recruit individuals in Detroit, Michigan. Later on, Elijah Muhammad would lead the Nation of Islam and become a mentor to people like Malcolm X.[6] Although the 1960s brought a period of heightened religious, cultural and political nationalism, it was black nationalism that would lead the promotion of Afrocentrism.

Prince Hall

Prince Hall was an important social leader of Boston following the Revolutionary War. He is well known for his contribution as the founder of Black Freemasonry. His life and past are unclear, but he is believed to have been a former slave freed after twenty one years of slavehood. In 1775 fifteen other black men along with Hall joined a freemason lodge of British soldiers, after the departure of the soldiers they created their own lodge African Lodge #1 and were granted full stature in 1784. Despite their stature other white freemason lodges in America didn’t treat them equal and so Hall began to help other black Masonic lodges across the country to help their own cause.(To progress as a community together despite any difficulties brought to them by racists). Hall was best recognized for his contribution to the black community along with his petitions ( many denied) in the name of black nationalism. In 1787 he unsuccessfully petitioned to the Massachusetts legislature to send blacks back to Africa(to obtain "complete" freedom from white supremacy). In 1788, Hall was a well known contributor to the passing of the legislation of the outlawing of the slave-trade and those involved. Hall continued his efforts to help his community, and in 1796 his petition for Boston to approve funding for black schools. Despite the city’s inability to provide a building, Hall lent his building for the school to run from. Until his death in 1807, Hall continued to work for black rights in issues of abolition, civil rights and the advancement of the community overall.[7]

The Free African Society

In 1787 Richard Allen and Absalom Jones black ministers of Pennsylvania and formed the Free African Society of Pennsylvania. The goal of this organization was to create a church that was free of restrictions of only one form of religion, and to pave the way for the creation of a house of worship exclusive to their community (which in 1793 they were successful in doing, creating the St. Thomas African Episcopal Church). The community included many members who were notably abolitionist men and former slaves. Allen following his own beliefs that worship should be out loud and outspoken left the organization two years later. With the re an opportunity to become the pastor to the church but rejected the offer leaving it to Jones. The society itself was a memorable charitable organization that allowed its members to socialize and network with other business partners, in attempt to better their community. Its activity and open doors served as a motivational growth for the city as many other black mutual aid societies in the city began to pop up. Additionally the society is well known for their aid during the yellow fever epidemic in 1793 known to have taken the life of many of the city.[8]

African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania

The African Church or the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas Philadelphia, Pennsylvania was founded in 1792 for those of African descent, as a foster church for the community with the goal to be interdenominational. In the beginning of the church's establishment its masses were held in homes and local schools. One of the founders of the Free African Society was also the first Episcopal priest of African American descent, Absalom Jones. The original church house was constructed at 5th and Adelphi Streets in Philadelphia, now St. James Place, and it was dedicated on July 17, 1794; other locations of the church included: 12th Street near Walnut, 57th and Pearl Streets, 52nd and Parrish Streets, and the current location, Overbrook and Lancaster Avenue in Philadelphia’s historic Overbrook Farms neighborhood. The church is mostly African-American. The church and its members have played a key role in the abolition/anti-slavery and equal rights movement of the 1800s.

"Since 1960 St. Thomas has been involved in the local and national civil rights movement through its work with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), the Union of Black Episcopalians, the Opportunities Industrialization Center (OIC), Philadelphia Interfaith Action, and The Episcopal Church Women. Most importantly, it has been in the forefront of the movement to uphold the knowledge and value of the black presence in the Episcopal Church. Today, that tradition continues with a still-growing membership through a host of ministries such as Christian Formation, the Chancel Choir, Gospel Choir, Jazz Ensemble, Men’s Fellowship, Young Adult and Youth Ministries, a Church School, Health Ministry, Caring Ministry, and a Shepherding Program."[7]

