2017 Catalan regional election

The 2017 Catalan regional election was held on Thursday, 21 December 2017 to elect the 12th Parliament of the Autonomous Community of Catalonia. All 135 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was called by Spanish Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy after the invocation of Article 155 of the 1978 Spanish Constitution and dismissal of the Catalan Government, led by former President Carles Puigdemont.[1] The three pro-Catalan independence parties won a slim majority of parliamentary seats, claiming 70 out of 135, but fell short of a majority in the popular vote by securing 47.5% of the share.

After the 2015 election, pro-Catalan independence parties maintained their majority in the Parliament, although President Artur Mas and his Junts pel Sí (JxSí) coalition—made up primarily by Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC)—required support from Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) to govern. The CUP's decision to vote against his investiture forced Mas to withdraw his bid in order to prevent a snap election, with Carles Puigdemont, former Mayor of Girona, being elected as leader of the CDC–ERC coalition instead.[2] Shortly thereafter, CDC was re-founded as Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT).[3]

On 27 October 2017, following the controversial referendum on 1 October, the pro-independence majority in the Catalan parliament voted in favour of a unilateral declaration of independence, just hours before the Spanish Senate voted to invoke Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution.[4][5] This allowed Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy to sack the Catalan government and dissolve the Catalan parliament, calling a regional election for 21 December.[6][1] With 36 seats, the main anti-independence party, Citizens (Cs), emerged as the largest in the Parliament.[7] The Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) performed well below expectations and increased its seat count by one,[8] whereas Catalunya en Comú–Podem, a left-wing party in favor of self-governance for the region but not siding itself with either bloc, received 7.5% of the vote and 8 seats. Owing to the combined performance of Puigdemont's Junts per Catalunya (JuntsxCat) and ERC, parties in support of independence maintained their majority in the election,[9] meaning that it was mathematically possible for a pro-independence coalition government to return to power,[10] despite their overall majority having been reduced by two seats.[11]

The biggest election loser was Rajoy's People's Party (PP), whose electoral collapse—reduced to 4.2% of the share and 4 out of 135 seats—meant it would be unable to form a parliamentary group of its own in the Catalan parliament for the first time in history.[12] The scale of PP's downfall, coupled with the success of Cs, threatened to have a political impact beyond Catalonia, with PP leaders fearing it could spell the end of the party's hegemony over the centre-right vote in Spain.[13][14]

2017 Catalan regional election

21 December 2017

All 135 seats in the Parliament of Catalonia
68 seats needed for a majority
Opinion polls
Registered5,554,455 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg0.8%
Turnout4,392,891 (79.1%)
Green Arrow Up Darker.svg4.1 pp
  Inés Arrimadas 2017b (cropped) Carles Puigdemont 2017 (cropped) Oriol Junqueras 2016b (cropped)
Leader Inés Arrimadas Carles Puigdemont[a] Oriol Junqueras[a]
Party Cs JuntsxCat ERC–CatSí
Leader since 3 July 2015 13 November 2017 17 September 2011
Leader's seat Barcelona Barcelona Barcelona
Last election 25 seats, 17.9% 31 seats (JxSí)[b] 26 seats (JxSí)[b]
Seats won 36 34 32
Seat change Green Arrow Up Darker.svg11 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg3 Green Arrow Up Darker.svg6
Popular vote 1,109,732 948,233 935,861
Percentage 25.4% 21.7% 21.4%
Swing Green Arrow Up Darker.svg7.5 pp n/a n/a

  Miquel Iceta 2015a (cropped) Xavier Domènech 2015b (cropped) Carles Riera 2017 (cropped)
Leader Miquel Iceta Xavier Domènech Carles Riera
Party PSC–PSOE CatComú–Podem CUP
Leader since 19 July 2014 8 April 2017 15 November 2017
Leader's seat Barcelona Barcelona Barcelona
Last election 16 seats, 12.7% 11 seats, 8.9%[c] 10 seats, 8.2%
Seats won 17 8 4
Seat change Green Arrow Up Darker.svg1 Red Arrow Down.svg3 Red Arrow Down.svg6
Popular vote 606,659 326,360 195,246
Percentage 13.9% 7.5% 4.5%
Swing Green Arrow Up Darker.svg1.2 pp Red Arrow Down.svg1.4 pp Red Arrow Down.svg3.7 pp

  Xavier García Albiol 2017 (cropped)
Leader Xavier García Albiol
Party PP
Leader since 28 July 2015
Leader's seat Barcelona
Last election 11 seats, 8.5%
Seats won 4
Seat change Red Arrow Down.svg7
Popular vote 185,670
Percentage 4.2%
Swing Red Arrow Down.svg4.3 pp

CataloniaProvinceMapParliament2017
Constituency results map for the Parliament of Catalonia

President before election

Office suspended
(previously Carles Puigdemont (PDeCAT))

Elected President

Quim Torra
Independent (JuntsxCat)

Overview

Background

Government formation

The 2015 election resulted in pro-Catalan independence Junts pel Sí (JxSí) (a coalition comprising the two main centre-right and centre-left Catalan parties at the time, Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC) and Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), together with several minor parties) and Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) holding a slim majority of seats, despite not securing a majority of votes as was their objective. President Artur Mas' JxSí coalition also fell short of its goal to secure an absolute majority on its own, obtaining 62 seats against the combined 63 of the remaining opposition parties.[15] Thus, Mas found himself depending on CUP's support for securing his nomination to be re-elected to the office. The CUP, however, had difficulty in supporting Mas, whom they viewed as personally tainted by several corruption scandals involving his party, CDC. In the end, a last-minute deal was struck between JxSí and the CUP to ensure a pro-independence government, narrowly avoiding a new election being called, this deal resulted in Mas being replaced as President by Carles Puigdemont.[2]

2017 events

On 26 October 2017, it was expected that President of the Government of Catalonia Carles Puigdemont would call an election to prevent the enforcement of Article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, which was due to be approved by the Spanish Senate on the following day amid the 2017 Spanish constitutional crisis and which would have resulted in direct rule from the central government in Madrid being imposed over Catalonia.[16] This move sparked outcry within pro-independence ranks, including members within Puigdemont's coalition, who had aimed for a unilateral declaration of independence in response to the Spanish government's move to trigger Article 155.[17][18] Finally, President Puigdemont ruled out calling an election, allegedly because of the Spanish government's refusal to call off the invocation of the Article 155 procedure even were an election to be called by Catalan authorities.[19][20] After Puigdemont's refusal to call an election, a debate over a possible declaration of independence went ahead as planned in the Parliament of Catalonia later that day and into the next day,[4] simultaneous to the Spanish Senate debating the enforcement of direct rule in Catalonia.[6] At the end of the debate, the Catalan parliament voted a unilateral declaration of independence which was backed 70–10, two MPs casting a blank ballot and all MPs from Citizens, the Socialists' Party of Catalonia and the People's Party boycotting the vote.[5] Mariano Rajoy subsequently removed the entire Catalan government from office and declared the Parliament's dissolution, calling a regional election for 21 December 2017.[1]

Puigdemont and part of his dismissed cabinet fled to Belgium on 30 October in a move to avoid action from the Spanish judiciary,[21][22] as the Spanish Attorney General José Manuel Maza announced a criminal complaint against them for rebellion, sedition and embezzlement.[23][24] On 2 November, the Spanish National Court ordered that eight members of the deposed Catalan government—including former Vice President and ERC leader Oriol Junqueras—be remanded in custody without bail after being summoned to appear to respond to the criminal charges pressed against them, with a ninth—Santi Vila—being granted a €50,000 bail. European Arrest Warrants were issued for Puigdemont and his four other cabinet members in Belgium refusing to attend the hearing.[25][26]

Electoral system

The Parliament of Catalonia was the devolved, unicameral legislature of the autonomous community of Catalonia, having legislative power in regional matters as defined by the Spanish Constitution and the Catalan Statute of Autonomy, as well as the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a President of the Government.[27][28] Voting for the Parliament was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen, registered in Catalonia and in full enjoyment of their political rights. Additionally, Catalans abroad were required to apply for voting before being permitted to vote, a system known as "begged" or expat vote (Spanish: Voto rogado).[29]

