Assyrian Neo-Aramaic (ܣܘܪܝܬ, Sūreṯ), or simply Assyrian, is a Neo-Aramaic language within the Semitic branch of the Afro-Asiatic language family that is largely spoken by Assyrian people, who are also known as Syriac Christians. The various Assyrian Aramaic dialects, including Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, have been heavily influenced by Classical Syriac, the Middle Aramaic dialect of Edessa, after its adoption as an official liturgical language, and they are ultimately descended from Old Aramaic, the lingua franca in the later phase of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, displacing the East Semitic Assyrian dialect of Akkadian beginning around the 10th century BC.
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic is spoken by an estimated 200,000 people who are native to Upper Mesopotamia, which is a large region stretching from the plain of Urmia in northwestern Iran to the Nineveh plains, and the Irbil, Kirkuk and Duhok regions in northern Iraq, together with the Al Hasakah region of northeastern Syria, and parts of southeastern Turkey. Instability throughout the Middle East over the past century has led to a worldwide diaspora of Assyrian speakers, with many speakers now living abroad in such places as North America, Australia and Europe. Speakers of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, Chaldean Neo-Aramaic and Turoyo are ethnic Assyrians and are descendants of the ancient Assyrian inhabitants of Northern Mesopotamia.
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic is one of the largest Neo-Aramaic languages (232,000 speakers), with Chaldean Neo-Aramaic (213,000 speakers) and Turoyo (250,000 speakers) making up most of the remaining Neo-Aramaic speakers. Despite the terms "Chaldean Neo-Aramaic" and "Assyrian Neo-Aramaic" indicating a separate ethnoreligious identity, both the languages and their native speakers originate from the same Upper Mesopotamian region (historic Assyria).
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic is, to a significant degree, mutually intelligible with Chaldean Neo-Aramaic and they are sometimes considered to constitute dialects of the same language rather than two separate languages. To a moderate degree, Assyrian is also intelligible with Senaya, Lishana Deni and Bohtan Neo-Aramaic (which are, at times, also considered to be dialects of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic), and is partially intelligible with Lishan Didan, Hulaulá and Lishanid Noshan. Its mutual intelligibility with Turoyo, a Central Neo-Aramaic language, is rather limited.
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic is a moderately-inflected, fusional language with a two-gender noun system and rather flexible word order. There is some Akkadian influence in the language. Due to its location and cultural influences, the speakers may use Iranian, English and Arabic loanwords, depending on where they live or where their family came from. Assyrian Neo-Aramaic is written from right-to-left and it uses the Madnhāyā version of the Syriac alphabet. Assyrian, alongside other modern Aramaic languages, is now considered endangered.
|ܣܘܪܝܬ Sūreṯ, ܠܫܢܐ ܐܬܘܪܝܐ Līšānā Āṯūrāyā, ܠܫܢܐ ܐܫܘܪܝܐ Līšānā Āšūrāyā, ܠܫܢܐ ܣܘܕܝܐ Līšānā Swāḏāyā, Āšūrī|
Sūreṯ in written Syriac
|Native to||Iraq, Syria, Iran, Turkey|
|Region||Northern Iraq, western Iranian Azerbaijan and Kurdistan, northeast Syria near the Turkish border. Extinct in Turkey. Parts of southern Armenia.|
|Dialects||Urmian, Iraqi Koine, Tyari, Jilu, Nochiya, Barwari, Baz, Gawar and Chaldean Neo-Aramaic|
Aramaic was the language of commerce, trade and communication and became the vernacular language of Assyria in the late Iron Age and classical antiquity. It became the lingua franca of the Neo-Assyrian Empire (911–605 BC), Neo-Babylonian Empire (605–539 BC), the Achaemenid Empire (539–323 BC), the Parthian Empire (247 BC–224 AD), and the Sasanian Empire (224–651 AD). Aramaic writing has been found as far north as Hadrians Wall in Ancient Britain, in the form of inscriptions in Aramaic, made by Assyrian and Aramean soldiers serving in the Roman Legions in northern England during the 2nd century AD.
The Assyrian Empire resorted to a policy of deporting troublesome conquered peoples (predominantly fellow Semitic Aramean tribes as well as many Jews) into the lands of Mesopotamia. By the 6th century, the indigenous and originally Akkadian-speaking Semites of Assyria and Babylonia, spoke Akkadian-infused dialects of Eastern Aramaic. Consequently, during the Persian rule of Assyria, Aramaic gradually became the main language spoken by the Assyrians. Even before the Empire fell, Aramaic had become the lingua franca of its empire and Assyrians were capable of speaking both Akkadian and Aramaic.
Local unwritten Aramaic dialects emerged from Imperial Aramaic in Assyria–northern Mesopotamia, an Akkadian-influenced version of the Old Aramaic language which was introduced as the lingua franca of the Neo-Assyrian Empire by Tiglath-Pileser III (745–727 BC) The first evidence of such dialects emerged in Assyria, and begin to influence the written Imperial Aramaic from the 5th century BC. Following the Achaemenid conquest of Assyria under Darius I, the Aramaic language was adopted as the "vehicle for written communication between the different regions of the vast empire with its different peoples and languages". After the conquest of Assyria by the Seleucid Empire in the late 4th century BC, Imperial Aramaic and other Aramaic dialects gradually lost their status as imperial languages but continued to flourish as lingua francas alongside Ancient Greek.