Nation of Islam

Wallace D. Fard founded the Nation of Islam in the 1930s. Fard took as his student Elijah (Poole) Muhammad, who later became the leader of the organization. The basis of the group was the belief that Christianity was exclusively a White man's religion, while Islam was the way for black folk; Christianity was a religion that, like slavery itself, was forced upon the people who suffered at the hands of the whites during their enslavement. The beliefs of the members of the Nation of Islam are similar to others who follow the Quran and worship Allah under the religion of Islam. Founded on resentment of the way Whites historically treated people of color, the Nation of Islam embraces the ideas of black nationalism. The group itself has, since the leadership of Elijah Muhammad, recruited thousands of followers from all segments of society: from prisons, as well as from black pride and black nationalist movements. Members of the Nation of Islam preached that the goal was not to integrate into White American culture, but rather to create their own cultural footprint and their own separate community in order to obliterate oppression. Their aim was to have their own schools and churches and to support each other without any reliance on other racial groups. The members of the Nation of Islam are known as Black Muslims. As the group became more and more prominent with public figures such as Malcolm X as its orators, it received increasing attention from outsiders. In 1959 the group was the subject of a documentary named The Hate that Hate Produced. The documentary cast the organization in a negative light, depicting it as a black supremacy group. Even with such depictions, the group did not lose support from its people. When Elijah Muhammad died, his son took on the role as the leader of the Nation of Islam, converting the organization into a more orthodox iteration of Islam and abandoning beliefs that tended toward violence. This conversion prompted others to abandon the group, dissatisfied with the change in ideology. They created a “New” Nation of Islam in order to restore the aims of the original organization.[9][10]

The Southern Poverty Law Center classifies the Nation of Islam as a hate group, stating: "Its theology of innate black superiority over whites and the deeply racist, antisemitic and anti-LGBT rhetoric of its leaders have earned the NOI a prominent position in the ranks of organized hate."[11] Louis Farrakhan currently leads the group.

Elijah Muhammad

Elijah Muhammad was famously known as the successor of Wallace Fard, the founder of the Nation of Islam. He was born in Georgia on October 7, 1897. He led the group from 1934 to 1975, being very well recognized as one of the mentors to other famous leaders such as Malcolm X. He lived until February 25, 1975, in Chicago, and the leadership of the organization passed to his son.[12]

20th century

Marcus Garvey

Marcus Garvey encouraged African people around the world to be proud of their race and see beauty in their own kind. This form of black nationalism later became known as Garveyism. A central idea to Garveyism was that African people in every part of the world were one people and they would never advance if they did not put aside their cultural and ethnic differences and unite under their own shared history. He was heavily influenced by the earlier works of Booker T. Washington, Martin Delany, and Henry McNeal Turner.[13] Garvey used his own personal magnetism and the understanding of black psychology and the psychology of confrontation to create a movement that challenged bourgeois blacks for the minds and souls of African Americans. Marcus Garvey's return to America had to do with his desire to meet with the man who inspired him most, Booker T. Washington, however Garvey did not return in time to meet Washington. Despite this, Garvey moved forward with his efforts and two years later, a year after Washington's death, Garvey established a similar organization in America known as the United Negro Improvement Association otherwise known as the UNIA.[14] Garvey's beliefs are articulated in The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey as well as Message To The People: The Course of African Philosophy.

Malcolm X

Between 1953 and 1964, while most African leaders worked in the civil rights movement to integrate African-American people into mainstream American life, Malcolm X was an avid advocate of black independence and the reclaiming of black pride and masculinity.[15] He maintained that there was hypocrisy in the purported values of Western culture – from its Judeo-Christian religious traditions to American political and economic institutions – and its inherently racist actions. He maintained that separatism and control of politics, and economics within its own community would serve blacks better than the tactics of civil rights leader Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. and mainstream civil rights groups such as the SCLC, SNCC, NAACP, and CORE. Malcolm X declared that nonviolence was the "philosophy of the fool," and that to achieve anything, African Americans would have to reclaim their national identity, embrace the rights covered by the Second Amendment, and defend themselves from white hegemony and extrajudicial violence. In response to Rev. Martin Luther King's famous "I Have a Dream" speech, Malcolm X quipped, "While King was having a dream, the rest of us Negroes are having a nightmare."[16]

Prior to his pilgrimage to Mecca, Malcolm X believed that African Americans must develop their own society and ethical values, including the self-help, community-based enterprises, that the black Muslims supported. He also thought that African Americans should reject integration or cooperation with whites until they could achieve internal cooperation and unity. He prophetically believed that there "would be bloodshed" if the racism problem in America remained ignored, and he renounced "compromise" with whites. In April 1964, Malcolm X participated in a Hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca); Malcolm found himself restructuring his views and recanted several extremist opinions during his shift to mainstream Islam.

