1934 Montreux Fascist conference

The Fascist International Congress was a meeting held by deputies from a number of European Fascist organizations. The conference was held on 16–17 December 1934 in Montreux, Switzerland. The conference was organised and chaired by Comitati d'Azione per l'Universalità di Roma (CAUR), or the Action Committees for the Universality of Rome.


CAUR was a network founded in 1933 by Benito Mussolini's Fascist Regime. CAUR's director was Eugenio Coselschi, and its stated goal was to act as a network for a "Fascist International"[1] Major obstacles arose in the organisation's attempt to identify a "universal fascism" and the criteria that an organisation must fulfil in order to qualify as "fascist".[1] Nevertheless, by April 1934 the network had identified "fascist" movements in 39 countries, including all European countries except Yugoslavia, as well as the United States, Canada, Australia, South Africa, five countries in Asia and six in Latin America.[1] As different groups tried to obtain subsidies all manners of conflicts arose on issues such as racism, anti-Semitism, corporatism and state structure.[2]


Montreux conferenza
Countries of Origin for Montreux Conference Participants.

The first world conference of the CAUR convened at Montreux on 16 December. Participants from fascist organisations in 13 European countries attended, including Ion Moța of Romania's Iron Guard, Vidkun Quisling of Norway's Nasjonal Samling, George S. Mercouris of the Greek National Socialist Party, Ernesto Giménez Caballero of the Spanish Falange movement, Eoin O'Duffy of the Irish Blueshirts, Marcel Bucard of the French Mouvement Franciste,[3] representatives from Lithuania's Tautininkai,[4] the Portuguese Acção Escolar Vanguarda (Vanguard School Action) and União Nacional of Salazar, were headed by António Eça de Queiroz (son of the famous writer, and future head of the Emissora Nacional, the National Radio Station of Portugal),[5] as well as delegates from Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Greece, the Netherlands and Switzerland.

Notable in their absence were any representatives from Nazi Germany.[6] The conference in Montreux occurred only six months after the assassination of the Austrofascist Austrian chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss by Nazi agents and the resulting diplomatic crisis between Italy and Germany. Likewise, Mussolini did not allow any official representative of the Italian Fascist Party to attend the meeting, ostensibly in order to see what the conference could achieve before lending full official support.[6] José Antonio Primo de Rivera, while allowing members of the Falange to participate, stated that the Falange as an organisation would not be represented, as the CAUR was "not a Fascist movement".[7] Other notable absences included the Austrian Ernst Rudiger von Starhemberg and any representatives from the British Union of Fascists.[6]


From the outset, the conference was marred by serious conflicts between the participants. Coselschi, acting as President of the Conference, clashed with Quisling over the importance of Nazi Germany to international fascism.[6] Moța, supported by the Danish and Swiss delegates, likewise created a rift by underlining the centrality of anti-Semitism to fascist movements, a move opposed by Coselschi and O'Duffy.[6] The Romanian Iron Guard stressed the need for race to be an integral component of fascism.[8]

On the matter of anti-Semitism, several compromise resolutions were adopted. These declared that "the Jewish question cannot be converted into a universal campaign of hatred against the Jews" while also stating, "Considering that in many places certain groups of Jews are installed in conquered countries, exercising in an open and occult manner an influence injurious to the material and moral interests of the country which harbors them, constituting a sort of state within a state, profiting by all benefits and refusing all duties, considering that they have furnished and are inclined to furnish, elements conducive to international revolution which would be destructive to the idea of patriotism and Christian civilisation, the Conference denounces the nefarious action of these elements and is ready to combat them.".[6]

The delegates at the conference also unanimously declared their opposition to communist movements and the Third International.[6]


A second and final conference was held in Montreux in April 1935. José Antonio Primo de Rivera made a brief appearance at this conference, using the opportunity to express sympathies with the movement while stating that Spain was not ready to participate in any venture of international fascism because his movement was estrictamente nacional (strictly national).[9]

The conference was not able to bridge the gulf between those participants who proposed achieving national integration by a corporative socio-economic policy and those who favored an appeal to race.[10] Pretensions to "universal fascism" could not survive this rift, and the movement did not meet its goal of acting as a counterbalance to international communism.[10]

The CAUR did not win official endorsement from the Italian Fascist Party or the Spanish Falange. It was unsuccessful either to present a commonly agreed definition as to what "fascism" was or to unite most major fascist parties into one international movement.