By the 1st century AD, Akkadian was extinct, although some loaned vocabulary and grammatical features still survives in Assyrian Neo-Aramaic and other Assyrian languages to this day. The Neo-Aramaic languages evolved from Middle Aramaic by the 13th century. There is evidence that the drive for the adoption of Syriac was led by missionaries. Much literary effort was put into the production of an authoritative translation of the Bible into Syriac, the Peshitta (ܦܫܝܛܬܐ, Pšīṭtā). At the same time, Ephrem the Syrian was producing the most treasured collection of poetry and theology in the Classical Syriac language.
By the 3rd century AD, churches in Edessa in the kingdom of Osroene began to use Syriac as the language of worship and the language became the literary and liturgical language of many churches in the Fertile Crescent. Syriac was the lingua franca of the Middle East until 900 AD, when it was superseded by Arabic in a centuries-long process having begun in the Arab conquests. The differences with the Church of the East led to the bitter Nestorian schism in the Syriac-speaking world. As a result of the schism as well as being split between living in the Byzantine Empire in the west and the Sasanian Empire in the east, Syriac developed distinctive western and eastern varieties. Although remaining a single language with a high level of comprehension between the varieties, the two employ distinctive variations in pronunciation and writing systems and, to a lesser degree, in vocabulary and grammar.
The Mongol invasions of the 13th century and the religiously motivated massacres of Assyrians by Tamurlane further contributed to the rapid decline of the language. In many places outside of northern Mesopotamia (the Assyrian homeland), even in liturgy, the language was replaced by Arabic.
The original Mesopotamian writing system, believed to be the world's oldest, was derived around 3600 BC from this method of keeping accounts. By the end of the 4th millennium BC, the Mesopotamians were using a triangular-shaped stylus made from a reed pressed into soft clay to record numbers.
Around 2700 BC, cuneiform began to represent syllables of spoken Sumerian, a language isolate genetically unrelated to the Semitic and Indo-Iranian languages that it neighboured. About that time, Mesopotamian cuneiform became a general purpose writing system for logograms, syllables and numbers. This script was adapted to another Mesopotamian language, the East Semitic Akkadian (Assyrian and Babylonian) around 2600 BC. With the adoption of Aramaic as the 'lingua franca' of the Neo-Assyrian Empire (911–609 BC), Old Aramaic was also adapted to Mesopotamian cuneiform. The last cuneiform scripts in Akkadian discovered thus far date from the 1st century AD.
The Syriac script is a writing system primarily used to write the Syriac language from the 1st century AD. It is one of the Semitic abjads directly descending from the Aramaic alphabet and shares similarities with the Phoenician, Hebrew, Arabic, and the traditional Mongolian alphabets. The alphabet consists of 22 letters, all of which are consonants. It is a cursive script where some, but not all, letters connect within a word.
The oldest and classical form of the alphabet is ʾEsṭrangēlā (ܐܣܛܪܢܓܠܐ); the name is thought to derive from the Greek adjective strongýlē (στρογγύλη, 'rounded'), Although ʾEsṭrangēlā is no longer used as the main script for writing Syriac, it has undergone some revival since the 10th century.
When Arabic gradually began to be the dominant spoken language in the Fertile Crescent after the 7th century AD, texts were often written in Arabic with the Syriac script. Malayalam was also written with Syriac script and was called Suriyani Malayalam. Such non-Syriac languages written in Syriac script are called Garshuni or Karshuni.
The Madnhāyā, or 'eastern', version formed as a form of shorthand developed from ʾEsṭrangēlā and progressed further as handwriting patterns changed. The Madnhāyā version also possesses optional vowel markings to help pronounce Syriac. Other names for the script include Swāḏāyā, 'conversational', often translated as "contemporary", reflecting its use in writing modern Neo-Aramaic.
|ܐ ܒ ܓ ܕ ܗ ܘ|
|ܙ ܚ ܛ ܝ ܟܟ ܠ|
|ܡܡ ܢܢ ܣ ܥ ܦ|
|ܨ ܩ ܪ ܫ ܬ|
Three letters act as matres lectionis: rather than being a consonant, they indicate a vowel. ʾĀlep̄ (ܐ), the first letter, represents a glottal stop, but it can also indicate a vowel at the beginning or the end of a word. The letter Waw (ܘ) is the consonant w, but can also represent the vowels o and u. Likewise, the letter Yōḏ (ܝ) represents the consonant y, but it also stands for the vowels i and e. In addition to foreign sounds, a marking system is used to distinguish qūššāyā, 'hard' letters) from rūkkāḵā, 'soft' letters). The letters Bēṯ, Gāmal, Dālaṯ, Kāp̄, Pē, and Taw, all plosives ('hard'), are able to be spirantized into fricatives ('soft').
The system involves placing a single dot underneath the letter to give its 'soft' variant and a dot above the letter to give its 'hard' variant (though, in modern usage, no mark at all is usually used to indicate the 'hard' value).
