Antoine Barnave

Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave (22 October 1761 – 29 November 1793) was a French politician, and, together with Honoré Mirabeau, one of the most influential orators of the early part of the French Revolution. He is most notable for correspondence with Marie Antoinette in an attempt to set up a constitutional monarchy and for being one of the founding members of the Feuillants.[1]

Antoine Barnave
Antoine-Pierre-Joseph-Marie Barnave
Antoine Barnave by Joseph Boze (1791, Carnavalet Museum)
Member of the Legislative Assembly
In office
1 October 1791 – 20 September 1792
3rd Mayor of Grenoble
In office
1 August 1790 – 21 November 1790
Preceded byJoseph Marie de Barral
Succeeded byDaniel d'Isoard
Member of the Constituent Assembly
In office
9 July 1789 – 30 September 1791
Member of the Estates-General
for the Third Estate
In office
7 January 1789 – 9 July 1789
Personal details
Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie Barnave

22 October 1761
Grenoble, France
Died29 November 1793 (aged 32)
Paris, France
Political partyJacobin (1789–1791)
Feuillant (1791–1793)
ParentsJean-Pierre Barnave and Marie-Louise de Pré de Seigle de Presle
Alma materUniversity of Grenoble
ProfessionLawyer, writer

Early life

Antoine Barnave was born in Grenoble (Dauphiné), in a Protestant family. His father was an advocate at the Parlement of Grenoble, and his mother, Marie-Louise de Pré de Seigle de Presle, was a highly educated aristocrat. Because they were Protestants, Antoine could not attend local schools, as those were run by the Catholic church, and his mother educated him herself. Barnave was prepared for a career in law, and at the age of twenty-two made himself known by a speech pronounced before the local Parlement, the Parlement du Dauphiné, also known as Parlement de Grenoble, on the separation of political powers.[2]

Dauphiné was one of the first of the provinces of France to be touched by revolutionary ideals. After being heavily influenced by the Day of the Tiles (French: Journée des Tuiles) in Grenoble, Barnave became actively revolutionary. He explained his political position in a pamphlet entitled Esprit des édits, Enregistrés militairement, le 20 mai 1788.[3] He was immediately elected deputy, with his father, to the Estates General of Dauphiné, and played a prominent role in their debates.[2]

Estates-General and Assemblies

A few months later he became better known, when the Estates-General of 1789 convened in Versailles on 5 May 1789, and Barnave was chosen to be a deputy of the Third Estate for his native province of Dauphiné.[2]

He soon rose to prominence in the National Assembly, becoming the friend of most of the leaders of the party originating in the Third Estate, and formed with Adrien Duport and Alexandre Lameth the group known during the Constituent Assembly as "the triumvirate". Together these three would later be principal figures in the formation of the Feuillants, the breakaway party from the Jacobin Club dedicated to a moderate course supporting constitutional monarchy. Barnave took part in the conference on the claims of the three orders, drew up the first address to king Louis XVI, and supported the proposal of Emmanuel Joseph Sieyès that the Assembly should declare itself "National". Until 1791, he was one of the preeminent members of the club known later as the Jacobin Club, of which he drew up the manifesto and first rulebook.[2]

Political Views

Antoine Barnave (buste)
Bust of Antoine Barnave, Museum of Grenoble

Although a partisan of political freedom, Barnave hoped to preserve revolutionary liberties together while maintaining the ruling House of Bourbon. He felt that a constitutional monarchy would solve the problems facing France without being a complete upheaval of the government, although it does not mean that he was entirely in favor of the monarchy. Subject to the more radical forces, Barnave took part in the attacks on the monarchy, on the clergy, on Roman Catholic Church property, and on the provincial Parlements. On several occasions, he stood in opposition to Mirabeau. After the storming of the Bastille, he saw the power of the masses as possibly leading to political chaos, and wished to avoid this by saving the throne. He advocated the suspensory veto, and the establishment of trial by jury in civil causes, but voted with the Left against the system of two chambers.[2]

His conflict with Mirabeau on the question of assigning to the king the right to make peace or war (from 16 to 23 May 1790) was one of the main episodes of the Assembly's mandate. In August 1790, after a vehement debate, he fought a duel with Jacques Antoine Marie de Cazalès, in which the latter was slightly wounded. About the close of October 1790, Barnave was called to the presidency of the Assembly. On the occasion of the death of Mirabeau, which occurred on 2 April 1791, Barnave paid a high tribute to his worth and public services, designating him the "William Shakespeare of oratory".[2]