The 135 members of the Parliament of Catalonia were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with a threshold of 3 percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Parties not reaching the threshold were not taken into consideration for seat distribution. Additionally, the use of the D'Hondt method might result in an effective threshold over three percent, depending on the district magnitude.[30] Seats were allocated to constituencies, corresponding to the provinces of Barcelona, Girona, Lleida and Tarragona. Each constituency was allocated a fixed number of seats: 85 for Barcelona, 17 for Girona, 15 for Lleida and 18 for Tarragona.[27][28][31]

The electoral law provided that parties, federations, coalitions and groupings of electors were allowed to present lists of candidates. However, parties, federations or coalitions that had not obtained a mandate in the Parliament at the preceding election were required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of the electors registered in the constituency for which they sought election, whereas groupings of electors were required to secure the signature of 1 percent of electors. Electors were barred from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently, parties and federations intending to enter in coalition to take part jointly at an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days of the election being called.[32][33]

Election date

The term of the Parliament of Catalonia expired four years after the date of its previous election, unless it was dissolved earlier. The President of the Government was required to call an election fifteen days prior to the date of expiry of parliament, with election day taking place within from forty to sixty days after the call. The previous election was held on 27 September 2015, which meant that the legislature's term would have expired on 27 September 2019. The election was required to be called no later than 12 September 2019, with it taking place up to the sixtieth day from the call, setting the latest possible election date for the Parliament on Monday, 11 November 2019.[27][28]

The President of the Government had the prerogative to dissolve the Parliament of Catalonia and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process and that dissolution did not occur before one year had elapsed since a previous one under this procedure. In the event of an investiture process failing to elect a regional President within a two-month period from the first ballot, the Parliament was to be automatically dissolved and a fresh election called.[27][28]

Campaign

Parties and slogans

Party or alliance Candidate Ideology Previous status in legislature Refs
Deputies Status
Together for Catalonia (JuntsxCat)
Carles Puigdemont 2017 (cropped)
Carles Puigdemont[a]
Catalan independence
Liberalism
30[e] Government
direct rule 2017
coalition 2015–2017
[36]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: Puigdemont, el nostre president
Spanish: Puigdemont, nuestro presidente
English: "Puigdemont, our president"
Republican Left–Catalonia Yes (ERC–CatSí)
Oriol Junqueras 2016b (cropped)
Oriol Junqueras[a]
Catalan independence
Social democracy
27[f] Government
direct rule 2017
coalition 2015–2017
[37]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: La democràcia sempre guanya
Spanish: La democracia siempre gana
English: "Democracy always wins"
Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (Cs) Inés Arrimadas 2017b (cropped)
Inés Arrimadas
Liberalism 25 Opposition [38]
[39]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: Ara sí votarem
Spanish: Ahora sí votaremos
English: "Now we will vote"
Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC–PSOE)
Miquel Iceta 2015a (cropped)
Miquel Iceta
Social democracy 16 Opposition [40]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: Solucions. Ara, Iceta!
Spanish: Soluciones. ¡Ahora, Iceta!
English: "Solutions. Now, Iceta!"
Catalonia in Common–We Can (CatComú–Podem)
Xavier Domènech 2015b (cropped)
Xavier Domènech
Left-wing populism
Eco-socialism
11[g] Opposition [41]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: Tenim molt en comú
Spanish: Tenemos mucho en común
English: "We have a lot in common"
People's Party (PP) Xavier García Albiol 2017 (cropped)
Xavier García Albiol
Conservatism
Christian democracy
11 Opposition [42]
[43]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: Espanya és la solució
Spanish: España es la solución
English: "Spain is the solution"
Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) Carles Riera 2017 (cropped)
Carles Riera
Catalan independence
Socialism
10 Opposition [44]
Slogan(s):
Catalan: Dempeus!
Spanish: ¡De pie!
English: "Stand up!"

After independence was declared by the Parliament of Catalonia on 27 October and Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy announced the Parliament's dissolution and a regional election for 21 December, pro-independence parties debated whether they should contest the election–thus abiding by Spanish law, and acknowledging independence did not take place–or boycott it and thus risk remaining absent from the Parliament in the next legislature.[45][46][47]

On 5 November 2017, the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT) proposed Carles Puigdemont as their election candidate, who in the previous days had already showed interested in leading the PDeCAT into the 21 December election from Belgium.[48][49] PDeCAT members sought to contest the election into a unitary list formed by pro-independence parties for the right of self-determination and against the use of Article 155, calling for "amnesty of political prisoners".[50] On 13 November, the PDeCAT announced that it would run under the Junts per Catalunya platform, centered around Puigdemont and including non-party members such as Jordi Sànchez.[51][52]

Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) rejected the idea of renewing the Junts pel Sí alliance, and made its participation in any prospective electoral coalition conditional on it including the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) and members from Catalunya Sí que es Pot–in reference to the Podemos branch in Catalonia (Podem), led by Albano Dante Fachin, who had increasingly distanced himself from the party's national leadership.[53][54] The CUP dubbed the election "illegitimate" and rejected contesting the election under their own brand, but did not rule out running under a different label or supporting a unitary pro-independence alliance.[55][56] However, after the CUP ruled out a coalition with other parties on 7 November, ERC rejected a joint candidacy of pro-independence parties and announced it would contest the election on its own.[57][58]

Catalunya en Comú, Ada Colau's party successor to the En Comú Podem electoral alliance which contested the 2015 and 2016 general elections in Catalonia, chose Xavier Domènech as its electoral candidate. Domènech proposed an alliance with Podem, which under Fachin had rejected merging into Colau's party earlier in 2017.[59] Podem's grassroots members voted in favour of an alliance with Catalunya en Comú, after Fachin had resigned as regional party leader over disputes with the national leadership.[60] Both parties announced they would contest the election under the Catalunya en Comú–Podem label.

On 7 November, the Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC) announced an agreement with Units per Avançar (English: United to Advance), the wing of the defunct party Democratic Union of Catalonia that rejected separatism in 2015, thereby aiming to integrate some of its members in its list and hopefully to add the almost 102,000 votes collected by that party at the previous election, which were not enough to gain representation by themselves. The agreement was refused the status of a proper coalition; hence, PSC ran under its own name only.[61]

Budget

Parties and coalitions Budget[62]
Citizens–Party of the Citizenry €2,990,833.25
Socialists' Party of Catalonia €1,826,932.87
People's Party €1,645,200.34
Republican Left of Catalonia–Catalonia Yes €1,602,303.42
Together for Catalonia €1,263,259.40
Catalonia in Common–We Can €888,339.57
Popular Unity Candidacy €469,157.38

Party stances

Stance on
independence
Parties and coalitions Referendum Unilateralism Support of direct rule Refs
☑ Yes Together for Catalonia ☑ Question ☒ [63]
Republican Left–Catalonia Yes ☑ Question ☒ [64]
Popular Unity Candidacy ☑ ☑ ☒ [65]
☒ No Citizens–Party of the Citizenry ☒ ☑ [66]
Socialists' Party of Catalonia ☒ ☑ [67]
People's Party ☒ ☑ [68]
Question Neutral Catalonia in Common–We Can ☑ ☒ [69][70]

Leaders' debates

2017 Catalan regional election debates
Date Organisers Moderator(s)     P  Present    S  Surrogate    NI  Non-invitee   A  Absent invitee 
JxCat ERC Cs PSC CeC–P PP CUP Refs
29 November RTVE
(El Debate de La 1)
Julio Somoano S
Dalmases
S
Torrent
S
Roldán
S
Granados
S
Ribas
S
Levy
S
Sànchez
[71]
3 December laSexta
(Salvados)
Jordi Évole NI P
Rovira
P
Arrimadas
NI NI NI NI [72]
7 December RTVE
(El Debat de La 1)
Quim Barnola S
Turull
S
Torrent
P
Arrimadas
P
Iceta
P
Domènech
P
Albiol
P
Riera
[73]
11 December TV3
(Més 324)
Xavier Graset S
Madaula
S
Mundó
S
Sierra
S
Granados
S
Alamany
S
García
S
Sirvent
[74]
12 December TV3
(Més 324)
Xavier Graset S
Campdepadrós
S
Peris
S
Roldán
S
Ibarra
S
López
S
Fernández
S
Milian
[75]
13 December TV3
(Més 324)
Xavier Graset S
Forné
S
Solé
S
Soler
S
Ordeig
S
Vilà
S
Xandri
S
Boya
[76]
14 December Cadena SER
(Hoy por Hoy)
Pepa Bueno S
Turull
S
Maragall
P
Arrimadas
P
Iceta
P
Domènech
P
Albiol
P
Riera
[77]
14 December TV3
(Més 324)
Xavier Graset S
Geis
S
Torrent
S
Castel
S
Bruguera
S
Planagumà
S
Olmedo
S
Sànchez
[76]
17 December laSexta
(17D. El Debat)
Ana Pastor S
Rull
S
Mundó
P
Arrimadas
P
Iceta
P
Domènech
P
Albiol
S
Aragonés
[78]
18 December TV3
(E17: El Debat)
Vicent Sanchis S
Turull
S
Rovira
P
Arrimadas
P
Iceta
P
Domènech
P
Albiol
P
Riera
[79]

Opinion polls

The table below lists voting intention estimates in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead. The highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour. If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a given poll. When available, seat projections are also displayed below the voting estimates in a smaller font. 68 seats were required for an absolute majority in the Parliament of Catalonia.

