Argentina and Brazil's relationship are both close and historical, and encompasses all possible dimensions: economy, trade, culture, education and tourism. From war and rivalry to friendship and alliance, this complex relationship has spanned more than two centuries.
After achieving independence from the Iberian crowns in the early nineteenth century, Argentina and Brazil inherited a series of unresolved territorial disputes from their colonial powers. The most serious breach in the relationship was the Cisplatine War (1825–1828), led by the Brazilian invasion and annexation of the Banda Oriental. Despite the numerous periods of muted hostility, the Argentine–Brazilian relationship was not defined by open hostility for most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There was competition on many levels, and their respective defense policies reflected mutual suspicion, but the Brazilian economic rise in the 1980s led to the accommodation of Argentina as a secondary regional power and increasing cooperation.
With the creation of the Brazilian–Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials in 1991, the two countries turned their nuclear competition into cooperation through mutual confidence. A high volume of trade and migration between Argentina and Brazil has generated closer ties, especially after the implementation of Mercosur in 1991. Today, the strategic relationship between Argentina and Brazil is considered to be "at the highest point in history". Argentine foreign policy has given special emphasis in "deepening the strategic alliance with Brazil in all its aspects". Likewise, Argentina has been "an absolute priority" for Brazilian foreign policy.
Argentina and Brazil are neighbouring countries of South America, and two of the most important economies in South America. The two countries combined represent 63% of the total area of South America, 60% of its population and 61% of its GDP.
Argentina and Brazil share the Río de la Plata basin– an area where Portuguese and Spanish conquistadors collided in their ambition to conquer new land for their respective crowns. After achieving independence from the Iberian crowns in the early nineteenth century, the Argentine Republic and the Brazilian Empire inherited a series of unresolved territorial disputes from their colonial powers, involving Paraguay and Uruguay, the other two nations of the Río de la Plata basin.
It was during this time that the Cisplatine War, the first armed conflict between both countries, started. From 1825 to 1828 the forces of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata outfought those of the Brazilian Empire, until the signing of the Treaty of Montevideo that gave independence to Uruguay from both countries. Given the high cost of the war for both sides and the burdens it imposed on trade between the United Provinces and the United Kingdom, the latter pressed the two belligerent parties to engage in peace negotiations in Rio de Janeiro. Under British and French mediation, the United Provinces of River Plate and the Empire of Brazil signed the 1828 Treaty of Montevideo, which acknowledged the independence of the Cisplatine Province under the name Eastern Republic of Uruguay. Troops of both countries would face each other once again later, during the Platine War, when a coalition of Brazil, Uruguay and Argentine rebels managed to defeat Rosas (helped in turn by Uruguayan rebels led by Manuel Oribe). Another war almost happened during the 1870s when Brazil refused to accept Argentina's desire to take all the Chaco region for itself after the end of the Paraguayan War (also known as the War of the Triple Alliance) when both countries were allies against Paraguay.
Brazil did not settle disputes with Argentina over its precise national boundaries until the early twentieth century. It had settled with Uruguay in 1851, with Peru in 1851 and 1874, with Colombia in 1853, with Venezuela in 1859, with Bolivia in 1867 and with Paraguay in 1872, but not with Argentina, Guyana, French Guyana and Suriname. However, it had consolidated most of its vast territory under a single authority by the middle of the nineteenth century, achieved as the result of the work of the empire's political elite. In contrast, the Argentine Republic's nineteenth century experience was marked by infighting between contending factions—those favoring a federalist republic—struggling against the strong centralist tendencies of the city of Buenos Aires (Unitarians). Argentina's unification and territorial consolidation under a single authority was completed by the 1880s.
Despite this inheritance of unresolved territorial disputes and numerous periods of muted hostility, the Argentine–Brazilian relationship was not defined by open hostility for most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. There was competition on many levels, and their respective defense policies reflected mutual suspicion, but their bilateral relationship was not adversarial. After the mid-1850s, neither country resorted to coercion or the use of force to resolve territorial disputes, and during the only general war that took place in the Plata region– the Paraguayan War (1864–1870)– Argentina and Brazil were allied against Paraguay.