Being in favor of a new system of government, Barnave spoke passionately about terminating the powerful influence of religious authorities and allocating that role in government to the people of France. Passing the Civil Constitution of the Clergy would lawfully impose Church adherence to the King and the nation of France by having the state pay them salaries for their service and holding popular elections for the priests and bishops. He strongly supported that government influence remain limited to the people and the King, not a single entity.[4]

Barnave also advocated in favor of freedom of speech and the protection of private property. With the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, all citizens were entitled to the purchase and ownership of land or architectural assets that were not to be taken away or trespassed unless it became legally necessary. He said individuals had to possess the liberty to express what they feel and believe in, arguing that the voice of the French people was not to be silenced. The right to sole ownership of an acre of land or business would encourage financial, political, and societal progress.[5]

Ideas for Economic Advancement

Decree of Lands

To Barnave, allocating the appropriated land of the Church among the French people would help abate the economic burden and starvation in the country. Having land put up as collateral enables France to receive loans from foreign nations. The land would also become a source of food for the hungry through harvests. This encourages a system of production and sale to stimulate the economy. Barnave saw that the Church, being first estate, had great power and wealth. To him, the roles of the clergy, priests, and bishops resided on spreading the message of God and thus should not oppose providing His children with basic proprietary rights.[6] He stood with the Decree on Church Lands which provided each clergymen with no more than an annual income of 1200 livres while retaining ownership of his residency and lawn.[7] He believed that laborers working this land would strengthen the role of France in the manufacturing sector and revitalize the quality and quantity of agricultural goods.[8]

End of Feudalism and Taxation on the Nobility

In 1789, Barnave was one of the key figures to advise King Louis XVI to work in unison with the National Assembly in order to prevent riots that seek an anarchic form of government. He argued that the revolution had sparked a necessary change in politics. The Constitutional monarchy was a way to maintain an improved version of French tradition.[9] However, the nobility's special privileges provided by the Feudal system were to be fully terminated. People of higher class had to adhere to the same laws and regulations as did any common citizen, so taxation would be equally applicable to them. Noblemen especially would contribute to tax revenue that will ameliorate France's national debt. Barnave was strongly in favor of making France into a country that allowed people unrestricted economic or entrepreneurial practices, enabling all citizens to take part in the offerings of commercial markets.[10]

Slaves in Saint-Domingue

Barnave argued that successful political changes, incorporation of equal rights, and an inclusive government stem from successful financial progression. Without a sound economic state, France would not be able to compete with foreign powers, and the people would not have the opportunity to improve their lives or truly live freely.[11] Slavery in Saint-Domingue allowed the cultivation and sale of coffee and sugar to thrive. He opposed discrimination against any race but also understood how the African slaves contributed to the only source of wealth France had at a moment of deep financial crisis. He advocated that abolishing slavery was not an economically smart course of action.[12]

From Violence to Compromise

After the Storming of the Bastille, Barnave argued that violence lead the French citizens to their desired goals – the start of the Revolution and constitutional change. It was now time for people, despite their factions and distinct beliefs, to compromise and unite. Barnave advised the members of the National Assembly of the King's role in achieving this. King Louis XVI would enable the Constitution of France to pass smoothly and cease the bloodshed by working alongside the people of France. The economy was too weak to sustain the costs of military action against foreign or domestic rivals.[13]

Rise, Fall, and Execution

Barnave in prison where he wrote his Introduction to the French Revolution

At time of the arrest of Louis XVI and the royal family during the Flight to Varennes, Barnave was one of the three appointed to bring them back to Paris, together with Jérôme Pétion de Villeneuve and the Charles César de Fay de La Tour-Maubourg. During the journey, he began to feel compassion for queen Marie-Antoinette and the royal family, and subsequently attempted to do what he could to alleviate their sufferings. In one of his most powerful speeches, he maintained the inviolability of the king's person.[2]

As the Jacobin Club grew more radically in favor of a republic, Barnave and the other two members of the triumvirate broke away from it and formed the Feuillant political group on 18 July 1791. In July and August 1791, Barnave reached the height of his political prominence after 17 July 1791 Champ de Mars Massacre weakened the position of the Jacobins.