Color key:

  Poll conducted after legal ban on opinion polls

Polling firm/Commissioner Fieldwork date Sample size Turnout JxSí CDC
PDeCAT
ERC–CatSí Cs PSC CatSíqueesPot CatComú–Podem PP CUP unio.cat JuntsxCat Lead
2017 regional election 21 Dec 2017 N/A 79.1 [h] 21.4
32
25.4
36
13.9
17
7.5
8
4.2
4
4.5
4
21.7
34
3.7
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 1][p 2] 6–21 Dec 2017 3,200 84 [h] 22.5
34/36
26.0
34/37
15.0
18/20
7.0
7/8
4.5
3/5
5.0
5/6
19.0
28/29
3.5
Celeste-Tel[p 3] 20 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 20.9
30/31
23.6
32/33
15.7
21/22
7.3
8/9
6.3
6/7
6.2
6/7
18.1
28/29
2.7
Feedback/The National[p 4] 13–20 Dec 2017 1,000 81.5 [h] 21.2
30/31
22.5
29/32
14.9
19/21
7.8
10
6.0
6
6.5
8/9
20.0
29/30
1.3
Celeste-Tel[p 3] 19 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 22.1
33
22.6
30
16.2
22
7.8
9
6.4
7
6.2
7
17.0
27
0.5
GESOP/El Periòdic[p 5] 17–19 Dec 2017 900 78–80 [h] 22.3
34/35
23.0
30/31
15.4
20/21
9.0
10/11
5.4
5/6
6.0
7/8
17.2
25/26
0.7
Feedback/The National[p 6] 12–19 Dec 2017 1,000 82.3 [h] 21.9
31/33
23.4
32/33
13.9
17/19
6.2
7/9
6.0
6/7
7.5
9
20.1
29/31
1.5
Celeste-Tel[p 3] 18 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 22.0
32
22.5
30
16.3
23
7.8
9
6.6
7
6.2
7
16.9
27
0.5
GESOP/El Periòdic[p 7] 16–18 Dec 2017 800 80–82 [h] 23.3
36/37
23.2
31/32
15.4
20/21
8.7
10/11
4.8
4/5
4.9
5/6
18.0
26/27
0.1
Feedback/The National[p 8] 11–18 Dec 2017 1,000 83.0 [h] 21.2
30/32
24.0
32/33
14.7
19/21
6.7
8/9
5.8
6/7
7.6
9/10
19.1
27/29
2.8
Celeste-Tel[p 3] 17 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 22.2
33
22.3
30
16.2
23
7.8
9
6.7
7
6.3
7
16.6
26
0.1
GESOP/El Periòdic[p 9] 15–17 Dec 2017 800 80–82 [h] 21.3
32/33
22.5
29/30
15.9
21/22
9.0
10/11
5.0
5/6
5.5
6/7
19.0
28/29
1.2
Feedback/The National[p 10] 10–17 Dec 2017 1,000 83.1 [h] 21.1
30/32
24.0
31/33
14.1
18/20
6.8
8/9
5.7
5/7
8.1
9/10
19.5
28/29
2.9
Celeste-Tel[p 3] 16 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 21.1
33
22.8
30
15.7
22
7.9
9
6.4
8
6.5
8
17.6
25
1.7
GESOP/El Periòdic[p 11] 14–16 Dec 2017 800 79–81 [h] 21.3
32/33
21.2
27/28
16.9
23/24
8.8
10/11
5.6
6/7
6.5
7/8
18.0
27/28
0.1
Netquest/L'Independant[p 12] 12–16 Dec 2017 900 82 [h] 22.0
33
23.6
33
15.1
19
6.5
8
5.4
7
6.9
9
17.1
26
1.6
Feedback/The National[p 13] 9–16 Dec 2017 1,000 83.0 [h] 20.7
30/31
24.1
32/33
14.3
19/20
7.1
8/9
5.7
6
8.5
10
19.0
27/29
3.4
GESOP/El Periòdic[p 14] 13–15 Dec 2017 800 79–81 [h] 22.1
34/35
21.4
27/28
17.1
23/24
8.5
9/10
5.4
6/7
6.1
7/8
17.5
25/26
0.7
GAD3/ABC[p 15][p 16] 11–15 Dec 2017 1,510 ? [h] 20.3
30/32
25.1
33/35
15.8
20/22
7.1
8
5.4
5/6
5.5
6/7
19.4
28/30
4.8
Feedback/The National[p 17] 8–15 Dec 2017 1,000 82.4 [h] 20.9
30
24.2
33
13.7
17/19
7.1
8/9
5.6
6
8.3
10
19.5
28/30
3.3
GAD3/ABC[p 18] 12–14 Dec 2017 1,000 82 [h] 20.3
29/31
23.2
31/32
16.3
22/23
7.5
8
6.2
7/8
5.6
6
19.5
29/30
2.9
GESOP/El Periódico[p 19][p 20] 12–14 Dec 2017 800 79–81 [h] 22.2
34/35
21.2
27/28
16.9
23/24
8.9
10/11
5.6
6/7
5.5
6/7
17.9
26/27
1.0
Invymark/laSexta[p 21][p 22] 11–14 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 21.6
31
22.3
33
15.0
21
7.9
10
5.4
5
6.1
8
18.4
27
0.7
Top Position[p 23] 11–14 Dec 2017 1,200 82.7 [h] 18.2
27/29
24.5
35/37
11.7
14/16
5.9
5/7
5.5
5/7
7.0
8/9
22.4
31/33
2.1
ERC[p 24] 9–14 Dec 2017 ? 80 [h] 22.8
33
22.9
32
13.8
18
6.2
8
5.4
8
7.1
10
18.6
27
0.1
Feedback/El Nacional[p 25][p 26] 7–14 Dec 2017 1,000 83.6 [h] 21.2
30/32
23.1
31/32
14.9
19/21
7.2
8/10
5.7
6/7
7.6
9/10
19.6
28/30
1.9
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 27] 1–14 Dec 2017 1,500 ? [h] 21.1
30/31
22.9
32/33
13.9
19/20
9.0
10/11
5.5
5/6
5.9
7/8
20.3
28/30
1.8
A+M/Henneo[p 28][p 29][p 30] 11–13 Dec 2017 1,500 84.3 [h] 24.6
33/35
24.4
32/34
15.3
20/21
6.0
7/8
5.4
6/7
5.6
7/8
17.7
24/26
0.2
Sigma Dos/El Mundo[p 31] 11–13 Dec 2017 1,550 ? [h] 22.5
34
22.8
31/33
15.4
19/20
7.7
9/10
5.8
7/8
6.4
7/9
16.6
23/26
0.3
MyWord/Cadena SER[p 32][p 33] 5–13 Dec 2017 1,004 ? [h] 24.3
34/36
22.4
30/31
15.1
20/22
9.0
10
4.8
5/6
5.1
5
17.9
27/29
1.9
Infortécnica/Segre[p 34][p 35] 4–13 Dec 2017 1,216 75 [h] 23.6
31/33
23.6
31/33
17.3
23/24
5.5
7/8
6.3
8/9
5.2
6/8
18.5
24/26
Tie
NC Report/La Razón[p 36][p 37] 4–13 Dec 2017 1,000 74.9 [h] 22.4
34
21.8
31
15.9
21
7.6
9
7.3
8
5.8
7
16.1
25
0.6
Metroscopia/El País[p 38][p 39] 4–13 Dec 2017 3,300 81–82 [h] 23.1
33
25.2
35/36
14.3
20
9.3
11
5.4
5/6
6.4
8
14.3
22
2.1
Feedback/El Nacional[p 40][p 41] 5–12 Dec 2017 1,000 83.1 [h] 20.9
30/31
23.6
32/33
15.2
20/21
8.2
10/11
5.4
5/6
7.7
9/10
18.3
26/28
2.7
GAPS/JuntsxCat[p 42][p 43] 11 Dec 2017 ? ? [h] 19.5–
20.5
29/32
23.3–
24.3