In Brazil, The liberal revolution of 1930 overthrew the oligarchic coffee plantation owners and brought to power an urban middle class that and business interests that promoted industrialization and modernization. Aggressive promotion of new industry turned around the economy by 1933. Brazil's leaders in the 1920s and 1930s decided that Argentina's implicit foreign policy goal was to isolate Portuguese-speaking Brazil from Spanish-speaking neighbors, thus facilitating the expansion of Argentine economic and political influence in South America. Even worse, was the fear that a more powerful Argentine Army would launch a surprise attack on the weaker Brazilian Army. To counter this threat, President Getúlio Vargas forged closer links with the United States. Meanwhile, Argentina moved in the opposite direction. During World War II, Brazil was a staunch ally of the United States and sent its military to Europe. The United States provided over $100 million in Lend-Lease grants, in return for free rent on air bases used to transport American soldiers and supplies across the Atlantic, and naval bases for anti-submarine operations. In sharp contrast, Argentina was officially neutral and at times favored Germany.
Communication and physical integration between the two neighbors was limited. The benefits of developing closer economic, political, and cultural relations were not considered until late in the 20th century.
Since 1945, the most acrimonious bilateral dispute concerned the control of water resources along the Alto Paraná basin. In 1966, Brazil and Paraguay concluded the Iguaçu Act, announcing their intention to build a Brazilian–Paraguayan hydroelectric plant, Itaipú dam, on the Paraná River, on the Argentina–Brazil–Paraguay border. The Treaty of Itaipú was signed in Brasília in 1973. However, Buenos Aires feared that Brazil's project would hinder its own plans for the water resources development in the area. For almost a decade, the dispute soured bilateral relations and hampered efforts to forge closer economic and political links.
The dispute over water resources was finally resolved by intense diplomatic negotiations. In October 1979, the Itaipú–Corpus Multilateral Treaty on Technical Cooperation was concluded, ending the dispute to the satisfaction of all three neighbors and opening the way for a dramatic improvement in relations. After the conclusion of the Itaipu–Corpus Treaty, Brazilian president João Figueiredo visited Argentina, the first Brazilian leader to do so in more than four decades.
Figueiredo, the last president of the military rulers who had governed Brazil for 21 years, visited Buenos Aires in May 1980 and signed, among other agreements, a series of accords to collaborate on nuclear issues. Reflecting their shared opposition to the nuclear non-proliferation regime, Argentina and Brazil agreed to co-operate and exchange technical information, materials, and products on all aspects of the nuclear fuel cycle.
Following the resolution of the water resources dispute and the Brazilian president's successful visit, an unexpected and traumatic event took place in Argentina that further improved bilateral relations: the 1982 Falklands War.
Three years after calling off the Operation Soberania in order to invade the Picton, Nueva and Lennox islands, Argentina invaded the Falkland Islands (Spanish: Islas Malvinas) in April 1982, starting a brief but important war with the United Kingdom. Brazil supported the Argentine claim over the Falkland Islands:
After reviewing the issue regarding the Falkland Islands, His Excellency the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil expressed the support of his Government to the Argentine Republic, reaffirming his belief that the negotiations in progress will yield satisfactory results within a brief amount of time.
On June 3, 1982, a British Vulcan diverted to an emergency landing in Brazil when its in-flight refueling probe broke en route to Ascension Island after bombing Argentine positions in the Falkland Islands. The crew sent a "Mayday" signal, jettisoned classified documents, and attempted to ditch its missile armament, but all bar one malfunctioned and remained on the pylons. The Vulcan was intercepted by Brazilian F-5 Tiger II jets and escorted to the Galeão Air Force Base in Rio de Janeiro, where the crew and aircraft were interned. After diplomatic negotiations with the United Kingdom, the aircraft and crew were released on June 11. However, the remaining Sidewinder and AGM-45 Shrike missiles on board the aircraft were confiscated by the Brazilian authorities. After hostilities ended in June 1982, Buenos Aires chose Brazil to represent its interests in London until full diplomatic relations with United Kingdom were restored in 1990. Thus, despite rivalry and historical suspicions, Brazil's actions and policies during the most traumatic period of Argentina's recent history—objectionable military rule, near-conflict with Chile and the Falklands War—were fundamental to build trust between the two countries.