Malcolm X returned from Mecca with moderate views that included an abandonment of his commitment to racial separatism. However, he still supported black nationalism and advocated that African Americans in the United States act proactively in their campaign for equal human rights, instead of relying on Caucasian citizens to change the laws that govern society. The tenets of Malcolm X's new philosophy are articulated in the charter of his Organization of Afro-American Unity (a secular Pan-Africanist group patterned after the Organization of African Unity), and he inspired some aspects of the future Black Panther movement.[17]

Stokely Carmichael

In the 1967 Black Power, Stokely Carmichael introduces black nationalism. He illustrates the prosperity of the black race in the United States as being dependent on the implementation of black sovereignty. Under his theory, black nationalism in the United States would allow blacks to socially, economically and politically be empowered in a manner that has never been plausible in America history. A black nation would work to reverse the exploitation of the black race in America, as blacks would intrinsically work to benefit their own state of affairs. African Americans would function in an environment of running their own businesses, banks, government, media and so on and so forth. Black nationalism is the opposite of integration, and Carmichael contended integration is harmful to the black population. As blacks integrate to white communities they are perpetuating a system in which blacks are inferior to whites. Blacks would continue to function in an environment of being second class citizens, he believes, never reaching equity to white citizens. Stokley Carmichael uses the concept of black nationalism to promote an equality that would begin to dismantle institutional racism.

Frantz Fanon

While in France, Frantz Fanon wrote his first book, Black Skin, White Masks, an analysis of the impact of colonial subjugation on the African psyche. This book was a very personal account of Fanon’s experience being black: as a man, an intellectual, and a party to a French education. Although Fanon wrote the book while still in France, most of his other work was written while in North Africa (in particular Algeria). It was during this time that he produced The Wretched of the Earth where Fanon analyzes the role of class, race, national culture and violence in the struggle for decolonization. In this work, Fanon expounded his views on the liberating role of violence for the colonized, as well as the general necessity of violence in the anti-colonial struggle. Both books established Fanon in the eyes of much of the Third World as one of the leading anti-colonial thinkers of the 20th century. In 1959 he compiled his essays on Algeria in a book called L'An Cinq: De la Révolution Algérienne.[18]


Norm R. Allen, Jr., former director of African Americans for Humanism, calls black nationalism a "strange mixture of profound thought and patent nonsense".

On the one hand, Reactionary Black Nationalists (RBNs) advocate self-love, self-respect, self-acceptance, self-help, pride, unity, and so forth - much like the right-wingers who promote "traditional family values." But - also like the holier-than-thou right-wingers - RBNs promote bigotry, intolerance, hatred, sexism, homophobia, anti-Semitism, pseudo-science, irrationality, dogmatic historical revisionism, violence, and so forth.[19]

Allen further criticizes black nationalists' strong "attraction for hardened prisoners and ex-cons", their encouragement of violence when other African-American individuals or groups are branded as "Toms," traitors, or "sellouts", the blatantly sexist stance and the similarities to white supremacist ideologies:

Many RBNs routinely preach hate. Just as white supremacists have referred to African Americans as "devils," so have many RBNs referred to whites. White supremacists have verbally attacked gays, as have RBNs. White supremacists embrace paranoid conspiracy theories, as do their African counterparts. Many white supremacists and RBNs consistently deny that they are preaching hate, and blame the mainstream media for misrepresenting them. (A striking exception is the NOI's Khallid Muhammad, who, according to Gates, admitted in a taped speech titled "No Love for the Other Side": "Never will I say I am not anti-Semitic. I pray that God will kill my enemy and take him off the face of the planet.") Rather, they claim they are teaching "truth" and advocating the love of their own people, as though love of self and hatred of others are mutually exclusive positions. On the contrary, RBNs preach love of self and hatred of their enemies. (Indeed, it often seems that these groups are motivated more by hatred of their enemies than love of their people.)[19]

