Argentine Revolution

Argentine Revolution (Spanish: Revolución Argentina) was the name given by its leaders to a military coup d'état which overthrew the government of Argentina in June 1966 and began a period of military dictatorship by a junta from then until 1973.

Onganía-Levingston-Lanusse (Revolución Argentina)
Generals Juan Carlos Onganía, Marcelo Levingston and Alejandro Lanusse, the three successive dictators of the "Revolución Argentina".

The Revolución Argentina and the "authoritarian-bureaucratic state"

The June 1966 coup established General Juan Carlos Onganía as de facto president, supported by several leaders of the General Confederation of Labour (CGT), including the general secretary Augusto Vandor. This was followed by a series of military-appointed presidents and the implementation of neo-liberal economic policies, supported by multinational companies, employers' federations, part of the more-or-less corrupt workers' movement, and the press.

While preceding military coups were aimed at establishing temporary, transitional juntas, the Revolución Argentina headed by Onganía aimed at establishing a new political and social order, opposed both to liberal democracy and to Communism, which would give the Armed Forces of Argentina a leading political and economic role. Political scientist Guillermo O'Donnell named this type of regime "authoritarian-bureaucratic state",[1] in reference to the Revolución Argentina, the 1964–1985 Brazilian military regime and Augusto Pinochet's regime (starting in 1973).

Onganía's rule (1966–70)

Onganía implemented corporatist policies, experimenting in particular in Córdoba under the governance of Carlos Caballero. The new Minister of Economy, Adalbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a wage freeze and a 40% devaluation, which weakened the economy – in particular the agricultural sector – and favored foreign capital. Vasena suspended collective labour conventions, reformed the "hydrocarbons law" which had established a partial monopoly of the Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales (YPF) state firm, and passed a law facilitating the eviction of tenants over their non-payment of domestic rent. Finally, the right to strike was suspended (Law 16,936) and several other laws passed reversing previous progressive labor legislation (reducing retirement age, etc.).

The workers' movement divided itself between Vandoristas, who supported a "Peronism without Perón" line (Augusto Vandor, leader of the General Confederation of Labour, declared that "to save Perón, one has to be against Perón") and advocated negotiation with the junta, alongside "Participationists" headed by José Alonso, and Peronists, who formed the General Confederation of Labour of the Argentines (CGTA) in 1968 and were opposed to any kind of participation with the military junta. Perón himself, from his exile in Francoist Spain, maintained a cautious and ambiguous line of opposition to the regime, rejecting both endorsement and open confrontation.

Cultural and education policies

Blargos1
The Night of the Long Batons, an Onganía police action against University of Buenos Aires students and faculty came to be known.

Onganía ended university autonomy, which had been achieved by the University Reform of 1918.[2]

He was responsible for the July 1966 La Noche de los Bastones Largos ("The Night of the Long Truncheons"), where university autonomy was violated, in which he ordered police to invade the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires. They beat up and arrested students and professors. The university repression led to the exile of 301 university professors, among whom were Manuel Sadosky, Tulio Halperín Donghi, Sergio Bagú and Risieri Frondizi.[3]

Onganía also ordered repression on all forms of "immoralism", proscribing miniskirts, long hair for young men, and all avant-garde artistic movements.[2] This moral campaign alienated the middle classes, who were massively present in universities.[2]

Change of direction of the Armed Forces

Towards the end of May 1968, General Julio Alsogaray dissented from Onganía, and rumors spread about a possible coup d'état, with Algosaray leading the opposition to Onganía. At the end of the month Onganía dismissed the leaders of the Armed Forces: Alejandro Lanusse replaced Julio Alsogaray, Pedro Gnavi replaced Benigno Varela, and Jorge Martínez Zuviría replaced Adolfo Alvarez.

Increasing protests

On 19 September 1968, two important events affected Revolutionary Peronism. John William Cooke, former personal delegate of Perón, an ideologist of the Peronist Left and friend of Fidel Castro, died from natural causes. On the same day a group of 13 men and one woman who aimed at establishing a foco in Tucumán Province, in order to head the resistance against the junta, was captured;[4] among them was Envar El Kadre, then a leader of the Peronist Youth.[4]

Cordobazo
Images of the Cordobazo, May–June 1969

In 1969, the CGT de los Argentinos (led by Raimundo Ongaro) headed protest movements, in particular the Cordobazo, as well as other movements in Tucumán, Santa Fe and Rosario (Rosariazo). While Perón managed a reconciliation with Augusto Vandor, he followed, in particular through the voice of his delegate Jorge Paladino, a cautious line of opposition to the military junta, criticizing with moderation the neoliberal policies of the junta but waiting for discontent inside the government ("hay que desensillar hasta que aclare", said Perón, advocating patience). Thus, Onganía had an interview with 46 CGT delegates, among them Vandor, who agreed on "participationism" with the military junta, thus uniting themselves with the Nueva Corriente de Opinión headed by José Alonso and Rogelio Coria.