See also


  1. ^ a b c Payne, Stanley G. "Fascist Italy and Spain, 1922–1945". Spain and the Mediterranean Since 1898, Raanan Rein, ed. page 105. London, 1999
  2. ^ Payne, Stanley G. "Fascist Italy and Spain, 1922–1945". Spain and the Mediterranean Since 1898, Raanan Rein, ed. page 105. London, 1999
  3. ^ Bingham, John. "Defining French Fascism, Finding Fascists in France". Canadian Journal of History, Dec. 1994.
  4. ^ Griffin, Roger. The Nature of Fascism St. Martin's Press, New York. 1991, page 121
  5. ^ Cordeiro, Filipe. Nacional Sindicalismo / Estado Novo / Archived 2009-01-15 at the Wayback Machine. Unica Semper Avis, website of the Causa Real (federation of Portuguese Monarchist associations), 18 October 2001 09:58:07 PM
  6. ^ a b c d e f g "Pax Romanizing". TIME Magazine, 31 December 1934
  7. ^ Payne, Stanley G. "Fascist Italy and Spain, 1922–1945". Spain and the Mediterranean Since 1898, Raanan Rein, ed. page 106. London, 1999
  8. ^ Morgan, Philip. Fascism in Europe, 1919–1945. London, UK; New York, USA: Routledge, 2003. Pp. 169-170.
  9. ^ Payne, Stanley G. "Fascist Italy and Spain, 1922–1945". Spain and the Mediterranean Since 1898, Raanan Rein, ed. page 107. London, 1999
  10. ^ a b Cassels, Alan. Ideology and International Relations in the Modern World Routledge, New York. page 158
Argentine Fascist Party

The Argentine Fascist Party (Partido Fascista Argentino, PFA) was a fascist political party in Argentina from 1932 until its official disbandment in 1936, when it was succeeded by the National Fascist Union (Union Nacional Fascista, UNF). Founded by Italian Argentines, the party was formed as a breakaway faction from Argentina's National Fascist Party (Partido Nacional Fascista, PNF). It was based upon Italian Fascism and was recognized by Benito Mussolini's Italian National Fascist Party in 1935. In the 1930s the party became a mass organization, particularly in Córdoba. Nicholás Vitelli led the PFA's branch in Córdoba until his death in 1934, whereafter Nimio de Anquín took the leadership of the party. The PFA's main political allies in Córdoba were the Argentine Civic Legion and the Nationalist Action of Argentina/Affirmation of a New Argentina movement.

Argentine Patriotic League

The Argentine Patriotic League (Liga Patriótica Argentina) was a Nacionalista paramilitary group, officially created in Buenos Aires on January 16, 1919, during the Tragic week events. Presided over by Manuel Carlés, a professor at the Military College and the Escuela Superior de Guerra, it also counted among its members the deputy Santiago G. O'Farrell (1861-1926). The League was merged into the Argentine Civic Legion in 1931. The Argentine Patriotic League formed part of a larger movement of patriotic leagues active in Chile and Argentina during the early 20th century.

Blueshirts (Falange)

The Blueshirts (Spanish: Camisas Azules) was the Falangist paramilitary militia in Spain. The name refers to the blue uniform worn by members of the militia. The colour blue was chosen for the uniforms in 1934 by the FE de las JONS because it was, according to José Antonio Primo de Rivera, "clear, whole, and proletarian," and is the colour typically worn by mechanics, as the Falange sought to gain support among the Spanish working class. In Francoist Spain the Blueshirts were officially reorganized and officially renamed the Falange Militia of the FET y de las JONS in 1940.

Brit HaBirionim

Brit HaBirionim (Hebrew: ברית הבריונים, The Strongmen Alliance (Alliance of Thugs)) was a clandestine, self-declared fascist faction of the Revisionist Zionist Movement (ZRM) in Mandatory Palestine, active between 1930 and 1933. It was founded by the trio of Abba Ahimeir, Uri Zvi Greenberg and Yehoshua Yeivin.


Crypto-fascism is the secret support for, or admiration of, fascism. The term is used to imply that an individual or group keeps this support or admiration hidden to avoid political persecution or political suicide. The common usage is "crypto-fascist", one who practices this support.


Fascio (pronounced [ˈfaʃʃo]; plural fasci) is an Italian word literally meaning "a bundle" or "a sheaf", and figuratively "league", and which was used in the late 19th century to refer to political groups of many different (and sometimes opposing) orientations. A number of nationalist fasci later evolved into the 20th century Fasci movement, which became known as fascism.

Fascism in Canada

Fascism in Canada (French: Fascisme au Canada) consisted of a variety of movements and political parties in Canada during the 20th century. Largely a fringe ideology, fascism has never commanded a large following amongst the Canadian people, and was most popular during the Great Depression. Most Canadian fascist leaders were interned at the outbreak of World War II under the Defence of Canada Regulations and in the post-war period, fascism never recovered its former small influence.