The Feuillants began to lose this political clout by early autumn, when disagreements arose with the growing influence of Jacques Pierre Brissot and his supporters, known as the Girondists. After the Feuillants opposed war against Austria and the Habsburgs, they were driven out of the Assembly. Barnave's public career came to an end, and he returned to Grenoble at the beginning of 1792. His sympathy and relations with the royal family, to whom he had submitted a plan for a counter-revolution, and his desire to check the violence of the Revolution, brought on him suspicion of treason.[2]

He was denounced on 15 August 1792 in the Legislative Assembly, arrested and imprisoned for ten months in Grenoble, then transferred to Fort Barraux (also called Fort Saint-Barthélémy), near Barraux in the Isère department, and in November 1793 to Paris (during the Reign of Terror). On 28 November, he appeared before the Revolutionary Tribunal. He was condemned for treason on the evidence of papers detailing his extensive clandestine correspondence with Marie Antoinette discovered in Louis XVI's armoire de fer at the Tuileries Palace. Barnave was guillotined the following day, as was Marguerite-Louis-François Duport-Dutertre, former minister of Justice.[2]

Correspondence with Marie Antoinette

Along with Jérôme Pétion and the Marquis de Latour-Maubourg, Barnave had been sent on behalf of the National Assembly to escort the large berline carriage, with the royal family within, from Varennes back to Paris. It was in this setting that Barnave first met queen Marie Antoinette. Though their initial interactions were marked by Barnave's shy attempts to avoid eye contact, the queen was soon able to charm the twenty-nine-year-old politician and earn his favor. On the journey back to Pais, the two were reported to have been seen conversing intently on several occasions within the carriage, and near the rest stops. Purportedly, the subject of these conversations included Barnave and the rest of the Feuillants' fervent belief that a constitutional monarchy was the most viable solution for ending the revolution with a minimum of further bloodshed.

Much evidence indicates that, because her closest friends, including Count von Fersen, who had organized the flight from Paris, were absent, Marie Antoinette was attempting to influence Barnave and his fellow Feuillants as a way to ensure her family's safety. She may also have dared to hope that it was still possible to reinstate some form of the former monarchy. Barnave was, quite clearly, taken by the queen's charm and waited for her to call on him when she was in grave circumstances.

A few weeks later, in early July 1791, Marie Antoinette wrote to Barnave the first of a long series of cryptic letters. Referring to him by a code name, Barnave received his letters through an unknown similarly codenamed intermediary. Her instructions were that her letter be read while the intermediary stood by to accept a reply. He then would return both documents to the queen. She herself never wrote any of the letters; instead, she dictated them so as to avoid embarrassing, and possibly incriminating, documentation. Barnave pursued the Queen's support of furthering his political agenda of establishing a constitutional monarch. He believed that her support would improve the public opinion on the royal family by preventing her brother, the Emperor of Austria, from invading France and imposing upon it an absolutist monarchical state of government that conflicted with the ideals of the French Revolution.[14] However, as communication between the two increased, it became evident to Barnave that Antoinette had no intentions of working alongside him but was in fact attempting to emotionally manipulate him. Their conversations led to nothing more than rejection by the Queen and suspicions leading Barnave to be labeled as a traitor to the French and their cause for revolution.[15]

Eventually, the entire series of letters were smuggled out of the Tuileries to Count von Fersen who sent them to his sister in Sweden where they remain today. The letters revealed that Barnave was confident of his influence in the National Assembly, especially in light of the massacre at the Champ de Mars.


Barnave's (posthumously published) Introduction à la rèvolution française anticipates in its sociology the work of Auguste Comte;[16] while at the same time pointing the way to the marxist concept of the mode of production.[17]

Barnave's argument, that “just as landed property is the basis of aristocracy and federalism, commercial property is the principle of democracy and unity”,[18] explicitly tied political relations to underlying differences in economic structures.