In the 1930s, following the state policy for minority languages of the Soviet Union, a Latin alphabet was developed and some material published. Despite the fact that this innovation did not displace the Syriac script, the usage of the Latin script in the Assyrian community has become rather widespread due to the Assyrian diaspora's settlement mostly being in Europe and the anglophone, where the Latin script dominates. The Latin alphabet is preferred by most Assyrians for practical reasons and its convenience, especially in social media, where it is used to communicate. Although the Syriac Latin alphabet contains diacritics, most Assyrians rarely utilize the modified letters and would conveniently rely on the basic Latin alphabet. The Latin alphabet is also a useful tool to present Assyrian terminology to anyone who is not familiar with the Syriac script. A precise transcription may not be necessary for native Assyrian speakers, as they would be able to pronounce words correctly, but it can be very helpful for those not quite familiar with Syriac and more informed with the Latin script.
Vowel phonemes of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic (Standard Urmian/Iraqi Koine) are as follows:
Two basic diphthongs exist, namely /aj/ and /aw/. For some words, many dialects have converted them to [e] and [o] respectively. When it comes to plurals, a commonly used vowel alteration in Assyrian is shifting the final -a to -ē, so ṭēra ('bird') will be ṭērē ('birds') in its plural form. This morphology is called an apophony and it is exemplified in English as the internal vowel alternations that produce such related words as foot and feet.
Iraqi Koine is a standard Assyrian dialect which emerged in the mid-20th century, being influenced by both Urmian and Hakkari dialects.
Modern Assyrian is a null-subject language with both ergative morphology and a nominative-accusative system, and also features a pronoun drop to a significant degree. Like English and modern Hebrew, Assyrian largely lacks grammatical cases. The Semitic genitive, which a noun is possessed or modified by another noun or noun phrase, is expressed morphologically by the genitive morpheme -i (betī — 'my house'), indicating possession.
Word stress bears a strong relationship to vowel length. A final vowel, long or short, may not be stressed, though one of the last three syllables may be stressed. As such, the last heavy syllable (containing a long vowel or ending in a consonant) is stressed. Gemination occurs in the language, as heard in words like libba ("heart") and šmayya ("sky"). Even though subject–verb–object (SVO) is the default sentence structure of Syriac, subject–object–verb (SOV), verb–subject–object (VSO), verb–object–subject (VOS), object–verb–subject (OVS) and object–subject–verb (OSV) are also commonly used word orders in modern Assyrian, namely due to inversion taking place, thus making Assyrian Neo-Aramaic a flexible language, akin to Latin and Greek.
Due to language contact, Assyrian may share similar grammatical features with Farsi and Kurdish in the way they employ the negative copula in its full form before the verbal constituent and also with the negated forms of present perfect. Assyrian has an extensive number of Iranian loanwords (namely Persian and Kurdish) incorporated in its vocabulary and grammar, as well as some Arabic and English loanwords. That is because of its close geographical proximity to those languages. As a central Semitic language, Assyrian is closely related to Hebrew, Arabic, Mandaic, Western Neo-Aramaic and Mandean, and would bear similar grammar style to these languages.
In Assyrian, personal pronouns have seven forms. In singular forms, the 2nd and 3rd have separate masculine and feminine forms, while the 1st (and, in some dialects, the 2nd person subject pronoun) do(es) not. The plural forms also lack gender distinction.
|number||person||subject pronoun||object pronoun|
|singular||1st person||ana ("I")||li ("me")|
|2nd person (masc.)||at, ati or aten ("you," ["thou"])||lux ("you," ["thee"])|
|2nd person (fem.)||ati or aten ("you," ["thou"])||lex or lax ("you," ["thee"])|
|3rd person (masc.)||aw ("he")||leh ("him")|
|3rd person (fem.)||ay ("she")||lah ("her")|
|plural||1st person||axnan or axni ("we")||lan ("us")|
|2nd person||axtun or axtoxun ("you [pl.]")||loxun ("you [pl.]")|
|3rd person||ani ("they")||lhon or lehe ("them")|
Like all Semitic languages and the unrelated Insular Celtic languages, Assyrian uses inflected prepositions when it comes to personal pronouns – the preposition al ("on") inflects as ali ("on me").
Nouns carry grammatical gender (masculine or feminine). They can be either singular or plural in number (a very few can be dual, a vestigial trait of Old Aramaic). Almost all singular substantives (common nouns and adjectives) are suffixed with -ā in their lemma form--the main exception being foreign words, which do not always take the suffix. The three grammatical states present in Classical Syriac are no longer productive, only being used in a few set terms and phrases (for example, ܒܲܪ ܐ݇ܢܵܫܵܐ, bar nāšā, "man, person", literally "son of man"), with the emphatic state becoming the ordinary form of the noun. Adjectives always agree in gender and number with the nouns that they modify.
In Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, most genitive relationships are built using the relative particle d-, used in the same way as English "of" (e.g. ܢܘܼܗܪܵܐ ܕܫܸܡܫܵܐ, nuhrā d-šimšā, "the light of the sun"). Though written as a prefix on the noun in the genitive, the modern spoken form occurs as a suffix on the head, with some dialects displaying final-obstruent devoicing (e.g. nuhr-id šimšā or nuhr-it šimšā).