The Canadian Union of Fascists, based in Winnipeg, Manitoba, was modeled on Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists. Its leader was Chuck Crate.

Parti National Social Chrétien was founded in Quebec in February 1934 by Adrien Arcand. In October 1934, the party merged with the Canadian Nationalist Party, which was based in the prairie provinces. In June 1938, it merged with Nazi groups from Ontario and Quebec (many of which were known as Swastika clubs), to form the National Unity Party.Fascist concepts and policies, such as eugenics, formulated in the US, found a friendly reception in Canada in some provinces, such as Alberta, where, under a Social Credit government, alleged mental defectives and other 'non-producers' were involuntarily sterilized to prevent the birth of more similar people. Social democrat Tommy Douglas, Premier of Saskatchewan, wrote his 1933 master thesis paper endorsing some of the ideas of eugenics, but later abandoned and rejected such notions.

Heroic capitalism

Heroic capitalism or dynamic capitalism was a concept that Italian Fascism took from Werner Sombart's explanations of capitalist development. This phase was known by Sombart as early capitalism. In 1933, Benito Mussolini claimed that capitalism began with dynamic or heroic capitalism (1830-1870) followed by static capitalism (1870-1914) and then reached its final form of decadent capitalism, known also as supercapitalism, which began in 1914.Mussolini argued that although he did not support this type of capitalism he considered it at least a dynamic and heroic form. Some Fascists, including Mussolini, considered it a contribution to the industrialism and technical developments, but they claimed not to favour the creation of supercapitalism in Italy due to its strong agricultural sector.Mussolini claimed that dynamic or heroic capitalism inevitably degenerates into static capitalism and then supercapitalism due to the concepts of bourgeois economic individualism. Instead, he proposed a state supervised economy, although he contrasted it to Russian state supercapitalism. Italian Fascism presented the economic system of corporatism as the solution that would preserve private initiatives and property while allowing the state and the syndicalist movement to intervene in the economy in the matters where private initiative intervenes in public affairs. This system would lead also to some nationalizations when necessary and the greatest participation of the employees in all the aspects of the company and in the utility given by the company.

Left-wing fascism

Left-wing fascism and left fascism are sociological and philosophical terms used to categorize tendencies in left-wing politics otherwise commonly attributed to the ideology of fascism. Fascism has historically been considered a far-right ideology.The term has its origins with criticism by Vladimir Lenin of the threat of anti-Marxist ultraleftism before being formulated as a position by sociologists Jürgen Habermas and Irving Louis Horowitz. Another early use of the term is by Victor Klemperer, when describing the close similarities between the National Socialist regime and the German Democratic Republic.

List of fascist movements by country

This is a list of political parties, organizations, and movements that have been claimed to follow some form of fascist ideology. Since definitions of fascism vary, entries in this list may be controversial. For a discussion of the various debates surrounding the nature of fascism, see fascism and ideology and definitions of fascism.

This list has been divided into four sections for reasons of length:

List of fascist movements by country A–F

List of fascist movements by country G–M

List of fascist movements by country N–T

List of fascist movements by country U–Z

National Fascist Party (Argentina)

The National Fascist Party of Argentina (Partido Nacional Fascista) was a fascist political party formed in 1923. In 1932, a group broke away from the party to form the Argentine Fascist Party, which eventually became a mass movement in the Córdoba region of Argentina.

National Fascist Union (Argentina)

The National Fascist Union (Unión Nacional Fascista, UNF) was a fascist political party formed in Argentina in 1936, as the successor to the Argentine Fascist Party.In August 1936, UNF leader Nimio de Anquín attempted to force students at a law school in Cordoba to pledge a statement of support for the Spanish general Francisco Franco. Police responded with a crackdown against Argentine nationalists. Support for the UNF surged after two nationalists were shot in the Colegio Montserrat in 1938. In the aftermath of the Montserrat murders, Anquin denounced the middle and upper class for complicity and cowardice and claimed that "communism, Judaism, and degenerate Radicalism" were responsible for causing the murders. Anquín called for the mourners to swear "by God, honour, and the Fatherland, to return the homicidal bullet".By 1939, the UNF was largely defunct, and Anquín returned to his hometown to resume his earlier career as a lecturer.