32/35
12.4–
13.4
16/18
7.2–
8.2
8/10
4.2–
5.2
3/6
6.9–
7.9
9/11
19.9–
20.9
30/32
3.4
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 44] 3–11 Dec 2017 1,100 ? [h] 21.5
30/32
21.9
29/31
14.6
19/21
9.1
10/12
5.0
4/6
5.3
6/8
20.6
30/32
0.4
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 45] 1–9 Dec 2017 1,100 80 [h] 21.4
30/31
21.2
30/31
14.1
20/21
8.2
9/10
6.1
7/8
5.9
7/8
21.3
30/31
0.1
Feedback/El Nacional[p 46][p 47] 4–8 Dec 2017 1,000 82.0 [h] 22.3
32/33
21.3
28/30
15.9
21/22
7.4
9
6.1
6/7
7.4
9
18.9
28/30
1.0
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 48] 27 Nov–8 Dec 2017 1,100 ? [h] 22.5
32/33
21.5
29/30
14.4
21/22
7.4
9
5.4
6/7
5.5
8
19.8
27/28
1.0
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 49] 4–7 Dec 2017 1,000 82 [h] 21.5
31/32
23.1
30/31
16.5
22
7.4
8
7.1
8
5.0
5
18.2
30
1.6
Feedback/El Nacional[p 50] 3–7 Dec 2017 1,000 80.8 [h] 23.1
33/35
23.0
30/32
15.3
20/21
8.0
9/10
5.5
6
7.1
9
17.0
24/26
0.1
Infortécnica/Segre[p 51][p 52] 1–7 Dec 2017 1,216 ? [h] 23.3
31/32
24.4
32/34
16.3
21/23
5.2
6/8
5.6
7/8
6.3
8/9
18.9
25/26
1.1
Celeste-Tel/eldiario.es[p 53][p 54] 30 Nov–7 Dec 2017 800 71.3 [h] 22.9
33
22.2
30
16.1
22
8.1
9
6.7
8
6.6
8
16.2
25
0.7
Feedback/El Nacional[p 55] 1–5 Dec 2017 1,000 80.5 [h] 24.0
35/36
22.8
31/32
13.5
17/18
9.3
11
6.2
6/7
6.4
8
17.1
24/26
1.2
GESOP/El Periódico[p 56] 29 Nov–2 Dec 2017 800 80–82 [h] 20.5
30/31
19.0
25/26
19.0
25/26
8.5
9/10
5.8
6/7
6.0
7/8
19.3
29/30
1.2
PP[p 57] 30 Nov–1 Dec 2017 1,000 82 [h] 22.8
36
21.3
30
17.5
23
7.8
8
8.1
10
4.5
5
15.0
23
1.5
Invymark/laSexta[p 58][p 59] 27 Nov–1 Dec 2017 ? 82 [h] 23.8
35
20.5
28
15.1
22
7.1
9
7.3
9
6.2
8
16.8
24
3.3
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 60] 27–30 Nov 2017 800 ? [h] 23.1
35/37
20.5
29/30
15.2
20/22
6.4
7
6.2
7/8
6.0
8
19.0
25/27
2.6
IMOP/CIS[p 61] 23–27 Nov 2017 3,000 ? [h] 20.8
32
22.5
31/32
16.0
21
8.6
9
5.8
7
6.7
9
16.9
25/26
1.7
JM&A/Público[p 62] 26 Nov 2017 ? 80.3 [h] 25.7
39
20.9
28
14.5
19
8.3
9
7.7
10
5.7
8
14.7
22
4.8
NC Report/La Razón[p 63][p 64] 13–23 Nov 2017 1,000 71.1 [h] 24.1
40
20.9
29
14.7
19
8.4
10
9.3
11
5.7
6
13.6
20
3.2
Advice Strategic/ECD[p 65] 13–23 Nov 2017 2,500 76.2 [h] 26.7 18.3 14.0 9.2 7.9 6.1 12.2 8.4
Metroscopia/El País[p 66][p 67] 20–22 Nov 2017 1,800 80 [h] 26.5
39
25.3
35
14.9
19
6.7
8
5.8
6
5.9
7
13.6
21
1.2
GESOP/El Periódico[p 68] 15–18 Nov 2017 800 ? [h] 23.9
37/38
18.6
24/25
18.1
24/25
8.6
9/10
5.7
6/7
6.3
7/8
16.5
24/25
5.3
GAD3/ABC[p 69] 13–16 Nov 2017 801 82 [h] 23.1
35/37
22.3
29/30
15.1
19
7.6
8/9
7.8
10/11
5.6
7/8
16.7
24
0.8
JM&A/Público[p 70] 5 Nov 2017 ? 73.5 12.4
18
28.2
43
17.5
24
14.4
19
9.4
11
8.8
12
6.6
8
10.7
NC Report/La Razón[p 71][p 72][p 73] 30 Oct–3 Nov 2017 1,000 71 10.7
17
26.3
42
19.6
27
13.6
17
10.4
13
10.5
13
6.3
6
6.7
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 74] 30 Oct–3 Nov 2017 1,233 81 10.4
14/15
29.3
45/46
20.6
27/28
14.6
19/20
8.3
9/10
8.7
10/12
6.3
7/8
8.7
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 75] 27–31 Oct 2017 1,000 75 10.1
13
31.2
48
18.3
26
12.2
16
10.0
13
9.0
12
5.7
7
12.9
GESOP/CEO[p 76] 16–29 Oct 2017 1,338 75 39.7
60/63
[i] [i] 18.2
25/26
13.9
17/19
10.5
12/14
8.3
10/11
6.2
8/9
21.5
Sigma Dos/El Mundo[p 77][p 78] 23–26 Oct 2017 1,000 ? 9.8
13/15
26.4
41/43
19.6
26/28
15.1
20/22
11.0
13
8.7
10/12
6.3
7
6.8
NC Report/La Razón[p 79][p 80] 16–21 Oct 2017 1,255 71.2 12.1
18
24.6
41
19.2
26
13.1
17
11.4
14
10.5
13
5.6
6
5.4
GESOP/El Periódico[p 81][p 82] 16–19 Oct 2017 800 ? 12.0
18/19
28.1
43/44
16.8
21/22
14.5
20/21
9.0
11/12
7.5
9/10
7.8
9/10
11.3
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 83] 4–9 Oct 2017 800 ? 8.1
10
31.8
51
18.3
27
9.5
14
12.0
14
10.1
13
6.3
6
13.5
NC Report/La Razón[p 84][p 85][p 86] 19–22 Sep 2017 1,255 ? 12.7
18
25.1
41
17.2
24
13.7
17
11.6
15
10.8
13
5.6
7
7.9
Celeste-Tel/eldiario.es[p 87][p 88] 12–15 Sep 2017 800 ? 13.6
19/20
24.7
38/40
17.4
23/25
14.8
18/19
12.2
14/15
9.4
11/12
5.9
6/7
7.3
SocioMétrica/El Español[p 89] 28 Aug–1 Sep 2017 700 ? 12.7
19
28.0
44
17.5
25
10.1
12
10.4
12
10.5
14
6.8
9
10.5
NC Report/La Razón[p 90][p 91] 4–11 Aug 2017 1,255 70.1 13.9
19
23.9
40
17.5
24
13.9
17
12.1
16
9.5
12
6.5
7
6.4
GESOP/CEO[p 92] 26 Jun–11 Jul 2017 1,500 68 39.3
60/63
[i] [i] 15.4
20/22
14.3
17/20
12.4
15/17
9.8
11/13
5.4
6/8
23.9
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 93] 23–29 Jun 2017 600 ? 14.7
23
28.7
43
16.9
23
13.8
17
9.9
12
9.1
12
5.1
5
11.8
DYM/El Confidencial[p 94] 22–28 Jun 2017 531 ? 9.0 30.9 16.0 13.6 11.8 10.3 6.3 14.9
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 95] 7–12 Apr 2017 601 ? 15.1
23
25.8
39
16.1
22
11.7
15
12.2
16
10.6
14
5.1
6
9.7
GESOP/CEO[p 96] 6–21 Mar 2017 1,500 70 37.0
58/60
[i] [i] 16.1
20/21
12.3
15/16
15.3
18/19
10.0
13
5.9
8
20.9
Metroscopia/El País[p 97][p 98] 10–16 Mar 2017 1,200 ? 11.0 29.2 16.0 13.0 16.0 5.8 4.1 13.2
? 40.2 [i] [i] 16.0 13.0 16.0 5.8 4.1 24.2
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 99] 2–5 Jan 2017 601 ? 17.9
27
25.1
37
16.6
24
11.4
15
10.7
14
9.8
13
4.9
5
7.2
NC Report/La Razón[p 100][p 101] 16–23 Dec 2016 1,000 ? 14.8
20/22
24.1
38/40
16.0
22/24
12.1
15/16
11.9
13/15
9.1
11/13
7.2
8/9
2.2
0
8.1
DYM/CEO[p 102] 12–17 Dec 2016 1,047 70 37.6
59/61
[i] [i] 16.9
22/24
13.8
17/18
12.2
14/15
9.0
11/12
6.0
6/8
20.7
GESOP/El Periódico[p 103][p 104] 12–14 Dec 2016 800 ? 11.5
15/17
30.7
48/50
13.5
17/18
14.4
19/21
12.3
15/16
8.1
10/11
5.2
6
16.3
Opinòmetre/CEO[p 105] 17 Oct–3 Nov 2016 1,500 70 37.4
60/62
[i] [i] 15.7
20/21
11.7
14/15
15.4
19/20
10.0
13/14
5.2
6/8
21.7
ERC[p 106][p 107] 2 Oct 2016 2,000 ? ?
17/20
?
39/40
?
23/25
?
14/17
?
21/22
?
11/12
?
5/6
?
NC Report/La Razón[p 108][p 109] 2–6 Aug 2016 1,255 70 17.2
28
20.3
29
16.7
23
12.3
15
13.9
17
9.1
11
7.5
9
3.1
3
3.1
70 36.0
57
[i] [i] 16.7
23
12.3
15
13.9
17
9.1
11
7.7
10
3.1
2
19.3
Opinòmetre/CEO[p 110] 28 Jun–13 Jul 2016 1,500 70 38.2
60/62
[i] [i] 14.8
18/21
12.8
16/17
16.8
20/22
8.8
11/12
5.2
6/8
21.4
2016 general election 26 Jun 2016 N/A 63.2 13.9
21
18.2
27
10.9
14
16.1
22
24.5
32
13.4
19
6.3
GAD3/La Vanguardia[p 111] 13–16 Jun 2016 800 ? 19.4
31
21.5
33
15.8
22
13.0
16
14.1
18
8.8
12
3.6
3
2.1
GESOP/El Periódico[p 112][p 113] 18–22 Apr 2016 1,600 ? 13.3
20/21
25.6
40/41
16.2
20/21
13.7
18/19
12.3
15/16
9.1
12/13
6.5
7/8
9.4
Opinòmetre/CEO[p 114] 22 Feb–8 Mar 2016 1,500 70 35.8
56/58
[i] [i] 16.7
22/23
12.2
13/14
17.9
21/23
7.0
9/10
7.5
9/11
17.9
Redondo & Asociados[p 115] 3 Jan 2016 ? ? 13.8
22/23
14.7
22/23
12.0
15
14.4
20
22.0
31
10.6
14
8.3
10
7.3
ERC[p 116] 31 Dec 2015 ? ? ?
28/30
?
32/35
?
21/22
?
13/14
?
24/25
?
9/10
?
4/5
?
NC Report/La Razón[p 117][p 118][p 119] 28–31 Dec 2015 1,255 72.5 35.6
56
[i] [i] 21.2
29
12.1
15
9.5
12
8.4
10
8.9
11
2.9
2
14.4
2015 general election 20 Dec 2015 N/A 68.6 15.1
24
16.0
24
13.0
18
15.7
21
24.7
33
11.1
15
1.7
0
8.7
DYM/El Confidencial[p 120] 30 Nov–3 Dec 2015 504 ? 12.6 24.0 23.5 13.0 7.4 7.2 11.8 0.5
? 36.6 [i] [i] 23.5 13.0 7.4 7.2 11.8 13.1
Feedback/La Vanguardia[p 121] 20–27 Nov 2015 1,000 ? 15.9
24/25
21.1
32/34
19.9
27/29
13.5
17/18
8.7
10/12
8.3
10/12
8.3
10
2.2
0
1.3
? 37.6
59/61
[i] [i] 19.7
26/27
13.1
16/17
8.3
9/10
8.7
11/12
9.0
12
1.9
0
17.9
GESOP/CEO[p 122] 16–23 Nov 2015 1,050 72 38.1
58/61
[i] [i] 21.2
28/31
12.4
15/17
9.0
9/11
7.4
9/10
8.5
10/11
16.9
NC Report/La Razón[p 123][p 124] 26–31 Oct 2015 1,255 71.8 36.4
58
[i] [i] 20.9
29
13.0
16
7.6
8
8.7
11
8.6
11
3.1
2
15.5
Opinòmetre/CEO[p 125] 5–27 Oct 2015 2,000 70 39.8
61/63
[i] [i] 18.0
24/26
10.6
14/15
9.3
10/12
7.0
8/10
11.1
14/16
21.8
2015 regional election 27 Sep 2015 N/A 74.9 39.6
62
[i] [i] 17.9
25
12.7
16
8.9
11
8.5
11
8.2
10
2.5
0
21.7