In December 1969, more than 20 priests, members of the Movement of Priests for the Third World (MSTM), marched on the Casa Rosada to present to Onganía a petition pleading him to abandon the eradication plan of villas miserias (shanty towns).[5]

The same year, the MSTM issued a declaration supporting Socialist revolutionary movements, which led the Catholic hierarchy, by the voice of Juan Carlos Aramburu, coadjutor archbishop of Buenos Aires, to proscribe priests from making political or social declarations.[6]

Various armed actions, headed by the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación (FAL), composed by former members of the Revolutionary Communist Party, occurred in April 1969, leading to several arrests among FAL members. These were the first left-wing urban guerrilla actions in Argentina. Beside these isolated actions, the Cordobazo uprising of 1969, called forth by the CGT de los Argentinos, and its Cordobese leader, Agustín Tosco, prompted demonstrations in the entire country. The same year, the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP) was formed as the military branch of the Trotskyist Workers' Revolutionary Party, leading an armed struggle against the dictatorship.

Levingston's rule (1970–71)

Faced with increasing opposition, in particular following the Cordobazo, General Onganía was forced to resign by the military junta, composed of the chiefs of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force. He was replaced by General Roberto Marcelo Levingston, who, far from calling free elections, decided to deepen the Revolución Argentina. Levingston expressed the nationalist-developmentist sector of the Armed Forces, and was supported by the most intransigent military elements. He named the radical economist Aldo Ferrer as Minister of Economy.

A coalition of political parties issued the statement known as La Hora del Pueblo, calling for free and democratic elections which would include the Justicialist Party. Under this pressure, Levingston was ousted by an internal coup headed by the Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces and strongman of the Revolución Argentina, General Alejandro Agustín Lanusse.

Lanusse's rule (1971–73)

The last of the military presidents de facto of this period, Alejandro Lanusse, was appointed in March 1971. He was as unpopular as his predecessors. His administration started building infrastructure projects (roads, bridges, etc.) necessary for the development of the country, without responding to popular demands concerning social and economic policies.

General Lanusse tried to respond to the Hora del Pueblo declaration by calling elections but excluding Peronists from them, in the so-called Gran Acuerdo Nacional (Great National Agreement). He nominated Arturo Mor Roig (Radical Civic Union) as Minister of Interior, who enjoyed the support of the Hora del pueblo coalition of parties, to supervise the coming elections.

There had been no elections since 1966, and armed struggle groups came into existence, such as the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (ERP, the armed wing of the Workers' Revolutionary Party, PRT), the Catholic nationalist Peronists Montoneros and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias (FAR).

In August 1972, an attempt by several revolutionary members to escape from prison, headed by Mario Roberto Santucho (PRT), was followed by what became known as the Trelew massacre. Fernando Vaca Narvaja, Roberto Quieto, Enrique Gorriarán Merlo and Domingo Menna managed to complete their escape, but 19 others were re-captured. 16 of them, members of the Montoneros, the FAR, and the ERP, were killed, and 3 managed to survive. On the same night of August 22, 1972, the junta approved law 19,797, which proscribed any information concerning guerrilla organizations. The massacre led to demonstrations in various cities.

Finally, Lanusse lifted the proscription of the Justicialist Party, although he maintained it concerning Juan Perón by increasing the number of years of residency required of presidential candidates, thus excluding de facto Perón from the elections since he had been in exile since the 1955 Revolución Libertadora.

Henceforth, Perón decided to appoint as his candidate his personal secretary Héctor José Cámpora, a leftist Peronist, as representative of the FreJuLi (Frente Justicialista de Liberación, Justicialist Liberation Front), composed of the Justicialist Party and minor, allied parties. The FreJuLi's electoral slogan was "Cámpora in Government, Perón in power" (Cámpora al Gobierno, Perón al poder).