Finite verbs carry person, gender and number, as well as tense and conjugation. The non-finite verb forms are the gerund and the active and passive participles. Verb forms are marked for person (first, second or third), number (singular or plural), gender (masculine or feminine), mood (indicative, imperative, jussive or gerund) and voice (active or passive).
Assyrian employs a system of conjugations to mark intensive and extensive developments in the lexical meaning of verbs. Verb conjugations are present in other Semitic languages. These are regular modifications of the verb's root to express other changes in meaning. The first conjugation is the ground state (a.k.a. G-stem or Peal stem), which models the shape of the root and carries the usual meaning of the word. The next is the intensive state form of the verb (a.k.a. D-stem or Pael stem), which usually carries an intensified meaning. The third is the extensive state form of the verb (a.k.a. C-stem or Aphel stem), which is often causative in meaning. Although Classical Syriac has a coordinate passive conjugation for each stem (Ethpeel, Ethpaal and Ettaphel stems, respectively), Modern Assyrian does not. Instead, passive meanings are sometimes expressed through the Peal; agentive ones, through the Aphel. The following table illustrates the possible verbal conjugations of the root ṣ-l-y (ܨ-ܠ-ܝ), which carries the basic meaning of "descending":
|Stem||Verb (masc. active participle)||English|
|Peal||ܨܵܠܹܐ||ṣālē||"he goes down"|
|Pael||ܡܨܲܠܹܐ||mṣālē (classically, mṣallē)||"he prostrates; prays"|
|Aphel||ܡܲܨܠܹܐ||maṣlē||"he brings down; makes go down"|
The particle [h]wā (ܗ݇ܘܵܐ) may follow verbal forms to indicate an action further in the past (e.g. ܨܵܠܹܐ ܗ݇ܘܵܐ, ṣālē [h]wā, "he used to go down").
Assyrian may also feature double negatives, such as in sentences like le yawin la zuze ("I won't give no money"). Common negation words include la, hič and čuh, depending on usage and dialect.
|Indicative||patx- ( + k- / ki- present, bit- future, qam- past, transitive, definite object) ("opens")|
|Perfect||ptix- (perfect participle, f. ptixta, m. ptixa, pl. ptixe) ("opened")|
Assyrian uses verbal inflections marking person and number. The suffix "-e" indicates a (usually masculine) plural (i.e. warda, "flower", becomes warde, "flowers"). Enclitic forms of personal pronouns are affixed to various parts of speech. As with object pronoun, all possessive pronouns are suffixes that are attached to the end of nouns to express possession similar to the English pronouns my, your, his, her, etc., which reflects the gender and plurality of the person or persons. This is a synthetic feature found in other Semitic languages, and also in unrelated languages such as Finnish (Uralic), Persian (Indo-European) and Turkish (Turkic), to name a few. Moreover, unlike many other languages, Assyrian has virtually no means of deriving words by adding prefixes or suffixes to words. Instead, they are formed according to a limited number of templates applied to roots.
|1st person||betī (my house)||betan (our house)|
|2nd person (masc.)||betux (your house)||betōxun (your house)|
|2nd person (fem.)||betax (your house)|
|3rd person (masc.)||betū (his house)||betéh (their house)|
|3rd person (fem.)||betō (her house)|
Although possessive suffixes are more convenient and common, they can be optional for some people and seldom used, especially among those with the Tyari and Barwari dialects, which take a more analytic approach regarding possession, just like English possessive determiners. The following are periphrastic ways to express possession, using the word betā ("house") as a base (in Urmian/Iraqi Koine):
In native words, Assyrian Neo-Aramaic almost always stresses the penultimate syllable. Although Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, like all Semitic languages, is not a tonal language, it should be noted that a tonal stress is made on a plural possessive suffix -éh (i.e. dīyéh; "their") in the final vowel to tonally differentiate it from an unstressed -eh (i.e. dīyeh; "his"), which is a masculine singular possessive, with a standard stress pattern falling on the penult. The -eh used to denote a singular third person masculine possessive (e.g. bābeh, "his father"; aqleh, "his leg") is present in most of the traditional dialects in Hakkari and Nineveh Plains, but not for Urmian and Iraqi Koine speakers, who instead use -ū for possessive "his" (e.g. bābū, "his father"; aqlū, "his leg"), whilst retaining the stress in -éh for "their".
This phenomenon however may not always be present, as some Hakkari speakers, especially those from Tyari and Barwar, would use analytic speech to denote possession. So, for instance, bābeh (literally, "father-his") would be uttered as bābā-id dīyeh (literally, "father-of his").
In Iraqi Koine and Urmian, the plural form and the third person plural possessive suffix of many words, such as wardeh and biyyeh ("flowers"/"eggs" and "their flower(s)"/"their eggs", respectively), would be homophones were it not for the varying, distinctive stress on the penult or ultima.