Argentina's defeat in the war against Britain hastened the end of its domestic military rule. General elections were held in October 1983, and President Raul Alfonsín was elected with a mandate to ensure that Argentina's recent past was not repeated. Among his main achievements, President Alfonsín started to resolve the enduring territorial conflict with Chile during his six-year term, and significantly improved relations with Brazil.
Argentina's intention to forge a closer relationship with Brazil was matched by Brazil's intention to do the same. While still under military rule, Brazil initiated a policy of improving relations with its South American neighbors, and Argentina was considered the key country in this effort. The initiative was accelerated after 1985 when José Sarney, became the first civilian president of Brazil since 1964. Soon after taking power, President Sarney met with President Alfonsín, and thereafter a series of diplomatic initiatives and presidential visits took place. The aim of these exchanges was to deepen the process of cultural, political, and economic rapprochement between Argentina and Brazil.
In the field of science, the two regional giants had been rivals since the 1950s when both governments launched parallel nuclear and space programs, however, several agreements were signed since then such as the creation of the Brazilian-Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC) to verify both countries' pledges to use nuclear energy only for peaceful purposes.
Also on the military side there has been greater rapprochement. In accordance with the friendship policy, both armies dissolved or moved major units previously located at their common border (e.g. Argentine's 7th Jungle and 3rd Motorized Infantry Brigades). Brazilian soldiers are embedded in the Argentine peacekeeping contingent at UNFICYP in Cyprus and they are working together at MINUSTAH in Haiti and, as another example of collaboration, Argentine Navy aircraft routinely operates from the Brazilian Navy carrier NAe São Paulo.
The Néstor Kirchner administration placed Brazil as a foreign policy priority and relations with Brazil were considered strategic. This was met with reciprocity in Brazil, as Lula da Silva placed Argentina as the main priority of his foreign policy. It should be emphasized, that the first foreign visit of Lula da Silva, as president-elect, was to Argentina in December 2002. From the Brazilian perspective, only with this strategic alliance would it be possible to transform South America into a world power bloc, one of the goals of Lula da Silva's foreign policy.
Since 2003, Argentina and Brazil have coordinated their positions in the multilateral fora, as can be seen by their joint participation in the agricultural negotiations at the WTO meeting in Cancún, their joint position in regards to the creation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas, and their articulation at the G-20 to reform the international financial system. The creation of the Union of South American Nations, in 2008, was a landmark in the new foreign policies of Brazil and Argentina. In another sign of mutual trust, since 2003, diplomats from both countries occupy a single seat in the United Nations Security Council when either of them hold a non-permanent seat.
On September 6, 2008, the President of Argentina, Cristina Kirchner, traveled to Brazil to consolidate relations between the two countries. She was the guest of honor at the Independence Day celebrations that took place on September 7, 2008 and witnessed the military parade in Brasília. The following day, she held discussions with President Lula on a variety of bilateral issues including energy, defense and nuclear cooperation.
President Dilma Rousseff chose Argentina as the first foreign trip of her presidency, in a demonstration of the "special and strategic" ties between the two countries. During her state visit to Buenos Aires on January 31, 2011, Rousseff stated that "it was not a casual decision to pick Argentina as my first foreign destination" and praised Argentina as a "strategic ally" to her country. "The Brazilian government assumes, once again, a true commitment with the Argentine government as well as a joint policy intended to promote a development strategy for the region. For me the main idea is that of a strategic relationship with Argentina, which should shine itself in all areas of interest of both countries", said Rousseff in conversations with local newspapers before arriving in Buenos Aires.
Brazil and Argentina are engaged in several joint venture projects in the military field, such as the Gaucho armored vehicle and the Embraer KC-390 military transport aircraft. The Gaucho is a Light Strike Vehicle capable of reconnaissance, air assault, command and control, transport and evacuation missions. The Gaucho project started in 2004 and entered production in 2006. Argentina is responsible for the design and construction of the chassis, engine mounts, transmission, steering and suspension. Brazil, for its part, developed and installed the brake system, engine, transmission and transfer case, as well as the cooling system, electrical system, fuel, armament and accessories.