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Guillermo O'Donnell, El Estado Burocrático Autoritario, (1982)
  2. ^ a b c Carmen Bernand, « D’une rive à l’autre », Nuevo Mundo Mundos Nuevos, Materiales de seminarios, 2008 (Latin-Americanist Review published by the EHESS), Put on line on 15 June 2008. URL : http://nuevomundo.revues.org//index35983.html Accessed on 28 July 2008. ‹See Tfd›(in French)
  3. ^ Marta Slemenson et al., Emigración de científicos argentinos. Organización de un éxodo a América Latina (?, Buenos Aires, 1970:118)
  4. ^ a b Oscar R. Anzorena, Tiempo de violencia y utopía (1966-1976), Editorial Contrapunto, 1987, p.48 ‹See Tfd›(in Spanish)
  5. ^ Oscar Anzorena, 1987, p.49
  6. ^ Oscar Anzorena, 1987, p.53

References

  • Oscar R. Anzorena, Tiempo de violencia y utopía (1966-1976), Editorial Contrapunto, 1987
1905 in Argentina

Events in the year 1905 in Argentina.

ASEAN Declaration

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Alejandro Agustín Lanusse

Alejandro Agustín Lanusse (August 28, 1918 – August 26, 1996) was the president of the Argentine Republic between March 22, 1971, and May 25, 1973, during the Argentine Revolution.

Argentine Revolution of 1893

The Argentine Revolution of 1893, or the Radical Revolution of 1893, was a failed insurrection by members of the Radical Civic Union (UCR) against the government of Argentina, then controlled by the National Autonomist Party (PAN). It continued the goals of the Revolution of the Park of 1890, whose themes were further echoed in the Revolution of 1905.

In 1890, Bartolomé Mitre and Leandro N. Alem formed the Civic Union, which orchestrated the Revolution of the Park and forced the resignation of president Miguel Ángel Juárez Celman of the PAN in favor of his vice president, Carlos Pellegrini. Mitre himself stood for president for the 1892 elections, but sought accommodation with the PAN, leading Alem to break off and found the UCR in 1891. On April 2, 1892, barely a week before the election, Pellegrini declared a state of siege and arrested Alem and other opposition leaders, resulting in the overwhelming election of PAN candidate Luis Sáenz Peña.

In the aftermath, the UCR split into factions led by Alem (los líricos, "the Lyricists") and by his nephew and protégé, Hipólito Yrigoyen (los rojos, "the Reds"). Yrigoyen and his political brother Aristóbulo del Valle believed the UCR should take power through provincial rebellions, as opposed to a coup d'état of the national government.

Argentine Revolution of 1905

The Argentine Revolution of 1905 also known as the Radical Revolution of 1905 was a civil-military uprising organized by the Radical Civic Union and headed by Hipólito Yrigoyen against the oligarchic dominance known as the Roquismo led by Julio Argentino Roca and his National Autonomist Party.

Argentine War of Independence

The Argentine War of Independence was fought from 1810 to 1818 by Argentine patriotic forces under Manuel Belgrano, Juan José Castelli and José de San Martín against royalist forces loyal to the Spanish crown. On July 9, 1816, an assembly met in San Miguel de Tucumán, declared full independence with provisions for a national constitution.

Federal Party (1973)

The Federal Party is an Argentine political party founded by Francisco Manrique in 1973. It was intended to be the successor party to the military government created by coup d'etat in 1966 and known as the Argentine Revolution (1966–1972) of which its founder was a minister. For the March 1973 Argentine general election they made an alliance with the Democratic Progressive Party, which contributed the candidate for vice-president Rafael Martinez Raymonda, obtaining a third place showing with 14.9% of the votes.From 1974 to 1976, it formed part of the opposition to Isabel Perón. In the 1983 Argentine general election, the first since the 1976 coup, it was part of the Federal Alliance In 1987, the party merged into Raúl Alfonsín's Convergencia Programática party, before separating from it once again. In 1988, Manrique died and Guillermo Francos succeeded him as president, who resigned in favor of Martín Borrelli in 1998. Ten years later, the party was headed by Gustavo Forgione.

Francisco Antonio De Zela

Francisco Antonio de Zela y Arizaga (born in July 24, 1786 in Lima - died in July 28, 1821 in Panama City) is notable for sending forth the first libertarian outcry in the Peruvian city of Tacna on June 20, 1811 in an attempt to start the independence of Peru. De Zela was supported by a large group of criollos, mestizos and Indians, among them the caciques José Rosa Ara and Miguel Copaja.

The rebellion of Tacna was in close contact with the Argentine revolution, initiated in Buenos Aires on May 25, 1810. The Argentines sent an army to the Charcas region (Bolivia), under the command of general Antonio González de Balcarce and the lawyer Juan José Castelli. They sent proclamations to various towns in southern Peru, inviting them to follow them in the revolution. The town of Tacna was the first under the direction of Don Francisco Antonio De Zela, occupying the quarters of the Spanish authorities that night.