Tunde Adeleke, Nigerian-born professor of History and Director of the African American Studies program at the University of Montana, argues in his book UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission that 19th-century African-American nationalism embodied the racist and paternalistic values of Euro-American culture and that black nationalist plans were not designed for the immediate benefit of Africans but to enhance their own fortunes.[20]

Black feminists in the U.S., such as Barbara Smith, Toni Cade Bambara, and Frances Beal, have also lodged sustained criticism of certain strands of black nationalism, particularly the political programs advocated by cultural nationalists. Black cultural nationalists envisioned black women only in the traditional heteronormative role of the idealized wife-mother figure. Patricia Hill Collins criticizes the limited imagining of black women in cultural nationalist projects, writing that black women “assumed a particular place in Black cultural nationalist efforts to reconstruct authentic Black culture, reconstitute Black identity, foster racial solidarity, and institute an ethic of service to the Black community.” [21] A major example of black women as only the heterosexual wife and mother can be found in the philosophy and practice called Kawaida exercised by the Us Organization. Maulana Karenga established the political philosophy of Kawaida in 1965. Its doctrine prescribed distinct roles between black men and women. Specifically, the role of the black woman as “African Woman” was to “inspire her man, educate her children, and participate in social development.” [22] Historian of black women's history and radical politics, Ashley Farmer, records a more comprehensive history of black women's resistance to sexism and patriarchy within black nationalist organizations, leading many Black Power era associations to support gender equality. [23]

See also


  1. ^ a b "black nationalism | United States history". Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved 2017-05-19.
  2. ^ Archived 2009-04-25 at the Wayback Machine
  3. ^ William L. Van Deburg, ed., Modern Black Nationalism: From Marcus Garvey to Louis Farrakhan (1996).
  4. ^ Wilson Jeremiah Moses, Classical Black Nationalism (1996).
  5. ^ XXXXX. "Black Nationalism: The history of African Americans". Retrieved 2018-10-23.
  7. ^ a b "Hall, Prince (c. 1735–1807) | The Black Past: Remembered and Reclaimed". Retrieved 2017-05-10.
  8. ^ "Free African Society of Philadelphia (1787- ?) | The Black Past: Remembered and Reclaimed". Retrieved 2017-05-10.
  9. ^ "Nation of Islam (1930– ) | The Black Past: Remembered and Reclaimed". Retrieved 2017-05-10.
  10. ^ "Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam []". Retrieved 2017-05-10.
  11. ^ "Nation of Islam". Retrieved 2018-04-11.
  12. ^ "Elijah Muhammad". Retrieved 2017-05-10.
  13. ^ Skyers, Sophia Teresa (1982). Marcus Garvey and the philosophy of black pride (M.A. thesis), Wilfrid Laurier University.
  14. ^ Watson, Elwood (Winter 1994 – Spring 1995). "Marcus Garvey's Garveyism: Message from a forefather". Journal of Religious Thought. 51 (2): 79.
  15. ^ Robert L. Harris, "Malcolm X: Critical Assessments and Unanswered Questions." Journal of African American History 98.4 (2013): 595-601.
  16. ^ James H. Cone (1992). Martin and Malcolm and America: A Dream or a Nightmare. Orbis Books. p. 49. ISBN 9781608330409.
  17. ^ Manning Marable, Malcolm X: A Life of Reinvention (2011).
  18. ^ David Macey, Frantz Fanon: a biography (Verso Books, 2012).
  19. ^ a b Document sans titre
  20. ^ Tunde Adeleke. UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-2056-0.
  21. ^ Patricia., Hill Collins, (2006). From Black power to hip hop : racism, nationalism, and feminism. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. p. 107. ISBN 1592130917. OCLC 60596227.
  22. ^ Halsi, Clyde (1967). The Quotable Karenga. Los Angeles: Us Organization. p. 20. ASIN B0007DTF4C.
  23. ^ Farmer, Ashley D. (2017-11-13). Remaking Black Power. University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 9781469634371.