Brazil and Argentina have also entered a partnership to jointly develop the KC-390 twin-engine military transport aircraft. Argentina has agreed to manufacture KC-390 components and possibly purchase six of the aircraft.
The Argentine Army has shown interest in a possible version of the 8x8 armored vehicles VBTP-MR Guaraní developed by the Brazilian Army with the support of Iveco. The Argentine military are also operators of the Brazilian military Agrale Marruá vehicle.
Argentina and Brazil have close cooperation in the field of space science – the National Space Activities Commission of Argentina and the Brazilian Space Agency have been working together since the 1990s. In 2007, Brazil and Argentina successfully launched a rocket into space, in the first joint space mission by the two countries. The VS-30 rocket was launched from the Barreira do Inferno Launch Center and carried experiments from both countries.
The Brazilian–Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials was created in 1991. During President Lula's state visit to Buenos Aires on February 22, 2008, the two countries established a binational commission on pursuing joint uranium enrichment for nuclear energy purposes.
The Brazilian government has been a strong supporter of the Argentine claim over the Falkland Islands – which both countries term Malvinas (Brazil: Ilhas Malvinas / Argentina: Islas Malvinas).
In a joint communiqué issued by the Brazilian and Argentine governments on August 3, 2010, "the President of the Federative Republic of Brazil reiterated the support of his country to the legitimate rights of Argentina in the sovereignty dispute regarding the Falkland Islands, South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and the surrounding maritime areas". The Brazilian government also stressed that the exploration of offshore oil that the United Kingdom carries out in the Argentine continental shelf is "illegal" and "inconsistent with what determines the United Nations".
Brazilian authorities have also voiced their support for the Argentine claim at the multilateral fora, including the United Nations, the Rio Group, Mercosur, the Organization of American States, and Unasur. Brazil has criticized the United Nations for not acting on the sovereignty of the Falkland Islands, and accused the United Kingdom of using its status as permanent member of the Security Council to prevent the debate from being reopened.
In accordance with a resolution adopted at the 2010 South American Summit prohibiting British vessels operating under the "illegal flag of the Malvinas (Falkland Islands)" from docking at South American ports, the government of Brazil denied the British ship HMS Clyde access to Rio de Janeiro on January 11, 2011. In a statement, the Brazilian Minister of Defense, Nelson Jobim, noted that Brazil "recognizes Argentine sovereignty over the Malvinas (Falkland Islands) and not the British claim" and therefore "will not authorize any requests made from British ships or aircraft in military operations in the Falklands".
Brazil accounts for Argentina's largest export and import market, while Argentina accounts for Brazil's fourth largest export and import market. Total trade between the two countries amounted to the sum of US$22.5 billion in 2016. Argentine exports to Brazil amounted to US$9.1 billion while Brazilian exports to Argentina totaled US$13.4 billion. In recent years, trade between the two countries decreased as commodity prices fell and Brazil experienced slower economic growth.
|Argentine exports to Brazil||$5.6 billion||$6.2 billion||$8 billion||$10.4 billion||$13.3 billion||$11.3 billion||$14.4 billion|
|Brazilian exports to Argentina||$7.4 billion||$9.9 billion||$11.7 billion||$14.4 billion||$17.6 billion||$12.8 billion||$18.5 billion|
|Total trade||$13 billion||$16.1 billion||$19.7 billion||$24.8 billion||$30.9 billion||$24.1 billion||$32.9 billion|
|Note: All values are in U.S. dollars. Source: MRE/SECEX.|
Argentina is the main destination for Brazilian investment in South America. Brazilian investments in Argentina are mostly in oil, cement, mining, steel, textiles, cosmetics, banks, food, and beverages. According to the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean, forty percent of direct investment in Argentina comes from Brazil.
Since 2003, Presidential meetings are held every six months alternately in each country, and besides those there are more for other reasons (UNASUR, Mercosur, G20, etc.).