On the same day (June 20) the Argentine army was defeated by Spanish forces in the Battle of Huaqui, bordering Lake Titicaca, and thus De Zela never received the needed support. This news created a morale problem for the De Zela's troops and as a result, they were defeated by the Spaniards. The main leaders of the rebellion were caught, among them De Zela, and they were led to Lima and condemned to 10 years in the military prison of Chagres, Panama, where De Zela died.

His house, located on Zela Street #542, was named a Historical Monument on July 26, 1961 and to this day continues to be one of the major tourist attractions of the city of Tacna.

June 20 is a local holiday in city of Tacna.

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Jamaican political conflict

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Johnson Doctrine

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Juan Carlos Onganía

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List of civil wars

The Latin term bellum civile was first used of the Roman civil wars that began in the last third of the second century BC.

The term civilis here had the very specific meaning of 'Roman citizen'.

The English term civil war was first used in 1651 to refer to the English Civil War.

Since the 17th century, the term has also been applied retroactively to other historical conflicts where at least one side claims to represent the country's civil society (rather than a feudal dynasty or an imperial power).The terms internecine war and domestic war are often used interchangeably with 'civil war', but 'internecine war' can be used in a wider meaning, referring to any conflict within a single state, regardless of the participation of civil forces. Thus, any war of succession is by definition an internecine war, but not necessarily a civil war.

In modern geopolitics since 1945, 'civil war' is also used in a loose sense to refer to any large scale military conflict within a single country (i.e. used as a strict synonym of the generic term 'internecine war'), creating terminological overlap with insurgencies or coups d'état.

List of years in Argentina

This is a list of years in Argentina. See also the timeline of Argentine history. For only articles about years in Argentina that have been written, see Category:Years in Argentina.

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Sergio Bagú

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Bagú, who was born in Buenos Aires, was a lecturer at the University of Illinois, Middlebury College and the University of Buenos Aires. As a university professor, he was exiled by the military junta in Argentina following the 1966 Argentine Revolution. He died in Mexico City.

His most important book Economía de la sociedad colonial (The Economy of Colonial Society, 1949) was one of the first to challenge the idea of Latin American feudalism (dominant among the Communist parties of that time) and emphasize the capitalist dimension of the colonization of America.

Ulbricht Doctrine

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East Germany gained acceptance of its view from fellow Communist states, such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, Hungary, and Bulgaria, which all agreed not to normalise relations with West Germany until it recognised East German sovereignty.

West Germany eventually abandoned its Hallstein Doctrine, instead adopting the policies of Ostpolitik. In December 1972, a Basic Treaty between East and West Germany was signed that reaffirmed two German states as separate entities. The treaty also allowed the exchange of diplomatic missions and the entry of both German states to the United Nations as full members.

Vida del Che

Vida del Che (English: Life of Che) is an Argentine biographical graphic novel written by Héctor Germán Oesterheld and illustrated by Alberto Breccia and Enrique Breccia. The Historieta (comic book) narrates the life of the revolutionary Che Guevara from his childhood to his assassination in Bolivia. It was originally published as a book in Argentina in 1968, only three months after Che Guevara's death. It was immediately banned by the dictatorship self-styled as "Argentine Revolution" (1966-1973) and the whole edition was kidnapped. The original drawings were saved by Enrique Breccia, and it was finally republished in 2008.The illustrator Enrique Breccia, son of Alberto and equally famous in the field of the illustration, participated in the final stretch of the artwork, which was also his first comic.

Western Bloc

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1940s
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Frozen conflicts
Foreign policy
Ideologies
Organizations
Propaganda
Races
See also
May Revolution and Independence War Period
up to Asamblea del Año XIII (1810–1814)
Supreme Directors of the United Provinces
of the Río de la Plata
(1814–1820)
Unitarian Republic – First Presidential Government (1826–1827)
Pacto Federal and Argentine Confederation (1827–1862)
National OrganizationArgentine Republic (1862–1880)
Generation of '80Oligarchic Republic (1880–1916)
First Radical Civic Union terms, after secret ballot (1916–1930)
Infamous Decade (1930–1943)
Revolution of '43 military dictatorships (1943–1946)
First Peronist terms (1946–1955)
Revolución Libertadora military dictatorships (1955–1958)
Fragile civilian governments – Proscription of Peronism (1958–1966)
Revolución Argentina military dictatorships (1966–1973)
Return of Perón (1973–1976)
National Reorganization Process military dictatorships (1976–1983)
Return to democracy (1983–present)
Coups, self-coups, and attempted coups in Latin America since 1943
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1950s
1960s
1970s
1980s
1990s
2000s
2010s

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