  1. ^ François Furet and Mona Ozouf, eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989), pp 186–96
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i Wikisource Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Barnave, Antoine Pierre Joseph Marie" . Encyclopædia Britannica. 3 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 411–412.
  3. ^ ESPRIT DES ÉDITS, Enregistrés militairement, le 10 mai 1788 [1], 19 pages, French
  4. ^ Sutherland, Donald. The French Revolution and Empire: The Quest for a Civic Order. Oxfork, UK: Blackwell Pub., 2003. Print.
  5. ^ Bradby, E. D. The Life of Barnave. Oxford: Clarendon Pr., 1915. Print.
  6. ^ Doyle, William. The Oxford History of the French Revolution. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2003. Print.
  7. ^ Popiel, Jennifer J., Mark C. Carnes, and Gary Kates. Rousseau, Burke, and Revolution in France, 1791. 2nd ed. New York: W.W. Norton, 2015. Print.
  8. ^ Blanning, Timothy C. W. The French Revolution: Class War or Culture Clash? Second ed. Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1998. Print.
  9. ^ Barnave, Antoine, and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property, and History; Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.
  10. ^ Markoff, John. Abolition of Feudalism: Peasants, Lords, and Legislators in the French Revolution. Place of Publication Not Identified: Lightning Source, 2004. Print.
  11. ^ Barnave, Antoine, and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property, and History; Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.Barnave, Antoine, and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property, and History; Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and Other Writings. New York: Harper & Row, 1971. Print.
  12. ^ De Stael, Germaine. Considerations on the Principal Events of the French Revolution. Ed. Aurelian Craiutu. English ed. Indianapolis: Liberty Funds, 1818. Print.
  13. ^ Goldhammer, Arthur. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution. Ed. François. Print.
  14. ^ Plain, Nancy. Louis XVI, Marie-Antoinette, and the French Revolution. New York: Benchmark, 2002. Print.
  15. ^ Gustaf Von Heidenstam, Oscar (1926). The Letters of Marie Antoinette, Fersen and Barnave. London: John Lane.
  16. ^ J H Thompson, The French Revolution (Oxford 1943) p. 251
  17. ^ R Meek, Social Science and the Ignoble Savage (Cambridge 1976) p. 229
  18. ^ Quoted in R Meek, Social Science and the Ignoble Savage (Cambridge 1976) p. 228

Further reading

  • Andress, David. The Terror: The Merciless War for Freedom in Revolutionary France New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2005. pp. 38–70.
  • Furet, François and Mona Ozouf, eds. A Critical Dictionary of the French Revolution (1989), pp. 186–96
  • Linton, Marisa, Choosing Terror: Virtue, Friendship and Authenticity in the French Revolution (Oxford University Press, 2013).
  • Linton, Marisa, 'Friends, Enemies and the Role of the Individual', in Peter McPhee (ed.), Companion to the History of the French Revolution (Wiley-Blackwell, 2013), 263–77.

Primary sources

  • Barnave's Œuvres posthumes were published in 1842 by Bérenger (de la Drôme) in 4 volumes.
  • Joseph Barnave and Emanuel Chill. Power, Property and History: Introduction to the French Revolution (1972), includes a translation of Barnave's Introduction to the French Revolution and a 74pp preface by Chill
  • Heidenstam, Oscar Gustaf von, Marie Antoinette, Hans Axel von Fersen, and Joseph Barnave. 1926. The letters of Marie Antoinette, Fersen and Barnave. London: John Lane.


was a common year starting on Tuesday of the Gregorian calendar and a common year starting on Saturday of the Julian calendar, the 1793rd year of the Common Era (CE) and Anno Domini (AD) designations, the 793rd year of the 2nd millennium, the 93rd year of the 18th century, and the 4th year of the 1790s decade. As of the start of 1793, the Gregorian calendar was

11 days ahead of the Julian calendar, which remained in localized use until 1923. The French Republic introduced the French Revolutionary Calendar starting with the year I.

Adrien Duport

Adrien Duport (6 February 1759 – 6 July 1798) was a French politician, and lawyer. He was an influential advocate in the parlement, and was prominent in opposition to the ministers Calonne and Loménie de Brienne.

Antoine Quentin Fouquier-Tinville

Antoine Quentin Fouquier de Tinville (10 June 1746 – 7 May 1795) was a French prosecutor during the Revolution and Reign of Terror periods.

Constitutional Guard

When the National Constituent Assembly dissolved itself on 3 September 1791, it decreed as a final measure that King Louis XVI should have a Constitutional Guard, also known as the garde Brissac after its commander Louis Hercule Timolon de Cossé, duc de Brissac. This guard's formation was the only court reform to be put into effect, but it only lasted a few months, being superseded by the National Guard.

Feuillant (political group)

The Society of the Friends of the Constitution (French: Société des Amis de la Constitution), better known as Feuillants Club (French pronunciation: ​[fœjɑ̃] French: Club des Feuillants), was a political grouping that emerged during the French Revolution. It came into existence on 16 July 1791 when the left-wing Jacobins split between moderates (Feuillants), who sought to preserve the position of the king and supported the proposed plan of the National Constituent Assembly for a constitutional monarchy; and radicals (Jacobins), who wished to press for a continuation of direct democratic action to overthrow Louis XVI. It represented the last and most vigorous attempt of the moderate constitutional monarchists to steer the course of the revolution away from the radical Jacobins.The Feuillant deputies publicly split with the Jacobins when they published a pamphlet on 16 July 1791, protesting the Jacobin plan to participate in the popular demonstrations against Louis XVI on the Champ de Mars the following day. Initially the group had 264 ex-Jacobin deputies as members, including most of the members of the correspondence committee.