Results

Overall

Summary of the 21 December 2017 Parliament of Catalonia election results →
CataloniaParliamentDiagram2017
Parties and coalitions Popular vote Seats
Votes % ±pp Total +/−
Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (Cs) 1,109,732 25.35 +7.44 36 +11
Together for Catalonia (JuntsxCat)1 948,233 21.66 n/a 34 +3
Republican Left–Catalonia Yes (ERC–CatSí)1 935,861 21.38 n/a 32 +6
Socialists' Party of Catalonia (PSC–PSOE) 606,659 13.86 +1.14 17 +1
Catalonia in Common–We Can (CatComú–Podem)2 326,360 7.46 –1.48 8 –3
Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) 195,246 4.46 –3.75 4 –6
People's Party (PP) 185,670 4.24 –4.25 4 –7
Animalist Party Against Mistreatment of Animals (PACMA) 38,743 0.89 +0.16 0 ±0
Zero CutsGreen Group (Recortes Cero–GV) 10,287 0.24 –0.11 0 ±0
For a Fairer World (PUM+J) 577 0.01 New 0 ±0
Republican Dialogue (Diàleg) 0 0.00 New 0 ±0
Together for Yes independents (JxSí)1 n/a n/a n/a 0 –5
Blank ballots 19,431 0.44 –0.09
Total 4,376,799 135 ±0
Valid votes 4,376,799 99.63 +0.02
Invalid votes 16,092 0.37 –0.02
Votes cast / turnout 4,392,891 79.09 +4.14
Abstentions 1,161,564 20.91 –4.14
Registered voters 5,554,455
Sources[80]
Popular vote
Cs
25.35%
JuntsxCat
21.66%
ERC–CatSí
21.38%
PSC–PSOE
13.86%
CeC–P
7.46%
CUP
4.46%
PP
4.24%
Others
1.13%
Blank ballots
0.44%
Seats
Cs
26.67%
JuntsxCat
25.19%
ERC–CatSí
23.70%
PSC–PSOE
12.59%
CeC–P
5.93%
CUP
2.96%
PP
2.96%