Neosocialism was the name of a political faction that existed in France during the 1930s and in Belgium around the same time and which included several revisionist tendencies in the French Section of the Workers' International (SFIO). Step by step, the faction distanced itself from revolutionary Marxism and reformist socialism, instead advocating a revolution from above which they termed as a constructive revolution. Neosocialists came to oppose the majority of the socialists in France National Assembly and the faction was expelled from SFIO.

Originally linked to fascist politics in France, neosocialists expressed admiration for Italian fascism. This ideological orientation later emerged in the newly formed Neosocialist Party which advocated authoritarianism and antisemitic policies as well as intimate cooperation with the Nazis.

Palingenetic ultranationalism

Palingenetic ultranationalism is a theory concerning generic fascism formulated by British political theorist Roger Griffin. The key element of this theory is the belief that fascism can be defined by its core myth, namely that of revolution in order to achieve a "national rebirth" — palingenesis. Griffin argues that the unique synthesis of palingenesis and ultranationalism differentiates fascism from para-fascism and other authoritarian nationalist ideologies. This is what he calls the "fascist minimum" without which there is no fascism.The idea was first put forth in the 1991 book The Nature of Fascism, and has been expanded in a paper titled "Staging The Nation's Rebirth: The Politics and Aesthetics of Performance in the Context of Fascist Studies" in the 1994 volume Fascism and Theatre: The Politics and Aesthetics in the Era of Fascism.

Political international

A political international is a transnational organization of political parties having similar ideology or political orientation (e.g. communism, socialism, capitalism, and Islamism). The international works together on points of agreement to co-ordinate activity.

Political internationals have increased in popularity and influence since their beginnings in the political left of 19th-century Europe as political activists have paid more attention to developments for or against their own ideological favor in other countries and continents. After World War II, other ideological movements formed their own political internationals in order to communicate among aligned parliamentarians and legislative candidates as well as to communicate with intergovernmental and supranational organisations such as the United Nations and later the European Union. Internationals also form supranational and regional branches (e.g. a European branch or an African branch) and maintain fraternal or governing relationships with sector-specific wings (e.g. youth or women's wings).

Internationals usually do not have a significant role. Internationals provide the parties an opportunity for sharing of experience. The parties belonging to internationals have various obligations and can be expelled for not meeting those obligations. For example, during the 2011 Arab spring the Socialist International expelled the governing parties of Tunisia and Egypt for performing actions incompatible with values of this international.

Popular Socialist Vanguard

The Vanguardia Popular Socialista (VPS, Popular Socialist Vanguard) was a far-right Chilean political party created in 1938. It was the direct heir of the National Socialist Movement of Chile (MNS) and founded as a consequence of the failed fascist coup in 1938 and its repression. It included Jorge González von Marées and Miguel Serrano, while former MNS member Carlos Keller refused to join it. The VPS obtained 2,5% at the 1941 legislative elections, having two deputies elected

The VPS was dissolved in 1942, the majority of its members joining Juan Gómez Millas' Unión Nacionalista de Chile.

Proletarian nation

Proletarian nation was a term used by 20th century Italian nationalist intellectuals such as Enrico Corradini and later adopted by Italian Fascist leader Benito Mussolini to refer to Italy and other poorer countries that were subordinate to the Western imperialist powers. These powers were described by Mussolini as "plutocratic nations" (nazioni plutocratiche). Corradini associated the proletariat with the economic function of production and believed that the producers should be at the forefront of a new imperialist proletarian nation. Mussolini considered that the military struggles unfolding in Europe in the mid-20th century could have revolutionary consequences that could lead to an improvement in the position of Italy in comparison with the major imperialist powers such as Britain.

Nazism rejected the Marxist concept of internationalist class struggle, it identified "class struggle between nations" and sought to resolve internal class struggle in the nation while it identified Germany as a proletarian nation fighting against plutocratic nations.

Tropical fascism

In African political science, tropical fascism is a type of post-colonial state which is either considered fascist or is seen to have strong fascist tendencies. Gnassingbé Eyadéma dictator of Togo and leader of the Rally of the Togolese People, Mobutu Sese Seko dictator of Zaire and leader of the Popular Movement of the Revolution and Idi Amin dictator of Uganda have all been considered an example of tropical fascism in Africa. The Coalition for the Defence of the Republic and larger Hutu Power movement, a Hutu ultranationalist and supremacist movement that organized and committed the Rwandan Genocide aimed at exterminating the Tutsi people of Rwanda, has been regarded as a prominent example of tropical fascism in Africa. Pol Pot and The Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia has been called a tropical fascist regime, as they officially renounced communism in 1981.

Young Egypt Party (1933)

The Young Egypt Party (Arabic: حزب مصر الفتاة‎, Misr El-Fatah) was an Egyptian political party.


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