The group held meetings in a former monastery of the Feuillant monks on the Rue Saint-Honoré in Paris and came to be popularly called the Club des Feuillants. They called themselves the Amis de la Constitution. The group was led by Antoine Barnave, Alexandre de Lameth and Adrien Duport.

Flight to Varennes

The royal Flight to Varennes (French: Fuite à Varennes) during the night of 20–21 June 1791 was a significant episode in the French Revolution in which King Louis XVI of France, his queen Marie Antoinette, and their immediate family unsuccessfully attempted to escape from Paris in order to initiate a counter-revolution at the head of loyal troops under royalist officers concentrated at Montmédy near the frontier. They escaped only as far as the small town of Varennes, where they were arrested after having been recognized at their previous stop in Sainte-Menehould.

This incident was a turning point after which popular hostility towards the French monarchy as an institution, as well as towards the king and queen as individuals, became much more pronounced. The king's attempted flight provoked charges of treason that ultimately led to his execution in 1793.

The failure of the escape plans was due to a series of misadventures, delays, misinterpretations, and poor judgments. Much was due to the King's indecision; he repeatedly postponed the schedule, allowing small problems to become big ones. Furthermore, he misjudged popular support for the traditional monarchy. He thought that only radicals in Paris were promoting a revolution that the people as a whole rejected. He believed, mistakenly, that he was beloved by the rural peasants and the common people.

The king's flight was traumatic for France, inciting a wave of emotions that ranged from anxiety to violence and panic. Everyone was aware that foreign intervention was imminent. The realization that the king had effectually repudiated the revolutionary reforms made up to that point came as a shock to people who, until then, had seen him as a fundamentally well-meaning monarch who governed as a manifestation of God's will. Republicanism, from being merely a subject of coffeehouse debate, suddenly became the dominant ideal of revolutionary leaders.

François Henri, comte de Virieu

François-Henri, comte de Virieu (1754-1793) was a French nobleman and a statesman of the French Revolution, at first a supporter of its efforts, later an agent of counter-revolution. His direct descendant is the journalist fr:François-Henri de Virieu.

French Constitution of 1791

The short-lived French Constitution of 1791 was the first written constitution in France, created after the collapse of the absolute monarchy of the Ancien Régime. One of the basic precepts of the revolution was adopting constitutionality and establishing popular sovereignty.


The Society of the Friends of the Constitution (French: Société des amis de la Constitution), after 1792 renamed Society of the Jacobins, Friends of Freedom and Equality (Société des Jacobins, amis de la liberté et de l'égalité), commonly known as the Jacobin Club (Club des Jacobins) or simply the Jacobins (; French: [ʒakɔbɛ̃]), became the most influential political club during the French Revolution of 1789 and following. The period of their political ascendency is known as the Reign of Terror, during which time tens of thousands were put on trial and executed in France, many for political crimes.

Initially founded in 1789 by anti-royalist deputies from Brittany, the club grew into a nationwide republican movement, with a membership estimated at a half million or more. The Jacobin Club was heterogeneous and included both prominent parliamentary factions of the early 1790s, the Mountain and the Girondins. In 1792–1793 the Girondins were more prominent in leading France, the period when France declared war on Austria and on Prussia, overthrew the monarchy and set up the Republic. In May 1793 the leaders of the Mountain faction led by Maximilien Robespierre succeeded in sidelining the Girondin faction and controlled the government until July 1794. Their time in government featured high levels of political violence, and for this reason the period of the Jacobin/Mountain government is also commonly referred to as the Reign of Terror. In October 1793, 21 prominent Girondins were guillotined. The Mountain-dominated government executed 17,000 opponents nationwide, purportedly to suppress the Vendée insurrection and the Federalist revolts and to prevent any other insurrections. In July 1794 the National Convention pushed the administration of Robespierre and his allies out of power and had Robespierre and 21 associates executed. In November 1794 the Jacobin Club was closed.Today, the terms "Jacobin" and "Jacobinism" are used in a variety of senses. In Britain, where the term "Jacobin" has been linked primarily to the Mountain, it is sometimes used as a pejorative for radical left-wing revolutionary politics, especially when it exhibits dogmatism and violent repression. In France, "Jacobin" now generally indicates a supporter of a centralized republican state and of strong central government powers and/or supporters of extensive government intervention to transform society.