When it comes to a determinative (like in English this, a, the, few, any, which, etc.), Modern Assyrian generally has an absence of an article (English "the"), unlike other Semitic languages such as Arabic, which does use a definite article (Arabic: ال, al-). Demonstratives (āhā, āy/āw and ayyāhā/awwāhā translating to "this", "that" and "that one over there", respectively, demonstrating proximal, medial, and distal deixis) are commonly utilized instead (e.g. āhā betā, "this house"), which can have the sense of "the". An indefinite article ("a(n)") can mark definiteness if the word is a direct object (but not a subject) by using the prepositional prefix "l-" paired with the proper suffix (e.g. šāqil qālāmā, "he takes a pen" vs. šāqil-lāh qālāmā, "he takes the pen"). Partitive articles may be used in some speech (e.g. bayyīton xačča miyyā?, which translates to "do you [pl.] want some water?").
Furthermore, Ancient Aramaic had a definite article in the form of a suffix: "-ā" for generally masculine words and "-t(h)ā" (if the word already ends in -ā) for feminine. The definite forms were pallāxā for "the (male) worker" and pallāxtā for "the (female) worker". Beginning even in the Classical Syriac era, the definite form of the word became dominant and the definite sense of the word merged with the indefinite sense so that pālāxā became "a/the (male) worker" and pālaxtā became "a/the (female) worker."
Most Assyrian Neo-Aramaic nouns and verbs are built from triconsonantal roots, which are a form of word formation in which the root is modified and which does not involve stringing morphemes together sequentially. Unlike Arabic, broken plurals are not present. Semitic languages typically utilize triconsonantal roots, forming a "grid" into which vowels may be inserted without affecting the basic root.
The root š-q-l (ܫ-ܩ-ܠ) has the basic meaning of "taking", and the following are some words that can be formed from this root:
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic has lost the perfect and imperfect morphological tenses present in Classical Syriac. The present tense is usually marked with the participle followed by the subject pronoun. However, such pronouns are usually omitted in the case of the third person. This use of the participle to mark the present tense is the most common of a number of compound tenses that can be used to express varying senses of tense and aspect.
Although Aramaic has been a nominative-accusative language historically, split ergativity in Christian and Jewish Neo-Aramaic languages developed through interaction with ergative Iranian languages, such as Kurdish, which is spoken by the Muslim population of the region. Ergativity formed in the perfective aspect only (the imperfective aspect is nominative-accusative), whereas the subject, the original agent construction of the passive participle, was expressed as an oblique with dative case, and is presented by verb-agreement rather than case. The absolutive argument in transitive clauses is the syntactic object.
Unique among the Semitic languages, the development of ergativity in northeastern Neo-Aramaic dialects involved the departure of original Aramaic tensed finite verbal forms. Thereafter, the active participle became the root of the modern Assyrian imperfective, while the passive participle evolved into the modern Assyrian perfective. The Extended-Ergative dialects, which include Iraqi Koine, Hakkari and Christian Urmian dialects, show the lowest state of ergativity and would mark unaccusative subjects and intransitive verbs in an ergative pattern. Furthermore, Assyrian dialects exhibiting a higher level of ergativity are mostly SOV, while the dialects displaying a lower degree of ergativity are generally SVO.
(Christian Hakkari dialects)
|he opened it||pləx-∅-le
|it got cut||qəṭe-∅
|he destroyed it||xrəw-∅-le
SIL Ethnologue distinguishes five dialect groups: Urmian, Northern, Central, Western, and Sapna, each with sub-dialects. Mutual intelligibility between the Assyrian dialects is as high as 80%–90%.
The Urmia dialect has become the prestige dialect of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic after 1836, when that dialect was chosen by Justin Perkins, an American Presbyterian missionary, for the creation of a standard literary dialect of Assyrian. A second standard dialect derived from General Urmian known as "Iraqi Koine", developed in the 20th century.
Iraqi Koine, also known as Refined Urmian and Standard Assyrian, is a compromise between the rural accents of Hakkari and Nineveh Plains (listed above), and the former prestigious dialect in Urmia. Iraqi Koine does not really constitute a new dialect, but an incomplete merger of dialects. Koine is more analogous to Urmian in terms of manner of articulation, place of articulation and its consonant cluster formations, though it just lacks the regional Farsi influence in some consonants and vowels.
During the First World War, many Assyrians living in Ottoman Turkey were forced from their homes, and many of their descendants now live in Iraq. The relocation has led to the creation of this dialect. Iraqi Koine was developed in the urban areas of Iraq (i.e. Baghdad, Basra, Habbaniya and Kirkuk), which became the meccas for the rural Assyrian population. By the end of the 1950s, vast number of Assyrians started to speak Iraqi Koine. Today, Iraqi Koine is the predominant use of communication between the majority of the Assyrians and it is also used as the standard dialect in music and formal speech.
To note, the emergence of Koine did not signify that the rest of the spoken dialects vanished. The Ashiret dialects were still active because some Assyrians remained in the rural areas and the fact that the first generation speakers who relocated in urban areas still maintained their native dialects. Elements of original Ashiret dialects can still be observed in Iraqi Koine, especially in that of older speakers.