ABC countries, or ABC powers, refers to the South American countries of Argentina, Brazil and Chile, which are seen as the three most powerful, most influential and wealthiest countries in South America. The term was mostly used in the first half of the 20th century, when they worked together to develop common interests and a coordinated approach to issues in the region with relatively little influence from outside powers, in contrast with the Cold War governments.Argentine Brazilians
Argentine Brazilians (Portuguese: Argentino-brasileiro, Spanish: Argentino-brasileño, Rioplatense Spanish: Argentino-brasilero) are Brazilian citizens of full, partial, or predominantly Argentine ancestry, or an Argentine-born person residing in Brazil.
After gaining its independence from Spain in the early 19th century, Argentina adopted an open immigration policy and encouraged immigrants to embrace the country as their own. For a short period at the end of the 1880s, the government went so far as to subsidize immigrant boat passages. It is estimated that the country received over seven million immigrants, predominantly from Spain and Italy, between 1870 and 1930.
Argentina proved attractive to many foreigners confronted with harsh economic conditions in Europe, they were drawn by the appeal of the New World and an underpopulated country rich in natural resources and employment prospects ranging from agriculture to factory work that made the country an immigrant destination. Since then, argentine emigration is low compared to other Latin American countries something that is similar to brazilian emigration situation.Brazilian–Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials
The Brazilian–Argentine Agency for Accounting and Control of Nuclear Materials (ABACC; Portuguese: Agência Brasileiro-Argentina de Contabilidade e Controle de Materiais Nucleares; Spanish: Agencia Brasileño-Argentina de Contabilidad y Control de Materiales Nucleares) is a binational safeguards agency playing an active role in the verification of the peaceful use of nuclear materials that could be used, either directly or indirectly, for the manufacture of weapons of mass destruction.
Nuclear cooperation between Argentina and Brazil traces back to 1986 with the signature of a protocol about immediate sharing of information and mutual assistance in case of nuclear accidents and radiological emergencies The warm personal relationship that existed between Argentina's democratically elected president Raul Alfonsin and his Brazilian counterpart, João Figueiredo, further catalyzed the deepening of relations which is now understood to have begun under their authoritarian predecessors.The ABACC was created on July 18, 1991 and is the only binational safeguards organization existing in the world and the first binational organization created by Argentina and Brazil.
As a regional agency dealing with safeguards, its main goal is guaranteeing Argentina, Brazil and the international community that all the nuclear materials are used exclusively for peaceful purposes.Embraer/FMA CBA 123 Vector
The Embraer/FMA CBA 123 Vector (originally EMB 123 for Embraer and IA 70 for FMA) was a 1990 turboprop aircraft designed for regional flights, to carry up to 19 passengers. The program arose from a partnership between the Brazilian company Embraer and the Argentine FMA. The project was an advanced turboprop aircraft for its time, including advanced technology in avionics, aerodynamics, and propulsion.Embraer KC-390
The Embraer KC-390 is a medium-size, twin-engine jet-powered military transport aircraft under development by Brazilian aerospace manufacturer Embraer, able to perform aerial refuelling and to transport cargo and troops. It is the heaviest aircraft that the company has made to date, and will be able to transport up to 26 tonnes (29 tons) of cargo, including wheeled armoured fighting vehicles.Gran Gasoducto del Sur
The Gran Gasoducto del Sur (also known as Venezuela-Argentina Gas Line) was a proposed 8,000–15,000-kilometer (5,000–9,300 mi) long natural gas pipeline to connect Venezuela, Brazil and Argentina. The overall project cost was expected to be around US$17-23 billion.Mercosur
Mercosur, officially Southern Common Market is a South American trade bloc established by the Treaty of Asunción in 1991 and Protocol of Ouro Preto in 1994. Its full members are Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay. Venezuela is a full member but has been suspended since December 1, 2016. Associate countries are Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Guyana, Peru and Suriname. Observer countries are New Zealand and Mexico.Mercosur's purpose is to promote free trade and the fluid movement of goods, people, and currency. It currently confines itself to a customs union, in which there is free intra-zone trade and a common trade policy between member countries. The official languages are Spanish, Portuguese, and Guarani. Since its foundation, Mercosur's functions have been updated, amended, and changed many times: it is now a full customs union and a trading bloc. Mercosur and the Andean Community of Nations are customs unions that are components of a continuing process of South American integration connected to the Union of South American Nations (USAN).Niagara Falls peace conference