Distribution by constituency

Constituency Cs JxCat ERC PSC CeC–P CUP PP
% S % S % S % S % S % S % S
Barcelona 26.4 24 19.0 17 20.6 18 15.1 13 8.4 7 4.4 3 4.3 3
Girona 19.5 4 36.7 7 21.7 4 8.6 1 4.0 5.3 1 2.9
Lleida 17.0 3 32.5 6 26.7 5 9.0 1 3.9 5.0 4.5
Tarragona 27.4 5 21.7 4 23.7 5 11.8 2 5.4 1 4.0 4.6 1
Total 25.4 36 21.7 34 21.4 32 13.9 17 7.5 8 4.5 4 4.2 4
Sources[80]

Elected members

Aftermath

Initial reactions

The results were announced after polls in the region closed, with Citizens (Cs) becoming the largest party in the regional parliament, but pro-independence parties maintained a majority of seats.[81] Cs gained twelve seats in the election under the leadership of Inés Arrimadas, bringing its total to 36.[82] This meant that the largest party in the region was overtly and directly opposed to independence.[81] However, even this increase in the vote share left it 31 seats short of a majority in the parliament.[7]

Junts per Catalunya (JuntsxCat), the party of Carles Puigdemont, former President of the Government of Catalonia, also saw an increase in its seat total, emerging as the second-largest party in the region with 34 seats. This represented an increase of three seats for the party, which stood on a staunchly pro-independence platform, as dictated by its exiled leader. While the party lost its position as the largest in parliament, the improved performance of the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), a left-wing party also campaigning for independence from Spain, helped ensure that JuntsxCat would maintain its dominant role in regional politics.[83] ERC, under the stewardship of Oriol Junqueras, who served as Vice President of Catalonia under Puigdemont, secured 32 seats, leaving the pro-independence parties a mere two seats short of re-establishing a coalition and holding their majority. These seats were provided by the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP), which, in spite of a severely diminished performance from the previous election, still held four seats, courtesy of a strong performance in Barcelona.[7] This ensured that pro-independence parties were able to maintain their majority in the parliament.[84] Five independent politicians, who were participants in the Junts pel Sí bloc but not party members, lost their seats. Consequently, despite both JuntsxCat and ERC increasing their number of seats, the majority in the parliament for independence was diminished by two seats, but nonetheless maintained.[11] The result was hailed by Puigdemont as a "slap in the face" for Madrid and for Mariano Rajoy.[85]

Government formation

As a result of pro-independence parties securing a parliamentary majority, Arrimadas announced she would not try to form a government on her own, instead waiting and see how negotiations between pro-independence parties evolved.[86] As the candidate of the most-voted party within the pro-independence bloc, Puigdemont intended to be re-elected as President, but this was hampered by the fact he risked being arrested by Spanish authorities upon returning from his self-imposed exile in Brussels, as he was a fugitive from Spain's justice. Further, pro-independence parties could only command 62 seats—six short of a majority—as in practice eight of their elected deputies were either in Brussels with Puigdemont or in preventive detention.[87]

One of these was ERC's leader Oriol Junqueras, who aimed at becoming President himself on the grounds that he could be granted prison permits that allowed him to attend parliamentary plenary sessions, whereas Puigdemont would have it near-impossible to be invested from Brussels—Parliament's regulations required for any candidate to the office to be physically present in the investiture—or to rule Catalonia from abroad.[88][89] Members of JuntsxCat insisted that they would only vote for Puigdemont as President, even if that meant forcing a new election, and claimed that they intended to pressure Mariano Rajoy into allowing Puigdemont's return.[90]

After the Catalan parliament elected Roger Torrent as new speaker, Puigdemont was proposed as candidate for re-election as President of the Government.[91] However, facing arrest on possible charges of rebellion, sedition and misuse of public funds, the Catalan parliament delayed Puigdemont's investiture after Constitutional Court ruled that he could not assume the presidency from abroad.[92][93][94] With other pro-independence leaders assuring the pro-independence movement should outlive Puigdemont in order to end the political deadlock,[95] the former Catalan president announced on 1 March he would step his claim aside in order to allow detained activist Jordi Sànchez, from his Junts per Catalunya alliance, to become President instead.[96] However, as Spain's Supreme Court did not allow Sànchez to be freed from jail to attend his investiture ceremony,[97][98] Sànchez ended up giving up his candidacy on 21 March in favour of former Catalan government spokesman Jordi Turull, who was also under investigation for his role in the referendum.[99][100]

Investiture
Jordi Turull (PDeCAT)
Ballot → 22 March 2018 24 March 2018
Required majority → 68 out of 135 ☒ Simple
64 / 135
Cancelled
(as a result of candidate
Jordi Turull being put
in preventive detention)
65 / 135
4 / 135
2 / 135
Sources[101][102]

Turull was defeated in the first ballot of a hastily convened investiture session held on 22 March, with only his Junts per Catalunya alliance and ERC voting for him and the Popular Unity Candidacy abstaining, resulting in a 64–65 defeat. The next day and less than 24 hours before he was due to attend the second ballot, the Supreme Court announced that thirteen senior Catalan leaders—including Turull—would be charged with rebellion over their roles in the 2017 unilateral referendum and subsequent declaration of independence. In anticipation of this ruling and in order to avoid appearing in court, Marta Rovira—ERC's general secretary and deputy leader to jailed Oriol Junqueras—fled the country to Switzerland in "self-exile". This prompted the Court to rule that Turull and several others would be remanded in custody without bail.[103][104] As a result, the Parliament speaker Roger Torrent cancelled Turull's second investiture ballot.[102] Turull's first ballot nonetheless started the clock towards automatic parliamentary dissolution, meaning a new regional election would be called for 15 July if no candidate was elected as President of the Government before 22 May.[105]

On 12 May, Quim Torra didn't earn the absolute majority support to be invested President, with 66 votes against 65 in the first round (the absolute majority was 68 votes, from 135 total votes).[106] On 14 May, Torra was elected next President of the Government[107] in the second round of vote, with the same results, when only a simple majority was necessary.

Investiture
Quim Torra (Independent)
Ballot → 12 May 2018 14 May 2018
Required majority → 68 out of 135 ☒ Simple ☑
66 / 135
66 / 135
65 / 135
65 / 135
4 / 135
4 / 135
Absentees
0 / 135
0 / 135
Sources[108][109]

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d As a result of the exceptional circumstances amid which the election was held, at the time of the election's call Carles Puigdemont had self-exiled himself to Belgium in order to avoid action from the Spanish judiciary, whereas Oriol Junqueras had been put in preventive detention in Estremera (Community of Madrid).
  2. ^ a b Within the Junts pel Sí alliance in the 2015 election. Totals for ERC–CatSí include DC and MES. Totals for both JuntsxCat and ERC–CatSí include aligned independents who in 2015 ran within the JxSí alliance.
  3. ^ Data for CatSíqueesPot in the 2015 election.
  4. ^ PDeCAT presented itself in a coalition list with its predecessor party, CDC, in order to guarantee public funding for the campaign.[34][35]
  5. ^ 28 PDeCAT, 2 independents.
  6. ^ 22 ERC, 3 DC, 1 MES, 1 independent.
  7. ^ 7 CatComú, 4 Podem.
  8. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar as at au av aw ax ay az ba bb bc Within JuntsxCat.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac ad ae af Within JxSí.

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Catalan independence movement

The Catalan independence movement (Catalan: independentisme català; Spanish: independentismo catalán) is a social and political movement with roots in Catalan nationalism, which seeks the independence of Catalonia from Spain.

The Catalan independence movement began in 1922, when Francesc Macià founded the political party Estat Català (Catalan State). In 1931, Estat Català and other parties formed Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (Republican Left of Catalonia; ERC). Macià proclaimed a Catalan Republic in 1931, subsequently accepting autonomy within the Spanish state after negotiations with the leaders of the Second Spanish Republic. During the Spanish Civil War, General Francisco Franco abolished Catalan autonomy in 1938. Following Franco's death in 1975, Catalan political parties concentrated on autonomy rather than independence.