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic has a rather slightly defined dialect continuum, starting from the Assyrian tribes in northern Iraq (e.g. Alqosh, Batnaya) and ending in Western Iran (Urmia). The dialects in Northern Iraq, such as those of Alqosh and Batnaya, would be minimally unintelligible to those in Western Iran.
The dialects in Northern Iraq have a distinct phonetic system (such as the realization of /ħ/) and, as such, would be considered part of Chaldean Neo-Aramaic. Nearing the Iraqi-Turkey border, the Barwari and Tyari dialects are more "traditionally Assyrian" and would sound like those in the Hakkari province in Turkey. Furthermore, the Barwar and Tyari dialects are "transitional", acquiring both Assyrian and Chaldean phonetic features (though they do not use /ħ/). Gawar, Diz and Jilu are in the "centre" of the spectrum, which lie halfway between Tyari and Urmia, having features of both respective dialects, though still being distinct in their own manner.
In Hakkari, going east (towards Iran), the Nochiya dialect would begin to sound distinct to the Tyari/Barwar dialects and more like the Urmian dialect in Urmia, Western Azerbaijan, containing a few Urmian features. The Urmian dialect, alongside Iraqi Koine, are considered to be 'Standard Assyrian', though Iraqi Koine is more widespread and has thus become the more common standard dialect in recent times. Both Koine and Urmian share phonetic characteristics with the Nochiya dialect to some degree.
Based on interviews with community informants, this paper explores socialization for ingroup identity and endogamy among Assyrians in the United States. The Assyrians descent from the population of ancient Assyria (founded in the 24th century BC), and have lived as a linguistic, political, religious, and ethnic minority in Iraq, Iran, Syria and Turkey since the fall of the Assyrian Empire in 608 BC. Practices that maintain ethnic and cultural continuity in the Near East, the United States and elsewhere include language and residential patterns, ethnically based Christian churches characterized by unique holidays and rites, and culturally specific practices related to life-cycle events and food preparation. The interviews probe parental attitudes and practices related to ethnic identity and encouragement of endogamy. Results are being analyzed.
Assyria may refer to:
Assyria, an ancient empire in Mesopotamia
Either of two provinces of the Persian Empire:
Achaemenid Assyria, also known as Athura
Assyria (Roman province), province of the Roman Empire
Asuristan, the Sassanid province
Assyrian homeland, the current geographical location of today's modern Assyrians
A modern term referring to the establishment of a state for the Assyrian people, see Assyrian independence movement
Assyria Township, Michigan
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, the commonly spoken language by the modern AssyriansAssyrian flag
The Assyrian flag (Syriac: ܐܬܐ ܐܬܘܪܝܬܐ ʾāṯā ʾāṯūrāytā or ܐܬܐ ܕܐܬܘܪ ʾāṯā d-ʾāṯūr) is the flag chosen by the Assyrian people to represent the Assyrian nation in the homeland and in the diaspora.
George Bit Atanus first designed the flag in 1968; the Assyrian Universal Alliance, Assyrian National Federation and Bet-Nahrain Democratic Party all adopted it in 1971. The flag has a white background with a golden circle at the centre, surrounded by a four-pointed star in blue. Four triple-colored (red-white-blue), widening, wavy stripes connect the center to the four corners of the flag. The figure of pre-Christian Assyrian god Assur, known from Iron Age iconography, features above the centre.Assyrian language
Assyrian language may refer to:
A dialect of the ancient Eastern Semitic Akkadian language
Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, a modern Assyrian language, part of the Northeastern Neo-Aramaic branch
Turoyo, a modern Assyrian language, part of the Central Neo-Aramaic branchBohtan Neo-Aramaic
Bohtan Neo-Aramaic is a modern Eastern Neo-Aramaic language, one of a number spoken by the Assyrians. Originally, Bohtan Neo-Aramaic was spoken on the Plain of Bohtan in Şırnak Province of southeastern Turkey as well in the town of Gardabani, near Rustavi in Georgia, Göygöl and Ağstafa in Azerbaijan. However it is now spoken in Moscow, Krymsk and Novopavlosk, Russia. It is considered to be a dialect of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic since it is a northeastern Aramaic language and its speakers are ethnically Assyrians.Chaldean Neo-Aramaic
Chaldean Neo-Aramaic, or simply Chaldean, is a Northeastern Neo-Aramaic language spoken throughout a large region stretching from the plain of Urmia, in northwestern Iran, to the Nineveh plains, in northern Iraq, together with parts of southeastern Turkey.
Chaldean Neo-Aramaic is closely related to Assyrian Neo-Aramaic, where it is at times considered a dialect of that language. Most Assyrian Christians in Iraq, Iran and the Khabour River Valley in Syria speak either the Chaldean Neo-Aramaic or Assyrian Neo-Aramaic variety, two varieties of Christian Neo-Aramaic or Sureth. Despite the two terms seeming to indicate a separate religious or even ethnic identity, both languages and their native speakers originate from and are indigenous to the same Upper Mesopotamian region (what was Assyria between the 9th century BC and 7th century BC).Jonathan (name)
Jonathan (Hebrew: יְהוֹנָתָן/יוֹנָתָן, Standard Yonatan / Yəhonatan Tiberian Yônāṯān) is a common male given name meaning "YHWH has given" in Hebrew. The earliest known use of the name was in the Bible, one Jonathan was the son of King Saul, a close friend of David.