Further reading

African-American self-determination

African-American self-determination refers to efforts to secure self-determination for African-Americans and related peoples in North America. It often intersects with the historic Back-to-Africa movement and general Black separatism, but also manifests in present and historic demands for self-determination on North American soil, ranging from autonomy to independence. Reparations for slavery and other oppressions are often a key demand for advocates of African-American self-determination.

Much of the self-determination dialogue has focused on the Black Belt region in the Southern United States from Virginia to Texas, and has ranged from self-governing admittance as a state to outright secession from U.S. governance.

African-American settlement in Africa

The history of African-American settlement in Africa extends to the beginnings of ex-slave repatriation to Africa from European colonies in the Americas.

African nationalism

African nationalism is an umbrella term which refers to a group of political ideologies, mainly within Sub-Saharan Africa, which are based on the idea of national self-determination and the creation of nation states. The ideology emerged under European colonial rule during the 19th and 20th centuries and was loosely inspired by nationalist ideas from Europe. Originally, African nationalism was based on demands for self-determination and played an important role in forcing the process of decolonisation of Africa (c. 1957–66). However, the term refers to a broad range of different ideological and political movements and should not be confused with Pan-Africanism which may seek the federation of several or all nation states in Africa.

African socialism

African socialism is a belief in sharing economic resources in a traditional African way, as distinct from classical socialism. Many African politicians of the 1950s and 1960s professed their support for African socialism, although definitions and interpretations of this term varied considerably.

Black People's Convention

The Black People's Convention (BPC) was founded at the end of 1972 as the Nationalist Liberatory Flagship of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) in South Africa. The BCM was a product of three historicultural and ideological imperatives:

a) Black students were tired of the hypocrisy of white liberal college/university students of apartheid South Africa. The South African Students Organisation (SASO) originated Black Consciousness and Bantu Steve Biko was its founding President in 1969.

b) Blacks were undermining reactionary tribalist/national chauvinist/sexists divide and rule by white racialist settler-colonial governments since 1910 and earlier.

c) Young people globally were taking their part in the international radical/revolutionary militancy of the mid- and late 1960s. This tendency was a legacy of the Congress Youth League led by Muziwakhe Lembede, the Unity Movement of South Africa and the Mangaliso Sobukwe-led Pan-Africanist Congress that linked continental and global working-class struggle with South Africa's national oppression of Black people.

The BPC was founded by the Black communities from various ethnic and national groups in South Africa, excluding white Europeans. The BPC went farther than the ANC's civil rights integrationist agenda and agreed with the Pan Africanist Congress on "National Land" repossession. They went further by espousing scientific socialism under the guise of "Black Communalism".

When the BPC was gaining ideological hegemony over the leadership of Blacks in the country, Chief Mangosuthu Gatsha Buthelezi was given permission by the apartheid government to go to London and meet the ANC leadership. Later he formed the Inkatha Cultural Movement, claiming allegiance to Black Consciousness but "not communism or socialism".

Bantu Steve Biko was the first among equals in the leadership of the BPC, although he was legally not a member as he was outlawed or banned in March 1973. That restricted him to his home from 6pm till 6am and he was not allowed to belong to any political or social organisation. The BPC was to the South African Student Organisation ((SASO)) South Africa's Black Consciousness Movement the same role that the Black Panther Party (BPP) was to SNCC and the Black Power Movement.

The BPC was resurrected in 1978 and was renamed the Azanian People's Organisation (AZAPO). In exile from 1974 onwards BCM activists and organisers re-built the movement as the Black Consciousness Movement of Azania (BCMA) and in 1980, became the external wing of AZAPO, with an interim executive leadership committee.