It is also used in other related senses, indicating proponents of a state education system which strongly promotes and inculcates civic values and proponents of a strong nation-state capable of resisting any undesirable foreign interference.

Jean Bernard Tarbé de Vauxclairs

Jean Bernard Tarbé de Vauxclairs (23 February 1767, Sens - 17 September 1842, Paris) was a French engineer. He was made a Commander of the Légion d'honneur.

In August 1792, he was arrested with Antoine Barnave, Bertrand, Alexandre-Théodore-Victor, comte de Lameth, Louis Lebègue Duportail, and Marguerite-Louis-François Duport-Dutertre.

List of mayors of Grenoble

This is a list of mayors of Grenoble.

List of people associated with the French Revolution

This is a partial list of people associated with the French Revolution, including supporters and opponents. Note that not all people listed here were French.

List of people from Grenoble

The following is a list of notable people born in or associated with the French city of Grenoble, Isère.

Louis Bénigne François Bertier de Sauvigny

Louis Bénigne François Bertier de Sauvigny (1737–1789) was a French public servant under the monarchy. He held the position of intendant of Paris from 13 September 1776 onwards. An energetic official he undertook extensive reforms of the city's taxation system, introducing calculations on the basis of arable land ownership.

By the time the French Revolution broke out in July 1789, Bertier de Sauvigny was already unpopular, as part of his duties involved the obtaining of provisions for the Royal army. During the period of widespread disturbances that preceded and followed the storming of the Bastille on 14 July, rumors were circulated accusing Bertier de Sauvigny of responsibility for food shortages in Paris at the time,

On 22 July 1789, Bertier de Sauvigny was in residence at his country house in Compiegne. An armed party brought him to Paris in a cabriolet (two wheeled carriage), to answer charges of actions aimed at starving the Third Estate. Outside the city a crowd of demonstrators intercepted the group and tore off the roof of the vehicle. The intendent was beaten and stoned before being taken to the Porte Saint-Martin. There he was confronted with the severed head of his father-in-law Joseph Foullon de Doué, a member of the Parlement of Paris. Bertier de Sauvigny was then hanged from a lamp post in front of the Hôtel de Ville.

The ferocity of the lynching of Foulon and Bertier led to protests to which Antoine Barnave, a member of the new National Assembly, responded: "What, then, is their blood so pure?"


The Friends of the Monarchist Constitution (French: Amis de la Constitution Monarchique), commonly known as the Monarchist Club (French: Club monarchique) or the Monarchiens, were one of the revolutionary factions in the earliest stages of the French Revolution. The Monarchiens were briefly a centrist stabilising force criticized by the left-wing of the National Constituent Assembly, the spectators in the galleries and the patriotic press. Established in August 1789, the Monarchist Club was quickly swept away. Specifically, the brief movement developed when the Revolution was shifting away from the Ancien Régime during the Spring of 1789 and was defeated by the end of 1789. Subsequently, the term itself is usually derogatory.

Musée de la Révolution française

The Musée de la Révolution française (Museum of the French Revolution) is a departmental museum in the French town of Vizille, 15 kilometres (9.3 mi) south of Grenoble on the Route Napoléon. It is the only museum in the world dedicated to the French Revolution.

Its exhibits include Jean-Baptiste Wicar's The French Republic (the first known representation of the French Republic) and William James Grant's La cocarde (The Cockade), representing Josephine de Beauharnais with her daughter Hortense. The museum was opened on 13 July 1984 (the bicentennial of the Revolution) in the presence of Louis Mermaz, president of the National Assembly of France.It is housed in the Château de Vizille, which has a long history of artistic conservation, and is home to a documentation centre on the French revolutionary period. The museum also organizes international symposiums about the French Revolution.

National Legislative Assembly (France)

The Legislative Assembly (French: Assemblée législative) was the legislature of France from 1 October 1791 to 20 September 1792 during the years of the French Revolution. It provided the focus of political debate and revolutionary law-making between the periods of the National Constituent Assembly and of the National Convention.

October 22

October 22 is the 295th day of the year (296th in leap years) in the Gregorian calendar. There are 70 days remaining until the end of the year.

Pierre-Michel Alix

Pierre-Michel Alix (1762 – 27 December 1817) was a French engraver. He studied under Jacques-Philippe Le Bas and was best known for his portraits of notable figures during the French Revolution and First French Empire. Many of his works are now held in the Louvre's Cabinet des estampes and in France's Bibliothèque nationale.

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