Variants of Jonathan include Jonathon, Johnathan, Jonothon, Jonothan, Johnathen, Johnathon, Jhonathan, Jonatan and Jhonnathan. Biblical variants include Yehonathan, Y'honathan, Yhonathan, Yonathan, Yonatan, Yonaton, Yonoson, Yeonoson or Yehonasan. In Israel, "Yoni" is a common nickname for Yonatan (Jonathan) in the same way Jonny is in English.The name was the 31st most popular boys' name in the United States in 2011, according to the SSA.Nicknames include Jonny, Jon, Jono, Jon Boy and Jona. In the past, Jo and Jonty were common diminutives of Jonathan in the United Kingdom but this is much rarer now.
Names with similar meanings include Theodosius in Greek, Khodadad in Persian and Bozhidar or Bogdan in Slavonic.
In the English-speaking world, the name saw its first popularity with the Puritans during the English Civil War. Following Puritan migration to North America, the name became synonymous with New England and the United States as a whole, with the character Brother Jonathan becoming a personification of the country during the American Revolutionary War.Judeo-Aramaic languages
Judaeo-Aramaic is a group of Hebrew-influenced Aramaic and Neo-Aramaic languages.Koy Sanjaq Syriac language
Koy Sanjaq Surat (Arabic: سورث كوي سنجق) is a modern Eastern Syriac-Aramaic language. Speakers of the language call it simply Surat, or 'Syriac'. It is spoken in the town of Koy Sanjaq in the Erbil Governorate. The speakers of Koy Sanjaq Surat have traditionally been Assyrians and thus the language has generally been considered a dialect of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic. The Madnhâyâ version of the Syriac alphabet is used in writing, but most written material is in the Syriac language used in worship.Labiodental approximant
The labiodental approximant is a type of consonantal sound, used in some spoken languages. Geographically it is most common in India occurring in many Indo-Aryan Languages and Dravidian Languages and but in also common in many Slavic Languages and Germanic Languages. It is similar to an English w pronounced with the teeth and lips held in the position used to articulate the letter V. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is ⟨ʋ⟩, and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is P or v\.
The labiodental approximant is the typical realization of /v/ in the Indian South African variety of English. As the voiceless /f/ is also realized as an approximant ([ʋ̥]), it is also an example of a language contrasting voiceless and voiced labiodental approximants.List of loanwords in Assyrian Neo-Aramaic
Loanwords in Assyrian Neo-Aramaic came about mostly due to the contact between Assyrian people and Arabs, Iranians, Kurds and Turks in modern history, and can also be found in the other two major dialects spoken by the Assyrian people, these being Chaldean Neo-Aramaic and Turoyo. Assyrian is one of the few languages where most of its foreign words come from a different language family (in this case, Indo-European).Unlike other Neo-Aramaic languages, Assyrian has an extensive number of latterly introduced Iranian loanwords Depending on the dialect, Arabic loanwords are also reasonably present. Some Turkish loanwords are Turkified words that are of Arabic origin. To note, some of the loanwords are revised (or "Assyrianized"), and therefore would sound somewhat different to the original word. Furthermore, some loanwords may also have a slightly different meaning from the original language.Northeastern Neo-Aramaic
Northeastern Neo-Aramaic (often abbreviated NENA) is a term used by Semiticists to refer to a large variety of Modern Aramaic languages that were once spoken in a large region stretching from the plain of Urmia, in northwestern Iran, to the plain of Mosul, in northern Iraq, as well as bordering regions in south east Turkey and north east Syria.