In 1981 the founding National Organiser, Mosibudi Mangena was nominated to be the Chairperson of the Botswana Region of the BCMA and later by 1983, a motion was moved asking the Botswana Chapter to invite other external branches to dissolve the BCMA Interim Committee. This was done and Mosibudi Mangena was elected in 1983 Chairperson of the BCMA in exile. Mangena is, since 1996, President AZAPO in post-apartheid South Africa.

The three factors that led to BPC founding its ideology can be found in the indigenous African culture of resistance. The ideology is no further from the Convention People's Party of Ghana and the politics not unlike that of the Black Panther Party - hence the Black Peoples Convention.

In the years after the Soweto Uprising of 1976 black consciousness declined was marginalized as a political force in South Africa, as the ANC demonstrated that it could both opportunistically put a guerilla army in the field against apartheid as well as lead a new wave of liberal accommodationist and capitalist collaborationist mass organisations, such as the United Democratic Front. Organisations previously associated with black consciousness either were hijacked by political careerist to gravitate towards the ANC's position (e.g. AZASO, Institute of Contextual Theology) or effectively became alternative, although marginalized, core of cadres with consistency like AZAPO 's President Mosibudi who is Minister of Science and Technology in Thabo Mbeki's Cabinet and earlier been Deputy Minister of National Education. Also Azapo as parliamentary representative, Pandelani Nevelofhodwe, MP and former Robben Island prisoner.

Black Riders Liberation Party

The Black Riders Liberation Party (BRLP) is a revolutionary black power organization, based in the United States. The group claims ideological continuity with the original Black Panther Party for Self-Defense and, according to its official website, organizes gang members to "stop commiting genocide against each other and to stand up against white supremacy and capitalist oppression."

Black pride

Black pride is a movement in response to dominant white cultures and ideologies that encourages black people to celebrate black culture and embrace their African heritage. In the United States, it was a direct response to white racism especially during the Civil Rights Movement. Related movements include black power, black nationalism, Black Panthers and Afrocentrism.

Black separatism

Black separatism is a separatist political movement that seeks separate economic and cultural development for those of African descent in societies, particularly in the United States. Black separatism is a subcategory of black nationalism, stemming from the idea of racial solidarity, and implies that blacks should organize themselves on the basis of their common experience of oppression as a result of their blackness, culture, and African heritage. Black separatism in its purest form, as a subcategory of black nationalism, asserts that blacks and whites ideally should form two independent nations. Black separatists also often seek their original cultural homeland. Black separatists generally think that black people are hindered in their advancement in a society dominated by a white majority.

Black supremacy

Black supremacy or black supremacism is a racial supremacist belief which maintains that black people are superior to people of other races. The term has been used by the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), an American legal advocacy organization, to describe several fringe religious groups in the United States.


Garveyism is an aspect of black nationalism that refers to the economic, and political policies of UNIA-ACL founder Marcus Garvey. The ideology of Garveyism centers on the unification and empowerment of African-American men, women and children under the banner of their collective African descent, and the repatriation of African slave descendants and profits to the African continent.

Garvey put forward his dreams in response to the marginalization and discrimination of African Americans in the United States and the Caribbean at the time with the hopes of inspiring black Americans to proactively establish infrastructure, institutions and local economies rather than expecting such from the heavily prejudiced post-reconstruction American government. The movement had a major impact in stimulating and shaping black politics in the Caribbean and in parts of Africa.Garvey was fought by the African-American establishment in the United States. An investigation by the Justice Department, directed by J. Edgar Hoover, led to Garvey's arrest on charges of mail fraud in January 1922, and his projects collapsed.

Huey P. Newton Gun Club

The Huey P. Newton Gun Club is a group named after Black Panther Party founder Huey P. Newton.The group teaches self-defense and has staged armed protests in favor of African American gun rights and against police brutality. The club was founded by Yafeuh Balogun and Babu Omowale.The group garnered national attention in August 2014 for its open carry patrols. Balogun expressed the hope that the club would continue to grow and eventually become a mainstream gun-rights organization.