The Niagara Falls peace conference, sometimes referred to as the ABC Conference, started on May 20, 1914, when representatives from Argentina, Brazil and Chile—the ABC Powers—met in Niagara Falls, Canada, for diplomatic negotiations in order to avoid war between the United States and Mexico, during the era of the Mexican Revolution.Paraná–Uruguaiana pipeline
Paraná-Uruguayana pipeline (also: Transportadora de Gas del Mercosur) is a natural gas pipeline from Aldea Brasilera, Paraná in Argentina to Uruguaiana in Brazil.Pereda Palace
The Pereda Palace is an old manor located in front of the Plazoleta Carlos Pellegrini, at the beginning of Avenida Alvear, in Buenos Aires, at number 1130 Arroyo St. It was built by the doctor and large farmer (122.000 hectares) Celedonio Tomás Pereda (1860–1941) and his wife María Justina Girado (1865–1942), member of a family of landowners as she was the granddaughter of Juan Elías Girado (1794–1858), owner of the ″Estancia San Juan″ (250.000 hectares). The building is currently the residence of the Ambassador of Brazil in Buenos Aires and headquarters of the Cultural Space of the Embassy.The remarkable urban group formed by the palace and its surroundings, like few places in Buenos Aires, reflect the strong influence exercised by French architecture in Argentina, especially during the first decades of the 20th century. They collaborate to reinforce the Parisian tonality of the place the irregular layout of the streets of the sector and the undoubted French image of several private residences, imposing and of admirable design.Protocol of Ouro Preto
The 1994 Protocol of Ouro Preto was the continuation of economic policies setting up a customs union, as set forth four years earlier in the Treaty of Asunción by the four original Mercosur states. (Consisting of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and Uruguay)Saavedra Lamas Treaty
The Anti-war Treaty of Non-aggression and Conciliation (also known as Saavedra Lamas Treaty) was an inter-American treaty signed in Rio de Janeiro on October 10, 1933. It was the brain-child of Carlos Saavedra Lamas, who was Argentinian Minister of Foreign Affairs at the time the treaty was concluded. It was signed by representatives of Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Paraguay and Uruguay. The US government acceded to the treaty on August 10, 1934. The treaty went into effect on November 13, 1935. It was registered in League of Nations Treaty Series on November 28, 1935.The treaty was terminated with the entry into effect of the Pact of Bogota, concluded on April 30, 1948 (article 58).Special relationship (international relations)
A special relationship is a diplomatic relationship that is especially strong and important. This term is usually used to refer to the historic relationship between the United States and the United Kingdom. In its extended use outside it and the Anglosphere, it has also been used to describe the whole of EU–US relations and the following relations:
Australia–New Zealand relations
Canada–United States relations
Czech Republic–Slovakia relations
Denmark–United Kingdom relations
Egypt–United Arab Emirates relations
France–United Kingdom relations
Iceland–United Kingdom relations
Holy See–Italy relations
Italy–San Marino relations
Israel–United States relations
Japan–United States relations
Mexico-United States relations
Netherlands–United Kingdom relations
Norway–United Kingdom relations
Pakistan–Saudi Arabia relations
Saudi Arabia–United States relations
Sweden–United Kingdom relations
Taiwan–United States relations
Relations between the United Kingdom and former colonies:Australia–United Kingdom relations
Bangladesh–United Kingdom relations
Canada–United Kingdom relations
Egypt–United Kingdom relations
India–United Kingdom relations
Ireland–United Kingdom relations
Malaysia-United Kingdom relations
Malta–United Kingdom relations
New Zealand–United Kingdom relations
Pakistan-United Kingdom relations
Singapore-United Kingdom relations
South Africa–United Kingdom relations
United Arab Emirates–United Kingdom relationsTreaty of Asunción
The Treaty of Asunción was a treaty between the countries of Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay signed on March 26, 1991. The objective of the treaty, signed in Asunción, was to establish a common market among the participating countries, popularly called Mercosur (Southern Common Market). Later, the Treaty of Ouro Preto was signed to supplement the first treaty, establishing that the Treaty of Asunción was to be a legally and internationally recognized organization.