The modern independence movement began in 2010 when the Constitutional Court of Spain ruled that some of the articles of the 2006 Statute of Autonomy—which had been agreed with the Spanish government and passed by a referendum in Catalonia—were unconstitutional, and others were to be interpreted restrictively. Popular protest against the decision quickly turned into demands for independence. Starting with the town of Arenys de Munt, over 550 municipalities in Catalonia held symbolic referendums on independence between 2009 and 2011. All of the towns returned a high "yes" vote, with a turnout of around 30% of those eligible to vote. A 2010 protest demonstration against the court's decision, organised by the cultural organisation Òmnium Cultural, was attended by over a million people. The popular movement fed upwards to the politicians; a second mass protest on 11 September 2012 (the National Day of Catalonia) explicitly called on the Catalan government to begin the process towards independence. Catalan president Artur Mas called a snap general election, which resulted in a pro-independence majority for the first time in the region's history. The new parliament adopted the Catalan Sovereignty Declaration in early 2013, asserting that the Catalan people had the right to decide their own political future.

The Government of Catalonia announced a referendum on the question of statehood, to be held in November 2014. The referendum asked two questions: "Do you want Catalonia to become a state?" and if so, "Do you want this state to be independent?" The Government of Spain referred the proposed referendum to the Constitutional Court, which ruled it unconstitutional. The Government of Catalonia then changed it from a binding referendum to a non-binding "consultation". Despite the Spanish court also banning the non-binding vote, the Catalan self-determination referendum went ahead on 9 November 2014. The result was an 81% vote for "yes-yes", with a turnout of 42%. Mas called another election for September 2015, which he said would be a plebiscite on independence. Although winning the majority of the seats, Pro-independence parties fell just short of a majority of votes (they got 47%) in the September election.The new parliament passed a resolution declaring the start of the independence process in November 2015. The following year, new president Carles Puigdemont, announced a binding referendum on independence. Although deemed illegal by the Spanish government and Constitutional Court, the referendum was held on 1 October 2017. In a vote where the anti-independence parties called for non-participation, results showed a 90% vote in favour of independence, with a turnout of 43%. Based on this result, on 27 October 2017 the Parliament of Catalonia approved a resolution creating an independent Republic unilaterally, by a vote considered illegal by the lawyers of the Parliament of Catalonia for violating the decisions of the Constitutional Court of Spain.In the Parliament of Catalonia, parties explicitly supporting independence are Partit Demòcrata Europeu Català (PDeCAT), formerly named Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya (CDC); Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya (ERC), and Candidatura d'Unitat Popular (CUP). Parties opposed to the regional independence are Ciutadans (Citizens), the PP Català (People's Party), the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC), and Podemos, the third largest party in the Spanish parliament. The latter supports a legal and agreed referendum.

Its main symbol is the Estelada flag, which has blue and red versions. The Senyera Estelada is a combination of the traditional Catalan Senyera with the Cuban and Puerto Rican revolutionary flags of the early 20th century. Since then, the Estelada has taken many forms, with the Estelada Vermella associated with left-wing Republicanism, the Estelada Blava representing a more conservative mainstream movement, and even the Estelada Blaugrana a flag for Pro-Independence supporters of FC Barcelona.

Catalunya en Comú

Catalunya en Comú (English: "Catalonia in Common", CatComú), previously Un País en Comú (English: "A Country in Common") and collectively dubbed as Comuns (English: Commons), is a political party that is to succeed the electoral alliances of Catalunya Sí que es Pot and En Comú Podem at a permanent basis. The foundation of the party has been supported by Initiative for Catalonia Greens, United and Alternative Left, Barcelona en Comú and Equo. The founding manifesto was presented on 19 December 2016 and its first public event was held in Barcelona on 29 January 2017. Its spokesman is En Comú Podem's spokesperson in the Congress of Deputies, Xavier Domenech, with the new party being sponsored by mayor of Barcelona Ada Colau.It was proposed that the definitive name be Catalunya en Comú (Catalan for Catalonia in Common), En Comú Podem (In Common We Can), En Comú (In Common) or Comuns (Commons). In the end, the chosen name was Catalunya en Comú. It will contest the 2017 Catalan regional election under the Catalunya en Comú–Podem label, in coalition with Podemos.

Catalunya en Comú–Podem

Catalunya en Comú–Podem (English: "Catalonia in Common–We Can", CatComú–Podem), alternatively spelled out as Catalunya–En Comú Podem (English: Catalonia–In Common We Can), is a left-wing and self-governance electoral alliance in Catalonia formed by Catalunya en Comú and Podem to contest the 2017 Catalan regional election. Successor of the coalition Catalunya Sí que es Pot, which was elected in 2015, its candidacy is led by Xavier Domènech.

Citizens (Spanish political party)

Citizens (Spanish: Ciudadanos [θjuðaˈðanos] listen ; Catalan: Ciutadans [siwtəˈðans]; Basque: Hiritarrak; Galician: Cidadáns; shortened as Cs—C's until January 2017), officially Citizens–Party of the Citizenry (Ciudadanos–Partido de la Ciudadanía), is a centre to centre-right political party in Spain.

Originating in Catalonia in 2006, the party received over 25% of votes and 36 deputies in the December 2017 Catalan regional election, making it the largest single party in the Parliament of Catalonia. Nevertheless, it has never taken power so their actual political stance remains a source of controversy between supporters and adversaries beyond their strong opposition to Catalan nationalism, of which there is no disputation. The party used the phrase "Catalonia is my homeland, Spain is my country and Europe is our future" to outline the party's ideology, which the party self-describes as postnationalist. In spite of that, it has deemed by a variety of sources (including a peer-reviewed article) to profess a populist Spanish nationalist ideology. Citizens used to present itself as a centre-left party that offered a mix of social-democratic and liberal-progressive positions on its platform; however, the party has more recently been described by media and CIS (a Spanish public research institute) as right-oriented.

Democratic Convergence of Catalonia

The Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (Catalan: Convergència Democràtica de Catalunya; IPA: [kumbəɾˈʒɛnsi.ə ðəmuˈkɾatikə ðə kətəˈluɲə], CDC) was a Catalan nationalist and liberal political party in Catalonia (Spain).

It was the largest political organization in the Autonomous Community of Catalonia, with more than 60,000 members. The last president of Democratic Convergence of Catalonia before its refoundation as the Catalan European Democratic Party was Artur Mas, and its General Secretary were Josep Rull i Andreu and Jordi Turull i Negre.Rather than using its full acronym (CDC) the party was frequently referred to just as Convergència, and its members convergents in Catalan or convergentes in Spanish.

Democratic Union of Catalonia

The Democratic Union of Catalonia (Catalan: Unió Democràtica de Catalunya; IPA: [uniˈo ðəmuˈkɾatikə ðə kətəˈluɲə], UDC) was a regionalist and Christian democratic political party in the Catalonia region of Spain. Together with the Democratic Convergence of Catalonia, until 2015 it was part of the Convergence and Union (CiU) coalition. They ruled the Generalitat de Catalunya until its breakup.

It described itself as Catalan nationalist and Christian democrat, and was a member of the European People's Party (EPP), and a full member of The Union of the Robert Schuman Institute for Developing Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe located in Budapest, Hungary.

Initiative for Catalonia Greens–United and Alternative Left

Initiative for Catalonia Greens–United and Alternative Left (Catalan for Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds–Esquerra Unida i Alternativa) was an electoral coalition formed by Initiative for Catalonia Greens and United and Alternative Left to contest elections in Catalonia. Since 2015 both parties have participated in several coalitions: En Comú Podem for the 2015 and 2016 general elections, Catalunya Sí que es Pot for the 2015 Catalan regional election, and Catalunya en Comú for the 2017 Catalan regional election. Currently, they are represented in the Spanish Congress of Deputies within En Comú Podem and in the Parliament of Catalonia within Catalunya en Comú–Podem.

Junts pel Sí

Junts pel Sí (IPA: [ˈʒuns pəl ˈsi]; English: Together for Yes; JxSí) was a Catalan political alliance and parliamentary group focused on achieving the independence of Catalonia from Spain. First standing in the 2015 Catalan regional election, it was composed of the Democratic Convergence of Catalonia (CDC), the Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC), Democrats of Catalonia (DC) and the Left Movement (MES). The Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) had been invited to participate in the alliance, but refused to do so and ran on its own instead.

The coalition was led by Raül Romeva, PhD in international relations and former eco-socialist MEP; Carme Forcadell, a linguist and former president of the Catalan National Assembly (ANC); Muriel Casals, economist and former president of Òmnium Cultural; President of the Generalitat of Catalonia and CDC leader Artur Mas and ERC leader Oriol Junqueras.