Mutulu Shakur

Mutulu Shakur (born Jeral Wayne Williams; August 8, 1950) is an American activist and former member of the Black Liberation Army, sentenced to sixty years in prison for his involvement in a 1981 robbery of a Brinks armored truck in which a guard and two police officers were killed.

Shakur was politically active as a teen with the Revolutionary Action Movement (RAM) and later the black separatist movement the Republic of New Afrika. He was stepfather to the late rap artist Tupac Shakur.


Négritude is a framework of critique and literary theory, developed mainly by francophone intellectuals, writers, and politicians of the African diaspora during the 1930s, aimed at raising and cultivating "Black consciousness" across Africa and its diaspora. Négritude was founded by Martinican poet Aimé Césaire, Léopold Sédar Senghor (the first President of Senegal), and Léon Damas of French Guiana. Négritude intellectuals disavowed colonialism, and argued for the importance of a Pan-African sense of being among people of African descent worldwide. The intellectuals employed Marxist political philosophy, in the Black radical tradition. The writers drew heavily on a surrealist literary style, and some say they were also influenced somewhat by the Surrealist stylistics, and in their work often explored the experience of diasporic being, asserting ones' self and identity, and ideas of home, home-going and belonging. Césaire's poem 'Notebook of a Return to My Native Land' is perhaps the most notable of Négritudist work.

Négritude inspired the birth of many movements across the Afro-Diasporic world, including Afro-Surrealism, Creolite in the Caribbean, and Black is beautiful in the United States. Frantz Fanon often made reference to Négritude in his writing.

One Settler, One Bullet

One Settler, One Bullet was a rallying cry and slogan originated by the Azanian People's Liberation Army (APLA), the armed wing of the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC), during the struggle of the 1980s against apartheid in South Africa. The slogan parodied the African National Congress's slogan 'One Man, One Vote', which eventually became 'One Person, One Vote'. It is not to be confused with the controversial protest song "Dubul' ibhunu" (Shoot the Boer).

Pan-African flag

The Pan-African flag—also known as the UNIA flag, Afro-American flag, Black Liberation flag and various other names—is a tri-color flag consisting of three equal horizontal bands of (from top down) red, black and green. The Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA-ACL) formally adopted it on August 13, 1920 in Article 39 of the Declaration of the Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World, during its month-long convention at Madison Square Garden in New York City. Variations of the flag can and have been used in various countries and territories in the Americas to represent Garveyist ideologies.


Pan-Africanism is a worldwide movement that aims to encourage and strengthen bonds of solidarity between all indigenous and diasporan ethnic groups of sub-Saharan African descent. Based on a common fate going back to the Atlantic slave trade, the movement extends beyond continental Africans with a substantial support base among the African diaspora in the Caribbean, Latin America, the United States and Canada[1]. It is based on the belief that unity is vital to economic, social, and political progress and aims to "unify and uplift" people of sub-Saharan African descent. The ideology asserts that the fate of all sub-Saharan African people and countries are intertwined. At its core Pan-Africanism is a belief that “Sub-Saharan African people, both on the continent and in the diaspora; share not merely a common history, but a common destiny".The Organization of African Unity (now the African Union) was established in 1963 to safeguard the sovereignty and territorial integrity of its Member States and to promote global relations within the framework of the United Nations. The African Union Commission has its seat in Addis Ababa and the Pan-African Parliament has its seat in Johannesburg and Midrand.

The Blacks (play)

The Blacks: A Clown Show (French: Les Nègres, clownerie) is a play by the French dramatist Jean Genet. Published in 1958, it was first performed in a production directed by Roger Blin at the Théâtre de Lutèce in Paris, which opened on 28 October 1959.


Ujamaa ('familyhood' in Swahili) was the concept that formed the basis of Julius Nyerere's social and economic development policies in Tanzania after it gained independence from Britain in 1961.


Zikism is the system of political thought attributed to Nnamdi Azikiwe, one of the founding fathers of modern Nigeria and the first democratically elected President of Nigeria. Azikiwe expanded on this philosophy through his published works such as Renascent Africa (1973) and his autobiography My Odyssey.

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