The treaty defined a program of gradual elimination of import/export fees that would reach a free commerce zone by the end of 1994. Even though the dates of the program were not followed and the free zone was not yet reached, the treaty established the bases for the "Mercado Común del Sur" (Mercosur).Treaty of Defensive Alliance (Bolivia–Peru)
The Treaty of Defensive Alliance was a secret defense pact between the South American countries of Bolivia and Peru signed in the Peruvian capital of Lima on February 6, 1873. The document was composed of eleven central articles, outlining its necessity and stipulations, and one additional article that ordered to keep the treaty secret until it was deemed necessary by both contracting parties. The signatory states were represented by the Peruvian Minister of Foreign Affairs, José de la Riva-Agüero y Looz Corswaren, and the Bolivian Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary in Peru, Juan de la Cruz Benavente.
Ongoing border disputes between Bolivia and Chile worsened the region's tense political environment, made all the more precarious by a global economic depression, and served as the setting for the treaty's negotiation and signing. The system of mutual defense established between Bolivia and Peru sought to protect their national security and the regional balance of power by containing Chile's expansionism, which was fueled by its economic ambitions over the mineral resources of the Atacama Desert. The pact's stated intentions were to guarantee the integrity, independence, and sovereignty of the contracting parties.
To further secure the alliance from Chile, Peru sought, in vain, the adhesion of Argentina into the defense pact. Due to its own border disputes with Chile, Argentina's attachment to the alliance seemed inevitable. However, territorial disagreements between Bolivia and Argentina, as well as the possible interference of Brazil in favor of Chile, obstructed negotiations. Argentina's possible inclusion into the Peru-Bolivia pact was, nonetheless, enough of a perceived threat that, in 1881, Chile ensured it would not fight a two-front war by settling its borders with Argentina, in the process giving up substantial territorial aspirations in Patagonia.
In 1879, amid Peru's mediation of the diplomatic crisis caused by Bolivia's challenge to its boundary treaty with Chile and Chile's military occupation of Antofagasta (in Bolivia's Litoral Department), the mutual defense treaty became a subject of contention and one of the causes for the start of the War of the Pacific. Ever since then, the treaty's usefulness, intentions, level of secrecy by the time hostilities broke out in 1879, and defensive nature have been subjected to debate by historians, political analysts, and politicians.Treaty of Montevideo (1828)
In the Treaty of Montevideo, signed on 27 August 1828, after British mediation, Brazil and Argentina recognized the independence of Uruguay.
Called the Preliminary Peace Convention as a result of the meetings held by representatives from the Empire of Brazil and the United Provinces of Río de la Plata — the predecessor state for Argentina — between 11 and 27 August 1828 in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. This convention, or treaty, accorded independence to Uruguay in respect to Brazil and Argentina. Uruguay's independence would be definitively sealed on 4 October of the same year when, in Montevideo, the signing nations ratified the treaty.Treaty of the Triple Alliance
The Treaty of the Triple Alliance was a treaty which allied the Empire of Brazil and the Republics of Argentina and Uruguay against the Republic of Paraguay. Signed in 1865 after the outbreak of the Paraguayan War, its articles prescribed the allies' actions both during and after the war.UNISUR
UNISUR is an optical submarine telecommunications cable system in the South Atlantic Ocean linking Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil.
It has landing points in:
Florianópolis, Santa Catarina State, Brazil
Maldonado, Maldonado Department, Uruguay
Las Toninas, Buenos Aires Province, ArgentinaIt has a design transmission capacity of 560 Mbit/s and a total cable length of 1,720 km. It started operation on 16 November 1994.VLEGA Gaucho
The VLEGA Gaucho is a light general purpose 4x4 vehicle, capable of being transported by air (VLEGA is the acronym for Vehiculo Ligero de Empleos Generales Aerotransportable, the vehicle's type denomination in Spanish). It was developed jointly by Argentina and Brazil in the 2000s for employment by their militaries. It will fulfill several roles, among them: cargo/transport, reconnaissance, ambulance, special operations.
Brazil seems to have more interest in it's indigenously developed Chivunk fast attack vehicle with co-development of the Gaucho ending in 2011.