It formed a minority government since the 2015 election with confidence and supply support from the CUP, it was responsible for organising the 2017 Catalan independence referendum. On 4 November 2017, ERC chose not to rejoin JxSí ahead of the 2017 Catalan regional election.

Junts per Catalunya

Junts per Catalunya (English: Together for Catalonia, JuntsxCat) is a Catalan political platform centered around former President of the Generalitat of Catalonia Carles Puigdemont and formed by the Catalan European Democratic Party (PDeCAT), successor of the now defunct Democratic Convergence of Catalonia, and independents to contest the 2017 Catalan regional election. The PDeCAT would provide the core of the platform, but it was to be structured as Puigdemont's personal list composed of figures from the civil society instead of a party list.This came upon Puigdemont's rejection to lead a PDeCAT-only list into the 21 December election, instead favouring a "country list" after both Republican Left of Catalonia (ERC) and the Popular Unity Candidacy (CUP) rejected a new Junts pel Sí coalition.

Occitania

Occitania (Occitan: Occitània, IPA: [utsiˈtanjɔ], locally [u(k)siˈtanjɔ], [ukʃiˈtanjɔ] or [u(k)siˈtanja]) is the historical region and a nation, in southern Europe where Occitan was historically the main language spoken, and where it is sometimes still used, for the most part as a second language. This cultural area roughly encompasses the southern third of France, as well as part of Spain (Aran Valley), Monaco, and smaller parts of Italy (Occitan Valleys, Guardia Piemontese). Occitania has been recognized as a linguistic and cultural concept since the Middle Ages, but has never been a legal nor a political entity under this name, although the territory was united in Roman times as the Seven Provinces (Latin: Septem Provinciæ) and in the Early Middle Ages (Aquitanica or the Visigothic Kingdom of Toulouse, or the share of Louis the Pious following Thionville divisio regnorumi in 806).

Currently about 200,000–800,000 people out of 16 million living in the area are either native or proficient speakers of Occitan, although the languages more usually spoken in the area are French, Catalan, Spanish and Italian. Since 2006, the Occitan language has been an official language of Catalonia, which includes the Aran Valley where Occitan gained official status in 1990.

Under Roman rule, most of Occitania was known as Aquitania, the earlier conquered territories were known as Provincia Romana (see modern Provence), while the northern provinces of what is now France were called Gallia (Gaul). Under the Later Empire, both were grouped in the Seven Provinces, then Nine Provinces or Viennensis. So Provence and Gallia Aquitania (or Aquitanica) are the names used since medieval times for Occitania (i.e. Limousin, Auvergne, Languedoc and Gascony). Thus the historic Duchy of Aquitaine must not be confused with the modern French region called Aquitaine: this is the main reason why the term Occitania was revived in the mid-19th century. The names "Occitania" and "Occitan language" (Occitana lingua) appeared in Latin texts from as early as 1242–1254 to 1290 and during the following years of the early 14th century; texts exist in which the area is referred to indirectly as "the country of the Occitan language" (Patria Linguae Occitanae). The name Lenga d'òc that was used in Italian (Lingua d'òc) by Dante in the late 13th century. The somewhat uncommon ending of the term Occitania is most probably a portmanteau French clerks coined from òc [ɔk] and Aquitània [ɑkiˈtanjɑ], thus blending the language and the land in just one concept.On 28 September 2016 Occitanie became the name of the administrative region that succeeded the regions of Midi-Pyrénées and Languedoc-Roussillon, it is a small part of Occitania.

Popular Unity Candidacy–Constituent Call

Popular Unity Candidacy–Constituent Call (Catalan: Candidatura d'Unitat Popular–Crida Constituent, CUP–CC) is a pro-Catalan independence left-wing coalition, formed in 2015 to contest the Catalan regional election scheduled for 27 September that year.It is supported by Popular Unity Candidacy, Col·lectiu Drassanes, Constituents per la Ruptura, Internationalist Struggle, In Struggle, Corrent Roig, The Greens–Green Alternative, Endavant, Poble Lliure, Arran, Sindicat d'Estudiants dels Països Catalans, Coordinadora Obrera Sindical and local parties Alternativa d'Esquerres de Cornellà, Alternativa d'Esquerres del Prat, Compromís per Ripollet and Alternativa Ciutadana de Rubí. The coalition was led into the 2015 election by Antonio Baños, journalist and writer, and Anna Gabriel, community worker and professor. Its 2015 candidacy also included Julià de Jòdar, historian and writer; Manuel Delgado, art historian and anthropologist; Sergi López, actor and Oleguer Presas, economist and former footballer.

On 12 November 2017, alliance members voted in favour of contesting the 2017 Catalan regional election.

Radical centrism

Radical centrism (also called the radical center/centre or radical middle) is a political ideology that arose in the Western nations in the late 20th century. At first it was defined in a variety of ways, but at the beginning of the 21st century a number of political science texts gave it a more developed cast.The radical in the term refers to a willingness on the part of most radical centrists to call for fundamental reform of institutions. The centrism refers to a belief that genuine solutions require realism and pragmatism, not just idealism and emotion. One radical centrist text defines radical centrism as "idealism without illusions", a phrase originally from John F. Kennedy.Radical centrists typically borrow ideas from the left, the right, and elsewhere, often melding them together. Most support market-based solutions to social problems with strong governmental oversight in the public interest. There is support for increased global engagement and the growth of an empowered middle class in developing countries. Many radical centrists work within the major political parties, but also support independent or third-party initiatives and candidacies.One common criticism of radical centrism is that its policies are only marginally different from conventional centrist policies. Another is that radical centrists' penchant for relying on newly-formed third parties is naïve and self-defeating. Some observers see radical centrism as primarily a process of catalyzing dialogue and fresh thinking among polarized people and groups.

Tabarnia

Tabarnia (Catalan pronunciation: [təβəɾˈni.ə]; Spanish: [taˈβaɾnja]) is a fictional region within Catalonia, a satirical parody of the Catalan independence movement and a movement against the independence of Catalonia from Spain advocating a referendum to create a new Spanish autonomous community out of coastal urban parts of Catalonia that would decide to remain part of Spain in case of a hypothetical Catalan independence. It would encompass the current Catalan comarques of Maresme, Baix Camp, Baix Penedès, Alt Penedès, Garraf, Baix Llobregat, Barcelonès, Vallès Oriental, Vallès Occidental and Tarragonés.

Proponents believe the area somewhat corresponds to the historic County of Barcelona, although its extent is considerably different.

This proposal, from a platform created in 2011, was shown to map the electoral results of the Catalan regional election of 21 December 2017, which provoked renewed interest. The word 'Tabarnia' went viral on 26 December 2017, reaching worldwide top-trending status with over 648,000 mentions. The first major demonstration organized by the Tabarnia movement took place in Barcelona on 4 March 2018, with 15,000 participants according to the Guarda Urbana and 200,000 according to organizers.The reaction from Catalan pro-secession movements has been very critical, with some separatists using the same arguments against the proposal to create Tabarnia as those used by those who oppose the creation of an independent Catalan Republic. Jaume Vives, the self-claimed spokesman for the Tabarnia proposal, stated: "It is starting to achieve its objective, that the (Catalan) independentists start debunking their own arguments."Currently it is not known who is in charge of the so-called Tabarnia movement and who invented the original concept of Tabarnia. Jaume Vives, simpathizer of the far-right Spanish party Vox, and Albert Boadella, considered one of the founders of Ciudadanos, have self-proclaimed to be the spokesman and president of Tabarnia. Miquel Martinez presents itself as the representative of Platform for Tabarnia, but in the association registry of Catalonia only exists the "Associació Somos Tabarnia" (Association We are Tabarnia). At a Spain level two other platforms exist: "Coordinadora por Tabarnia" and "Asamblea Nacional de Tabarnia".Several unionist parties have publicized and participated in events in support of the idea of Tabarnia, those include Ciudadanos, Partido Popular and the far-right anti-immigrant parties Vox and Plataforma per Catalunya.

The Greens–Green Alternative

The Greens–Green Alternative (Catalan: Els Verds–Alternativa Verda, EV–AV) is a political party based in Catalonia, founded in 1999 after the dissolution of The Greens–Ecologist Confederation of Catalonia.The party supported Junts per Catalunya ahead of the 2017 Catalan regional election.

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