As of the 1990s, the NENA group had an estimated number of fluent speakers among the Assyrians just below 500,000, spread throughout the Middle East and the Assyrian diaspora. More than 90% of these speak either the Assyrian Neo-Aramaic or the Chaldean Neo-Aramaic variety, two varieties of Christian Neo-Aramaic or Sureth which, contrary to what their names suggest, are not divided among denominational Chaldean Catholic Church/Assyrian Church of the East lines, and indeed some speakers of both dialects may be followers of the Syriac Orthodox Church or Protestants. There are a number of other NENA varieties, but all of them are endangered or near-extinct, and in addition, some Assyrian communities speak Central Neo-Aramaic dialects such as Turoyo.Rabshakeh
Rabshakeh (alternative spellings include Rab-shakeh (Akkadian: Rabshaqe; Hebrew: רַבְשָׁקֵה, Modern: Ravshake, Tiberian: Raḇšāqē; Ancient Greek: Ραψακης Rapsakēs), Rabsaces (Latin: Rabsaces; Assyrian Neo-Aramaic: ܪܵܒܫܵܩܹܐ) or Rab shaqe) is a title meaning "chief of the princes" in the Semitic Akkadian and Aramaic languages. The title was given to the chief cup-bearer or the vizier of the Akkadian, Assyrian and Babylonian royal courts in ancient Mesopotamia, and revived by the Assyrians as a military rank during World War I.The Hebrew Bible mentions it for one of Sennacherib's messengers to Hezekiah, who were sent to Jerusalem along with the Tartan and the Rabsaris. The speech he delivered, in the Hebrew language, in the hearing of all the people, as he stood near the wall on the north side of the city, is quoted in 2 Kings 18:27–37 and in Isaiah 36:12–20.Senaya language
The Senaya language is a modern Eastern Syriac-Aramaic language. It is the language of Assyrians originally from Sanandaj in Iranian Kurdistan. Most Senaya speakers now live in California, United States and few families still live in Tehran, Iran. They are mostly members of the Chaldean Catholic Church. Since the speakers are ethnically Assyrian, the language would be, at times, considered a dialect of Assyrian Neo-Aramaic.Sumac
Sumac (; also spelled sumach, sumaq) (Assyrian Neo-Aramaic: ܣܘܼܡܵܩܵܐ, translit. summāqāʾ, lit. 'red, red shift, turning red', Arabic: سُمّاق, translit. summāq, Hebrew: אוֹג, translit. ’og), is any one of about 35 species of flowering plants in the genus Rhus and related genera, in the family Anacardiaceae. The dried and powdered fruits of Rhus coriaria are used as a spice in Middle Eastern cuisine. Sumac grows in subtropical and temperate regions throughout the world, especially in East Asia, Africa, and North America.Voiced bilabial stop
The voiced bilabial stop is a type of consonantal sound, used in many spoken languages. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is ⟨b⟩, and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is b. The voiced bilabial stop occurs in English, and it is the sound denoted by the letter ⟨b⟩ in obey. Many Indian languages, such as Hindustani, distinguish between breathy voiced /bʱ/ and plain /b/.Voiced dental fricative
The voiced dental fricative is a consonant sound used in some spoken languages. It is familiar to English-speakers, as the th sound in father. Its symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet is eth, or [ð] and was taken from the Old English and Icelandic letter eth, which could stand for either a voiced or unvoiced interdental non-sibilant fricative.
The letter ⟨ð⟩ is sometimes used to represent the dental approximant, a similar sound, which no language is known to contrast with a dental non-sibilant fricative, but the approximant is more clearly written with the lowering diacritic: ⟨ð̞⟩.
Very rarely used variant transcriptions of the dental approximant include ⟨ʋ̠⟩ (retracted [ʋ]), ⟨ɹ̟⟩ (advanced [ɹ]) and ⟨ɹ̪⟩ (dentalized [ɹ]).
It has been proposed that either a turned ⟨ð⟩ or reversed ⟨ð⟩ be used as a dedicated symbol for the dental approximant, but despite occasional usage this has not gained general acceptance.
Dental non-sibilant fricatives are often called "interdental" because they are often produced with the tongue between the upper and lower teeth (as in English), and not just against the back of the upper teeth, as they are with other dental consonants.
This sound and its unvoiced counterpart are rare phonemes. Almost all languages of Europe and Asia, such as German, French, Persian, Japanese, and Mandarin, lack the sound. Native speakers of languages without the sound often have difficulty enunciating or distinguishing it, and they replace it with a voiced alveolar sibilant [z], a voiced dental stop or voiced alveolar stop [d], or a voiced labiodental fricative [v]; known respectively as th-alveolarization, th-stopping, and th-fronting. As for Europe, there seems to be a great arc where the sound (and/or its unvoiced variant) is present. Most of Mainland Europe lacks the sound. However, some "periphery" languages as Gascon, Welsh, English, Icelandic, Elfdalian, Kven, Northern Sami, Mari, Greek, Albanian, Sardinian, some dialects of Basque and most speakers of Spanish have the sound in their consonant inventories, as phonemes or allophones.
Within Turkic languages, Bashkir and Turkmen have both voiced and voiceless dental non-sibilant fricatives among their consonants. Among Semitic languages, they are used in Turoyo, Modern Standard Arabic, albeit not by all speakers of modern Arabic dialects, as well as in some dialects of Hebrew and Assyrian Neo-Aramaic.Voiced pharyngeal fricative
The voiced pharyngeal approximant or fricative is a type of consonantal sound, used in some spoken languages. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is [ʕ], and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is ?\. Epiglottals and epiglotto-pharyngeals are often mistakenly taken to be pharyngeal.
Although traditionally placed in the fricative row of the IPA chart, [ʕ] is usually an approximant. The IPA symbol itself is ambiguous, but no language is known to make a phonemic distinction between fricatives and approximants at this place of articulation. The approximant is sometimes specified as [ʕ̞] or as [ɑ̯].Voiced velar stop
The voiced velar stop is a type of consonantal sound, used in many spoken languages.
Some languages have the voiced pre-velar stop, which is articulated slightly more front compared with the place of articulation of the prototypical voiced velar stop, though not as front as the prototypical voiced palatal stop.
Conversely, some languages have the voiced post-velar stop, which is articulated slightly behind the place of articulation of the prototypical voiced velar stop, though not as back as the prototypical voiced uvular stop.Voiceless bilabial stop
The voiceless bilabial stop is a type of consonantal sound used in most spoken languages. The symbol in the International Phonetic Alphabet that represents this sound is ⟨p⟩, and the equivalent X-SAMPA symbol is p.